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·THE BIRTH-PIACE OF KALIDASA.

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·THE BIRTH-PIACE OF KALIDASA.

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·THE DELHI UNIVERSITY PUBLICATIONS
NO. I.
THE
BIRTH-PLACE OF KALIDASA
WITH NOTLS RICERENCI, IND APPFVDICES, Ero
BY
Pandit Lachhmi Dhar Kalla, M.A, M.O.L., Shastri ;
PANJAB UNIVERSITY (TOLD VFDALIDI, 1,171
GOVERNMENT or IDI RIS ARCHI SCHOLAR IV 11 HLOJO Y,
RFADER 4VD Hian OP THE DIAPOYENT OF SAVSKRIT AVD
HINDI, DELHI UNIVERSITY
Lecturer, St. Stephen's College, Delhi.
STIHL
VERSITY
SOF BELT
1926.
Printed by
Pt Milkhi Ram Manager, at the imperial Book Depot Press,
DELHI

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·TO THE SACRED MEMORY
OF
MY FATHER
PANDIT BANSI DHAR JEE KALLA GURU.

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·PREFACE. This paper on the birth-place of Kalidasa embodies a series of university-lectures, delivered to the post-graduate students, at the University of Delhi A public lecture on the subject was also delivered at St Stephen's College, Delhi, under the presidentship of the Hon'ble Mr Khaparde, an old and able scholar of Sanskrit, who in his concluding speech remarked that he agreed with the lecturer in thinking that Kalidasa was a native of Kashmir No less encouraging were the remarks conveyed to the present writer, by Raja Hari Kishen Kaul V A, CIE, a veteran scholar, Mahamahopadhyaya Vidya Sagar Har Narain Shastri, Mr Shyama Sur der Misra and the other Maharastra scholars of Sanskrit who attended the meet ing and felt impressed with the arguments in favour of Kashmir being the birth place of Kalidasa A demand was made for publication of the paper The Academic Council of the Delhi University having received high opinions of the paper, from Dr Ganga Nath Jha of Allah bad and Dr Dhruva of the Benares University, recommended its publication to the executive council and the paper is now before the learned scholars in its present form, to judge what worth it is In writing this paper, I flatter myçelf with two pieces of research first, I have discovered (Have 1?) the birth place of Kalidasa, secondly, his philosophy of life, that is a keynote to his poetry,-- most fascinating study that is not yet taken up by any student of Kalidasa Indeed, it is charming to note that with the fire of this imagination Kalidasa combines the cool contemplation of a philosopher The reader will find that the plots and incidents in the works of Kalidasa are modelled on the lines of the Pratyabhijna philosophy of Kashmir with its initial (urse, and a fixed period of separation, and final union by recognition A christian student of Kalidasa will be interested to note a general affinity between the Christian thought and that of Kalidasa, which affınıty, no doubt, is based on the affinity between Christianity and the Saiva Siddhanta of Kashmir, which Kalidasa closely follows Like Christianity and some forms of Hinduism, Kalidasa believes in personal God or Creator (soa famed), in world as an expression of His love (पार्वती परमेश्वरी) कद्र पेदमुमाकतव्यतिरेखा विभक्त विषा-thus Kalidasa. approaches nature through Lore only, (see note 128-131), he also believes in suffering as an instrument of love and a necessary ineans to the realization of God's power and joy in af gangat fave KS, as well as in the utility of experience or creation for purposes of recognition of unity of the Divine loze (see note 146) The initial carse (+79) that produces a gap in the unity of love, in Kalidasa, (see note 165–168) bears resemblance vith ·> the Christian ider of initial sin that separates man from God; and the idea of sprvice as the rule of conduct on carth (tanca:, 79794931719uF 1791a: Suk.VII). anıl of Goil's grace-7q7 (see note 1.!!) and of prayeron levotion (cf. FzTay: FRETT ufifiagat: V.U.I.) (also cf. 48 jaa: Oi Parvati K.S.) as a means to realiziation of Gort are in iotal agreement with Christinnity. But Kalidasa in conformity with the Pratyabhijna philosoplay' of Kashmir adds a thought to Christianity and the existing beliefs of his time. in India, outside Kashmir, in consiilering rccognition is the only way to realization of God's poico (ut fatis in man: cf. ATSETTISITMA Statūtā (Sak. VI)—for he Trings about union of love in his works always through recognition (seo nutes 165-108.) All these meanings will be brought home to the reader's mind), iſ he tries to follow the Dhrani of the writings of Kalidasa. Kalidasa is noted for his suggestive style of writing and he is such a perfect in.stor of the art of expressing meaning by suggestion that his poetic talents may be supposed to be cultivated in the cominy. naneli Kashmir, which in later times gave birth to a definite school of rhetoricians that recognizerl Dhvani, above riti or alonkar'li, as the essence of poetry. Indeed, the striking note of the works of Kalidlası is the Pratyabhiijna philosophy of Kashmir, that give wings to his poetry, and that adds a unique charm to the sturly of his works which can no longer be considered as based on love-intrigues: but in the light of the Pratyabhijna, they will be considered as having a philosophical basis, (see note 129) and full of inspiration of the Divine-ihe True, the Good, and the Beautiful. It will not be difficult to find that the home of the Pratyabhijna . is the home of Kalidasa, that is, Kashmir. (See pp. 26–28, with notes.) It may be that some of the arguments in this paper may appear weak to the readers--which is possible in a mass of cumulative evidence that I have supplied; especially when my knowledge of Kashmir is not based on personal visit to the country and is derived from books only, but I hope, the main thesis will not be rejected on the strength of an isolated example or examples, anl the weight of authority will be carefully balanced. I hope, my muslim friends will forgive me for some historical allusions to the past Noslem severities in Kashmir, which, I had to adduc.; to explain some important points relating to the tradition of the bi «th-place of Kalidasa in Kashmir and gaps in the continuit, or Sanskrit literature. I do not mean any reflections on the great Faith of Islam or the Muslim community--that is not my line My feeling, naturally, is of reverence to all Faiths. But it must b. understood, here, that I am dealing with history which can not b: watered down. I thought this word of explanation was necessary these days of mutual bickerings that are a disgrace to our public lif in India. i ·( 12 ) to in Finally, I must offer my grateful thanks to my esteomed friend and colleague V H Padley Esq M A who took pains to correct quite a large number of proofs of this booh, but during his absence in Kashmir no adequate arrangements could be made for correcting the proofs--I having fallen ill, the whole matter Tras left in the hands of the press Unfortunately, some misprints have crept in I therefore subjoin an errata towards the end, Thich will not however, indicate errors of diacritical marks, broken letters, or such obvious mistahes as could be made out by the reader himself Vy thanks are also due to my old pupils and friends Mr Kalyan Chandia MA, Mr Indra Narain MA, and Mr Kantı Pershad AL A who helped me in various ways in preparing this book Reference notes this book denotes tho notes tinder Notes and References', reference to pages 18 to the pages of this book The published edition of the Nilmat that I have consulled is, unfortunately, not free from errors However, I have not 'cooked its text or the number of the verses either, though I have made necessary abridgeinents for my purpose (see appendix A) An accurate edition of the Nilmat is still a desideratum Considerations of space did not permit me to send my full notes to the press--they were miserably cut down It may be, that in some places my meaning may not be as clear as I desired it to be None is more conscious than myself regarding the shortcompaper I shall be grateful to my readers if they help mo with their sympathetic criticism LACHHMI DHAR, September 1, 1926 ST STEPHENS COLLEGE, DELHI, ings of this

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·The GRAND MESSAGE of Kalidasa, m terms of the
Pratyabhijna Philosophy of Kashmir
ये, केनापि आशयवशेन शापादिना वा मूढाः मन्तोऽपि, प्रागभ्यस्त
स्वात्मशानवासनाप्रबोधानुगृहोताः, स्वात्मस्थिति च लभन्ते ।
सर्वस्वात्ममहेश्वर प्रत्यभिज्ञानात् तन्मया भवन्ति ।
(Com Y R, on P S, pp 82)
(ef , notes, 165-168.)

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·ABBREVIATIONS. .. ARCH. SURV H. C. C. ... IMP. GAZ. IS. PR. VI. Archaelogical Survery of India. Hara Charitchintamani of Jayaratha. Ed. Siradatta Nirnaya Sagar, Bomb. 1897. Imperial Gazetteer of India, Hunter. Isvara Pratyabhijna Vimarsini Vol. I. II Kashmir Series. Journal of Bihar Orissa Research Society Commentary of Kshema Raja on SS; S.C. Kumara Sambhava, ed Kale, Bombay, 1914. Katha Sarit Sagara of Soma deva, Nirnaya Sagar; Bombay, 1915. Valley of Kashmir, 0. U. P. 1895. The Mahabharata ed. Krishnacharya, Nirnaya Sagar, Bomb. 1906. ----T-- *QOT. J. B. O. R. S. K. R. K. S. K. S. S. ... UB LAWRENCE MBH. 1. ITT M. D. (U). M. M. N. M. ... P.P. P.S. ... Pr. Hr. R. S. R. T. R. V SAK. Nilmat Purana ed. Kanji Lal and Jagaddhar Zadu, Panjab Sansk. Book Depot, Lahore. Padma Purana. Paramartha Sara of Abhinava Gupta, Kashmir Series. Pratyabhijna Hridaya (Kashmir). Ritu Samhara, Venkateshvara press, Bombay. Raja Tarangini of Kalhana ed. Stein. Sansk. Text - Education Society press, Bombay. Eng. Trans.---Vol. I. II. Archibald Constable Westminister. Raghuvansa ed. Nandargikara, Poona, Sakuntala ed. Kale, Oriental publishing Company Bombay, 1907. Staya Chintanrani of Bliatta Narayana, Kashmir Series 1918. Siva Drishti. (Kashmir). Siva Purana. St. Petersburg Sanskrit Dictionary. Siva Sutras, Kashmir Series. Siva Sutra Vimarsini (Kashmir Series). Tantra Sara (Kashmir). Vikramanka deva charitam of Bilhana. Bomb. Sansk. Series 1875. Vikrama Urvagi ed. Pandit, Bomb. Sansk. Series 1889. Yoga Raja commentator of Paramartha Sara. S. C. .. S. D. S.P. S. P. D. S.S. S. V. Tan. Sar. V. D. C. V. U. Y. R.

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·THE BIRTH-PLACE OF KALIDASA. The last century witnessed many improvements in the realm of science and art It was full of events and discoveries that revolutionized the thought of the world One important event in this century was the discovery' of Sanskrit literature by the West The influences of Sanskrit studies that followed the discovery as it is called, are now beginning to be felt among the thinking people of the West The two sciences of comparative philology and compaiative mythology, whose foundations were laid by the Sanskrit studies in the West, have opened large vistas of human thought and pointed a kinship and affinity between the Aryan nations of the world that will go a long way, let us hope, to remove the racial and national prejudices that are so rampant to-day! But the best proofs of this discovery are obtained in India, the home of Sanskrit studies The Sanskrit studies that were slowly dying out in India under the persecution of the Mohammedan rulers, were soon rejuvenated with the fresh air that came in with the British in India The luistorical and the humanitarian interest of the subject at once captivated the minds of the Western scholars and a new school of Sanskrit studies was founded in the East Thus all our known poets were thrown in the furnace of modern criticism with the result that most of them came out with still greater effulgence and lustie around them encomium One of these poets is the famous Kalıdasa, whose birth-place we now discuss No doubt, Kalidasa had already received his due share of from his countrymen but in the days of our national degeneracy, interest in Kalidasa was flagging and his high throne of honour was being usurped by clever and witty writers and versifiers, and it appears, that it was perhaps just at the point of his vanishing from our midst, that Kalidasa was piched up by the West and defended and applauded with such fervour and enthusiasm as he rightly deserved Heaps of praise have been showered upon him by the Western critics Cowell called him the 'Virgil of India Goethe expatiates on his famous work thus “ Would st thou the young years blossoms and the fruits of its decline ? And all by which the soul is charmed, enraptured, feasted, fed ? Would'st thou the Earth and Heaven itself in one sole namo combine ? I name thee, O Sabuntala' and all at once is said " ·2 on can soar Sir Williams Jones has described him as the Shakespeare of India. But the modern critics go still further and they point out, that as Shakespeare excels in his powers of analysis, in the art of delineation of human character as it is ; Kalidasa excels in his powers of synthesis, in the art of delineation of character as it ought to be ; Shakespeare aims at characterization, while the aim of Xalidasa is perfection. But the muse of Shakespeare cannot lead us beyond the experience of our physical and mental life earth, while the poetic imagination of Kalidasa up to greater heights, to the land of spiritual experience, and thus enrich our soul with the happy visions of the unseen.' The art of transfiguration of physical things into objects of spiritual reality constitutes a rare and superior gift of Kalidasa. Again, Kalidasa is the poet of Beauty, par excellence. He thus, together with Shakespeare, is said to rank foremost among all the 'sons of the Muse' and is recognized 4 as the Prince among all the poets. These are some of the glowing tributes paid to our poet by some of the ablest critics of to-day. Now, having formed such an opinion as this about Kalidasa, it would be natural for us to enquire in what age of the earth did this brightest star of poetry shine in the Indian firmament, how did he influence his people around him, and what part of the country could claim to be his birth-place ? Our interest in the subject is not purely antiquarian and meant only to satisfy a mere curiosity; it is something more than that-it has a literary purpose. All literary critics agree that a poet is as much a creature of his time as its creator. Thus for the purpose of a fuller and deeper appreciation of our poet, it is necessary for us to know the date when he lived, the country where he was born , and where he received his education and culture, and the society in which he moved. We shall fully discuss the date of our poet on another occasion the light of the observations that we make here. In this paper owever, we shall make an enquiry about the birth-place of Kalidasa where he received his early training and character, and also briefly point out his later journeyings in life---where he worked for his people and guided them by his inspired writings. But the task of determining the birth-place of Kalidasa is by no an easy one. The poet refrains from giving any reference to himself in his works-he is so modest! He does not boast of his learning like other poets and does not present his pedigree-table before his audience. Like the stars he always shines, but speaks, not of himself ! Again, he is a man of such wide and universal sympathies, possessing such a thorough national bent of mind, that it is not always easy to trace him from his writings to the particular part or parts of the country where he was born and where he lived the greater part of his life. Kalidasa was indeed a national poet of India and he sang songs for the glory of the whole Indian nation. He is the one darling of the Indian people. Indian culture has found it Y ܬܕ - means 1 ·3 some best and noblest expression in him By temperament, Kalidasa vas an Indian first and an Indian last But his patriotism was not of a narrow type It was saturated with the spirit of universal love Thus we note that the poet refrains from giving out the particulars of his birth-place to any of his casual attendants One must wait upon him almost day and niglit, accompany him wherever he goes, see what he sees, think what he thinks, then it will be suggested to one who the poet was and where he was born Thus the task of discovering the birth place of Kalidasa 18 beset with difficulties which can only be overcome by our patient and intensely critical study of his writings and a skilful handling of the extensive materials relating to his works and philosophy We have not yet made such a thorough and critical study of his works or of his art and mind and therefore not only do we not know his date and birth-place but also the great and uplifting message that he has left for struggling humanity Before we proceed to discuss our own data regarding the birthplace of our poet, we should lihe to make a passing reference to of the current theories on the subject Indian tradition is divided on this point, the one points to Dharā, the other to Ujjain, in Malawa, as the birth-place of Kalıdasa But this tradition regarding his birth-place is as unreliable as the tradition of his date about 57 BC, unless at 18 supported by independent evidence tradition records all kinds of inpecent stories about Kalidasa, but in face of the highly moral tone and durpose of his works, nobody is going to give credence to them, they are, as M M Haraprasad Shastrı has pointed out, merely the creations of degenerate minds in the days of our national degeneracy No doubt Kalidasa shows his great intim.cy with Ujjain and the adjoining Malawa country, but this intimacy can be explained by his long residence in Ujjain which need not be his birth-place M M Haraprasad Shastrı lends his support to the Malawa theory, and on the basis of a somewhat detailed description of the Malawa country—especially the mention of an 'unimportant temple of Shanda 6 in the vicinity of Dasapura in Malawa, as a haltıng-place for the Cloud during its progress to Alaha, and on the basis of a mention of the familiar and sportive glances of the ladies of Dasapura, he concludes, that Kalidasa was a native of Dasapura in the Western Malawa 8 But this is hardly convincing For the temple of Skanda' who is known as a form of Sıva hinself, wherever it may be situated, has a peculiar importance for Kalidasa who was a devout worshipper of Siva Kalidasa would not therefore permit the Cloud to pass away without paying his homage to Shanda, a form of luis favourite deity Worship of Shanda was not limited to the Malawa country either, where alone Kalidas could have learnt it We know that it was pretalent in Kaslımır, in ancient times, as it is today 10 Kalidasa might have known it in Kashmir » luich miglit be his home, and he could not be expected to ignore his favourite deity, when he was away from home, out in the Malva Country Again, familiarity with the glances of the women of Dasapura-—ıf the word gfifex in the context can be so interpreted, might as well be explained as based on a longer period of JU 10 ·4 as 14 a tlic town which need not be our poct's birth-placc. Kalidasa, on the assumption of a somewhat detailed description of a certain part of the country; might well belong to any part of India, such as Ayodhya, Muttra: the Vindhya country; Madras, Berars, Bibar or Bengal, whose more or less detailed and accurate descriptions are supplied by luim in his writings. Iudced a writer in the 'Pravasi 12 raises the question if Kalidasa was not a Bengali. The writer is under the misapprehension that Kalidasa begins his calendar year with the month of 'Ashall, with which the writer believes the Bengal calendar commenced sometime ago. But the reasons why Kalidasa begins his leghaduta with the first of 'Ashad', are fully explained by Mallinath; 13 and those who want Kalidasa to be still more cxact in dates should satisfy themselves by thinking that Kalidasa allowed at least cleven days for the Cloud to pass over to the Himalayas in the extreme north from the hills of the Ram Giri, so that when the Clond meets the Yakhsha's wife probably on the 11th of Ashad, then from the 'Ekadashi' of 'Ashad to the 'Ekadashi' of 'Kartika, it would he exactly four months, for which period the Yaksha prayed his wife to keep herself happy and not mind his absence. Besides this, the writer seems to forget that the 'Ritusamhar' begins with the month of Jyestha and not that of 'Ashad.' Again, it is pointed out by some zealous adrocates of the Bengal theory that Kalidasa conld not belong to any province outside Bengal, for he mentions 'tamarind', product of Bengal. On that line of argument, a Kashmiri would not belong to Kashmir if he inentioned in his writings salt, which was not a product of Kashmir, and on the same ground, a Bengali would cease to be a Bengali if he mentioned in his writings saffron, which was a product of Kashmir only. We do not suppose that the trade-routes for such well-known commodities, between different parts of the country, were blocked in ancient times! Indeed, whatever mcagre details Kalidasa supplies. about Bengal, they can be explained by his visit to the country. Rice, that is characteristic of Bengal, is mentioned by Kalidasa, But rice attracts his attention wherever he goes, for he himself was a native of a riceproducing country, other than Bengal, as we shall presently see. Moreover, the tradition 15 among the Pandits of Bengal-that when Kalidasa came to Bengal, Saraswati went to receive him, does not support the theory that Kalidasa was a native of Bengal. Another theory is that Kalidasa was probably a native of the Vidarbha country, as he followed the Vaidarbhi style in his writings25a Our answer is that Kalidasa might have lived for sometime in the Vidarbha country, but it was not necessary for his adopting the style that he should be a native of that country. Kalidasa was certainly a follower of the Vaidarbhi style but not its founder. Malavika the Princess of Vidarbha, who appears in the Malavikagnimitra, as dressed in the Vaidarbhi style, i* might suggest the characteristic chaste poetic style of Vidarblia that was already in vogue, and was so well-known to the people even outside Vidarbha. It suited the genius of Kalidasa who adopted it as his style of writing. Asvaghosha who lived long before the time of Kalidasa and who is not known to have lived in the Vidarbha ·country may be said to have followed the Vaidarbhi style, which finds its mention long before Kalidasa in the Bharata s Natyashastra, and which may also be noted in the Gırnarinscription of the reign of Mahālshatrapa Rudradaman, about 150 AD Certainly the idea is not that the Vaidarbhi style is followed only by the residents of Vidarbha and Gaudi by the residents of the Gauda country only Bilhana the Kashmirian poet praises the Vaidarbhı style himself follows it talks of hundreds of books written in that form of poetry and regards Kashmir as the home of the poetry 162 This theory therefore need not detain us any longer We now refer to an important theory 17 that comes from Dr 'Bhaudajı, that deserves our careful consideration Dr Bhaudzji writes thus Kalidasa although a resident of Ujjain, which, he notices in his works with evident predeliction, was in all likelihood a native of Kashmir or of a conterminous province" Unfortunately Dr Bhaudajı based his theory of the home of Kalidasa principally on his theory of the personal identity of Kalidasa with Matrigupta, the King of Kashmir His Vlatrigupta theory having fallen through, for want of proper support, his theory of Kashmir or an adjoining district as the probable birth place of Kalidasa also received no attention But Dr Bhaudaji also takes a prima facie view of things and points out that as Kalıdasa draws his illustrations chiefly from the natural history and physical geography of Northern India, especially the Himalayas the writer beloves that in Kashmir or its neighbourhood the birth place of Kalidasa ultimately will be found Kalidasa is the only great Sanskrit poet, who, so far as the writer is aware, describes a living -affron plant "The plant we know grows in Kashmir and the regions west of it He shows an acquaintance with Chinese pottery and sills His Kings are attended by Yavana women (Greek or Bactrian) 174 with bows in their hands The towery summits' of the Himalayas decked with diadems of snow the peaks where sunshine ever reigns the mossy civern, the mountain labes, the wild bine --these and other allusions indicate extensive observation and familiarity with the gorgeous scenery of the Himalaya mountains with an ardent love of nature' But II V Haraparahad Shastrı 18 points out that as Kalidasa was a great genius, his partiality for the Himalayas can be explained by his love of nature Quite so But love of nature" which Kalıdısa had, does not preolude the possibility of his being a native of Kashmir-the character of that love might even determine his home in the Himalayas At any rate, we scenes and sights for by mere lov a native of the Himalayas and not of the plains below, though the presumption of Kalıdası belonging to North Indir on the basis of his reference to the living saffron plant, Chinese pottery, sills and the Greeh 'vomen remains as strong as ever Now this presumption has got to be proved We therefore take leave of Dr Bhaudaji at this point and MA ·6 note, that though he had hit very near the mark when he suggested Kashmir or a conterminous province' as the probable home of Kalidasa, yet his theory failed to receive recognition as it was not yet definite and was still lacking the support of proper evidence. We definitely hold that Kalidasa was nativo of Kashmir, and our reasons are set out below. We thus proceed, a First of all, in order to prove the birthplace of our poet, the best thing would be to get liold of some direct evidence. But we do not possess such direct evidence in the case of Kalidasa. Inthe absence of direct evidence therefore, our business would be to collect such evidences as would cumulatively prove the point in question. But it must be borne in mind tliat by birthplace of Kalidasa, we do not mean his place of birth only, but a place where Kalidasa was born and bréd up to the age he had received his full character and training so as to be able to reflect it in his writings. It is of no consequence to know the locality where a baby was born, unless it played an important part in the building of his character and education. Now if we want to make a search for the birthplace of our poet from his writings, and if the poet is silent about it, we shall naturally try to find from his works, what part of the country he knows most, and to avoid further suspicions about his being a mere visitor to that part of the country, we shall try to find from the manner of his description of the country, whether he looked upon it as a mere visitor, or like a native with peculiar affection for it. Still further we shall try to find how far the associations of a particular country that may be his home, are working uppermost in the poet's mind, how spontaneously they present themselves before his mind's eye, how unconsciously the poet glides into those old memories that persistently stick to him wherever he goes! But that may not be enough. We may be curious to know whether the poet reveals any definite knowledge of the local sites and usages peculiar to that country. We shall also be curious to learn whether the poet refers to any social customs nd conventions, and such other facts and miscellaneous matters as are inown and can only be known to the people of that part of the country, and whether the poet records such knowledge of facts not after the manner of a borrower or a visitor to that country but as one who is so familiar with it that it does not strike him as a strange thing but as something that is natural and perhaps universal-like a native indeed! 1 We shall further desire to know whether the poet's religion is the same throughout as that of the country to which he may belong ; for one generally takes one's religion from one's birth. And last of all, we shall certainly be pleased to learn if there is any important suggestion of the poet's home in his own writings, especially when the poet is known for his suggestive style of writing.

·Now if all these proofs enumerated above support each other and point in the same duertion we shall at once conclude with a very high degree of cortainty where the home of the poet is Here are these five proofs thut datormine the birthplace of Kalidası in Kashmir,- I (a) Dispioportionately detailed and minute physical and natural description of the Himalayas, especially the northern part of Kashmir, or more definitely the Sindh Valley in Kashmir (6) Fealing slown for and patriotic references to Kashmir. II Unconscious and spontaneous reference to scones, sites and legends of Kashmir III Direct allusions to local sites and usages, social customs and conventions along with such other miscellaneous matters as are preferably known only to the natives of Kashmir IV The personal religion of Kalidasa was the 'Kashmir Suivism,' known as the Platyabhijna School of Philosophy, which has its lome in Kaslımır and which was not known outside Kashmir during the days of Kalıdısa, tull after its popularızation by Somanand in the ninth century A D V The argument of Meghaduta points to Kashmir as the home of Kalidasa ·S Now the work before us is to collect evidence from the accepted Torks of Kalidasa and to show how far it agrees with the proofs already given. Let us take the proofs one by one:- I (a) Disproportionately detailed and accurate description of the Himalayas especially the northern part of Kashmir or more definitely the Sindh Valley in Kashmir. We notice that out of the seven known and accepted, works of Kalidasa, there is not one that makes no reference to the north or the north-west of India, and that the description of the Himalayas easily outweighs all other descriptions. The whole of the Kumara- Sambhava, half of the Meghaduta, the first and the fourth acts of the Vikramorrashi, the seronth act of the Sakuntala, a portion of the first, the second, and the fourth cantos of the Raghuvansa, almost all -his works are full of descriptions of the Himalayas, not on the eastern side but towards the north, in or about Kashmir itself. . SA The residence of Siva in the Kumara-Sambhava is laid on a high summit of the Himalayas~' Himadri Prastha,' 19 where the Gangā washes the "Deva Dāru" irees and where Nandi' with other attendants always waits upon Siva who is described as 'Bhậtapati,' and his residence as "Bhutapaterāspadam.'21 The site, namely the Himădriprastha, can be identified with the mountain-mass of the Haramukuta peaks, 2 with the adjoining Tirthas of Bhâtesvara and the Nandikshetra, in Kashmir. The sites in Kashmir are crowned with the "Deva Dāru" trees, and washed by the "Haramukuta Gangā." These sites are held sacred to this day among the natives of Kashmir. The Bhûtesvar Tirtha is denoted by practically the same name in the Kumara-Sambhava as the abode of Bhûtapati: -atâtryqet. The Nandikshetra is denoted by the presence of Nandi with other attendants that wait upon Siva in the Kumara-Sambhava. No doubt Nandi always appears with Siva and any site in the Himalayas with its "Deva Dāru” and the Gangå could serve as an abode of Siva. But the point is what particular site, if any, Kalidasa had in his mind when he gave the above description. The specific designation of the abode of Siva as the 'Bhûtapater Aspadam' in the Kumara- Sambhava might suggest the only Bhâtesvar Tirtha that is in Kashmir, and which is characterized by its 'Deva Dāru' trees washed by the stream of the Gangă. The suggestion gains ground if we bear in mind that the appropriateness of epithels is recognized as a great poetic merit among Sanskrit writers, 23 and the appropriateness of the term Para treat appears to lie in its suggestion of the real or geographical Bhutesh' in Kashmir. The term Bhựapati The term Bhutapati appears again in the same context in the Kumara-Sambhava III 74. Indeed the very name 'Bhútesvara, suggesting the site of that name, occurs in the Raghuvansa II 46, which describes Nikumbha as the 'Bhûtesvara Pārsva Varti,' who appears at some distance in the forest of the Vasishtha Asrama, which as we shall presently see, is situated close upon two miles from the Bhatesvara Tirtha in Kashmir. All this makes it highly probable that in describing the abode of Siva, Kalidasa had some definite site in * the very ·-- and true, 97 mind, which was known by a special designation of Siva as Bhutapatı or Bhutesvara, which as the name and the topography suggest, can be no other than the 'Bhutesh' or modern 'Butes' in Kashmir Now the Vasishtha Asrama 24 of the Raghuvansa, with its 'Deva Dăru' trees, its caves and forests, and the descending waters of the Ganga-'Ganga Prapata,' can be no other than the Vasishtha Asrama of Kashmir 2-modern Vângath, situated about two miles below the Bhutesh, which receives the waters of the Ganga as it descends from the "Gangodbhava' on the Haramukuta Mountain and flows with the waters of the Kanaha-Vāhini 28 The Vasishtha Asrama in the Raghuvansa promises a son to Dilipa like the 'Bhutesh,' round about the Kashmirian Vasishtha Asrama, which according to Kalhana bestowed a son on Asoha Ample scenery of the Himalayas is described in connection with these sites These sites being located in Kashmir, therefore the scenery of these sites-real as they are, must also belong to Kashmir And we are glad to note, that in the works of Kalidasa, the location of the birch trees, the 'Deva Daru'trees and the musk -deer on the higher altitudes of the Kashmirian mountains is so exact and the domestication of the mush deer, the use of the birchbarl as the writing material, labes, tarns, glades and forest-all aro described with such accuracy`s, that they cannot be the result of more he'ırsay or a casual visit only, but presuppose a long familiarity and intimate companionship with thein on the mountains of Kashmir We do not know of any Indian poet, outside Kashmir, who has given such an accu rate miniature painting of the scenes of the Himalayas It would not help us much if we supposed that Kalidasa in his writings dwelt so much on the Himalayas only because he was a genius, for there were other genuises equally great if not greater than Kalidasa, such as Bhava-Bhuti who drew his inspiration from the Vindhya mountains to which he belonged, and not from the Himalayas No doubt a gift of genius is necessary to paint the beauty, but a distant genius honever gifted he may be cannot enter into exact details that can only be known by personal observation Some personal touch of a very close type is necessary to explain the frequent retreat of our poet to the Himalayas, though he had lived on the Vindhyas too We must remember that Kalidasa goes to the distant Himalayas not for its picturesque scenery first, but for its sites It is obvious that it is not mere love of nature that draws him to the Himalayas Scenery appears as incidental to the sites to which the poet frequently retreats Sites such as the Bhutesh, the Nandıkshetra, the Vasishtha Asrama, and a host of other places in Kashmir that we shall presently identify do not enjoy any popularity outside Kashmir They only point to a Kashmirian writer ·10 I (6) Feeling shown for the Himalayas and the patriotic mention of Kashmir in the Himalayas, (i) In the Kumara-Sainbhava 1.5., we note with what fondness Kalidasa seoks to detend tho linalayas "' against its only drawback, namely, llima or frost. 'Ilima' 3" in this passage can not mean snow. Nallinath is wrong there: for 'snow-cappell mountains are praised by Kalidasa who uses the worl fun in the sense of frost elsewhere Il too. Here, lima seems to signify the huge frost which on the Kasluirian Himalayas, in the words of lawrence, 32 scems to frceze the damp moisturo of tho air and destroys trees and even congealseyys. Kalidasa liere refers to the terrible colil of Kasimir, which in the Kaslımirian language is known as the 'Kut kushu.' Thoro is a tradition in the Nilmat history of Kashmir that in ancient times, people lived ir: Kashmir only for six months and left it during the winter on account of its intense cold or frost--the "sin musikajcura":3}. Kalidasa appears to have in mind some such hardship of living in the Himalayan country which may be Kashmir, when he refers to the defect noted above. (ii) In thc seventh act of the Sakuntala, Kalidasa presents the scene of tho Würicha Asrama 35 with its adjoining "Tapo Bhûinayaha' which can easily be identifica with Kashmir. The Máricha Asrama does not at all occur in the original story of Sakuntala in the Mahabharata347. It is the poet's own creation, and he creates it for three definite purposes which show his great regard and affection for Kaslımir and point it as his home. First, Kalidasa in the Sakuntala would not allow Dushyanta to go back to his capital after his visit to Indraloka without without enjoying a visit to the poet's own native-country which he believed not only to be the most beautiful and the most sacred spot on earth, but also the most comforting and home-like place known to him. "This place is more comforting than Heaven. I seem to be plunged in a 'lake of nectar'."- स्वर्गादधिकतर नि तिस्थानम् ।अमृतदमिवादगाढोऽस्मि (Sak. VII.) This remark of Dushyanta as he enters Kashmir is full of significance. We all know that Kalidasa is noted for his appro- 'Triate similes. The country is here compared to a lake of nectar- Amrithrad'. Now the Kashmirian tradition 34 is that Kashmir was originally a lake known as the "Sati-Sar' or the lake of Sati. The above description of Kashmir as 'Amrithrad' 'Amrithrad' clearly suggests that the poet held the Kashmirian tradition which is still held by Kashmirians even to this day that Kashmir was originally a lake. We also know that Kalidasa is noted for his suggestive style. Thus the comparison of Kashmir with Heaven or Svarga in the brief line given above will be sufficient to suggest to our minds the unique beauty of the land which the poet wishes to convey, even as the beauty of Sakuntala Aho was conveyed to us by the suggestive remark Labdham Netra Nirvanam. But the patriot 34 in Kalidasa still urges him, and not only does he suggest but further dwells on the sentiment in Sak VII., 12, which represents the highest praise that one can_bestow upon one's country. It also sums up the chief characteristics of Kashmir for which it has been so noted in the past:—"Feeding on balmy air in 1 ·11 33 scene groves blooming with trees of life" suggests the rofreshing air and the frut tiees that grow vid in Kashmir, bathing in water dyed with the pollen of golden lotuses' suggests the daily ablutions of the Kashmiri Brahmins in rills covered with pinh lotuses that are so abundant in Kashmir , “ meditation practised on jewel slabs” points to the great wealth of Kashmir in ancient times "ascetic exercises in the presence of heavenly damsels" not only refers with pride to the fair and handsome women of his country but also to the remai hable power of 'Tape' for which ancient Kashmir has always been noted, and the last line that the "sages here perform religious austerities in the midst of objects which other sages desire to obtain by prictising penances," at once singles out the country in the estimation of our poet and murhs it above all other countries hnown to hin The Kanva the Vasishtha the Valmıha Asrıma and all other places descubed by Kalidasa pale before the splendo ir of the Kashyapa Asrıma which is Kashmir itself Again, Kashyapa known to the hashimirian tradition as the founder of Kashmir is remembered with the highest terms of admiration and reverence as 'Surusuiaguru , or the parent of gods and the demons The people of Kashmir are described with special pride as having lofty ambitions in life-3tufuatayat arziat all pointing to a unique lovo which the poet had for his native-place! There is another reason why Kashmir is brought before the This also proves our poet's chief affection for Kashmir The reason is that Sakuntala after the desertion of her husband stayed in Kashmir where the last scene of union was going to take place Kalidasa bestows his fatherly love and care on Sahuntala and gives her shelter in his home when she is desorted by her husband Kalidasa seems to be so proud and jealous of a woman s dignity that he would not allow Sakuntala to strymas it wis proposed, in the house of the priest of the one who has already rejected her, but he was so moved by his fatherly ansticts, that he would not be satisfied with anything less than taking Sakuntala to his own home in Kashmir-as his Vålmıkı did in the case of Sita in the Raghuvansa, 38 and put her there under the fostering care of the mother Dalshayanı, 37 wife of Kashyapa who was the founder of Kashmir Haying satisfied himself with these arrangements, Kalidasa proceeds further to get Dushyanta to Kashmir, our poet's home, for married daughters cannot stay long under their father's roof" 38 Having once rejected his wife, Dushyanta must go to her residence in Kashmir, bow down at her feet, and bring her back with honour Indeed Kalidasa seems to take a personal interest in the whole affair and Kashmir plays an important part in the concluding scene of union The last and the most important reason why Kashmir was introduced at all in the Diama will be discussed later at full length It will be shown that the scene of Kashmir is introduced to point out that it is the home of the Pratyabhijna Philosophy which is illustrated in the form of allegory in the drama of Sakuntala Kalidasa minages to bring Dushyanta to Kashmir to enable him to learn the secret of the Pratyabhijna, at its home, from Kashyapa, the founder of Kashmir, and thus ati summum bonum of life, which the poet himself he in the 1 ·12 country. Thus Kalidasa believed Kashmir to be the most spiritual country on earth. All this shows how Kashmir was cherished by Kalidasa. His devotion to Kashmir can best be accounted for by assuming it to be his native-place. II. Unconscious and spontaneous reference to scenes, sites, and legends of Kashmir. Such allusions to Kashmir as present themselves to the poet's mind in his ‘unconscious' moments go to prove his special attachment and kinship with that.country. Ties of affection and bonds of associations, fastened round him during the most impressionable period of his life, ever cling to his memory-like - Samskõrõh Prāk Tanã Iva’; and present themselves later in life-when Kalidasa is presumably travelling outside Kashmir-whenever they find a suitable opportunity for their expression. See how frequently the poet retreats to sights and objects at home in the Himalayas for his happy similes; 39 how in the Raghuvansa, Kalidasa takes the king Dilipa from Ayodhya to Kashmir where the hamlet of Vasishtha—of local fame only, is situated; and how round about Kaslimir, to the Gạndhamādanparvat the pleasure-resort of the Kashmirian tradition, 399 .where Siva also takes his.consort Parvati in the Kumara-Sambhava, he takes Vikrama and Urvasi for a happy holiday; how again in drawing the back-ground of the picture of Sakuntala at the hermitage of Kanva, he paints the river Málini, along with the setting of the scenery of the Himalayas 40. The excessive heat of the Kanva Asrama on the banks of the Málini and of the surrounding area, described in Sakuntala II and III, does not correspond with the climatic conditions on the Himalayas to which the poet has made an unconscious retreat under the spell of the name of the river Málini. The river Malini 41 may thus be identified with the river of the same name in Kashmir. In the Sakuntala, the Málini, is not an appellative name of the Gangă but appears to be used as a proper name in Act I, on whose banks, it is said, -that the Kanva Asrama is situated. The frequent use of the same name for the river in the drama, also brings us to the same conclusion la The Málini of the Himalayas or the Kashmirian Mālini, with the adjoining Asrama of Kanya who belongs to the family of Kashyapa-the founder of Kashmir, is for dramatic purposes, located by Kalidasa on the tropical plains below within the range of Dushyanta's huntingground. For his Sachi Tirtha, noted for the memorable incident of fishery, as well as the Sakrāvatāra, located for dramatic purposes on the plainis, Kalidasa again draws on the Kashmirían Sakra and the Sachi Tirtha.*2 Note again how unconsciously the poet retreats to Kashmir with its Yaksha and Yakshis, its pink lotuses and the Brahmasar, in his descrip- -tion of the Sarayu at Ayodhya. 13 Again, the Kashmirian 'Kumuda Nāga' with his lake association appears in the lake of Sarayu where Kusha takes his bath in the river. 41 By the supreme force of the association of ideas, Kalidasa, when he is describing the water-sports, is automatically led to think of the Kashmirian "Nágás" that are associated with almost every lake or water-place in Kashmir, and are known as serpents and capable of acquiring human shape, and also known to the legends of Kashmir, as marrying their daughters to human beings.

·13 Wo cure We give 46 Kalidasa must have been brought up in a country where those traditions about Nagis vore so popular as they are even to this day in Kashmir The concluding-sloka of the 16th canto of the Raghuvansa, 45 alludes to an alliance by inarriage, between the Nagis and the King Kusa Whether thış allusion is based on some historical legend connected with Kuse the King of Kashmir, and the Nag inhabitants of Kashmir, or on some other ancient legend, we have not yet been able to discover hope some one more familiar with the legendary history of Kashmir will be able to throw light on the subject As soon as the legend is discovered, it will light up the whole passage as the Nikumbha legend has done, which we have discovered in connection with the Nikumbha of the Raghuvansa -ride Raghuvansa II 35 कौलासगोर वषमारक्षो । पादापणानुग्रह पूतपष्ठम् । अवेहि मां किद्वरमष्टमू । कुम्भोदग्नामनिकुम्भमित्रम् ॥ In the above passage, the allusion in the fourth line is quite obs- No commentator of Kalidasa could explain the point of reference who that Nikumbha was, how he came in the context at all Kumbha describes himself as the friend of Nikumbha, for he is obviously eager to derive his character from Nikumbha, but the question is who the Nikumbha Is and what is his character? And it is little wonder if none of the commentators could throw any light upon it, for the legend was local to Kashmir only below Dr Buhler's summary of the legend from the Nilmat with our own translation of it, as taken from the Nılmat "After Kashmir had been produced, Kashyapa settled it The gods received their places as well as the 'Nag is' But when the saint wished to introduce men, the Nagis objected to their company Angrily Kashyapa cursed them and ordered them to dwell with the Pisichas Nila then interceded for his brothers and obtained a mitigation of the sentence The country was not to be made over entirely to the Pisachas but for six months only in the year from Asauj to Chaitra and for the duration of four Kalpas only!" (Sud Kashy apa, "The righteous and powerful Nikumbha, the chief of the 'pious' Pisachas, appointed by Kuvera to capture and defeat the unholy Písachas that live in the sandy ocein, shall with his large number of followers go out to fight the hostile Pisachas in the month of Chaitra and return back to tho Himalayas in the month of Asauj') "But when the four Yugas vero completed there was an old Brahman, Chandra Deva by name, descended from Kashyipa, who neglected to leave the country with the other inhabitants Him the Pisachas caught, and played with him as children play with birds tied to a shing He recovered his freedom-until at last he came to the Nig: Nil who in company with Nikumbha receivod him into his dwelling There he remained for the six months of the winter season and learnt from his host a number of rites the observance of which was to deliver the country from the Pisachas and from excessive cola" Tho worship of Nikumbha is further enjoined in tho Nılmat on the full moon day of Asauj It is supposed that the ghosts of the followers of Nihumbha take possession of the bodies of men on ·14 this lay and leave the next day. It is also enjoinert that among other Olujects; the cow 'Surabhi' should be worshipperl on this day by those who possess cows, and it is also stated that Vikunyha is the worshipper of Siva. Now let us tra il comparison between the Nikumbha of the Raghurins, and the Nikumblia of the Kashmirian tralition in the Nilinat. 1. The Kashmirian Nikumbla is described both as a powerful and righteous 'Pisticha - Buli' and 'Dharmamă, (N.J.-278) so is the friend of Nikumbhu in the Raghuvansa. both a powerful and righteous 'brute,' whose back is purified liy Siva's foot and not even Dilipa could withstand his power. (R.V. 11.-34-35.) 2. Both are attendants of Siva. vide N.M. 675-676, and R. V. II. 35, 46-भूतेश्वर पावर्ती. 3. Both of them are appointed for a particular mission and are always victorions. The Kashmirian Nikumblia with his following- garaa: is appointed by Kuvera to capture and defeat the hostile Pisachas in the sandy ocean (N.M. 279, 282) while the friend of Nikumbha in the Raghuvansa is appointed by Siva, --who, accoriling to Kalidasa, is the friend of Kuvera, Dhanapatisakhá' (Al. D. uttar-10) to capture the elephants that scratch the Deva Dāru trce in that Jungle. (R.V. II. 36 -38.) 4 The Nilmat brings the Pisachas, the followers of Nikumblia to Kashmir by way of punishment to the Nāga inhabitants of Kashmir (N. M. 267) wlio disobeyed Kashyapa. The Raghuvansa II 38, brings on the scene, in the forest of the Vasishtha-Asrama of Kashmir, the brute Kumbha, who is the friend of Nikumbha, in order to punish the elephants, in other sense, the Vagas wlio had won the wrath of Siva by doing harm to the fictitious tree. In this connection the fiction of scratching the Deva-Daru trces that are so abundant in the forests of Kashmir might have been suggested to the mind of Kalidasa by the association of the term Vágas denoting the inhabitants of Kashmir, with the meaning : elephants or the Dripas. 5. The followers of Nikumbha are allowed to stay and enjoy themselves in Kashinir during a fixed period only (N. M. 283), so is the friend of Nikumbha in the Raghuvansa allowed to enjoy his meal during a fixed period only. aferamat sa (R. V. II 39), 6. The followers of Nikumbha in the Nilmat were in the habit of possessing the bodies of others (N. M. 499, 500). They also captured the Brahmin Chandra who happened to fall in their way about the time of their residence in Kashmir (N. M, 426, 427). So in the Raghuvansa, the friend of Nikumbha takes possession of the body of the cow,-if not of the Brahmin, who falls in his way and justifies his claim over her. (R. V. II, 27, 28, 29, farzlaag:. 33, 39). 1 ·15 7 Worship of Nikumbha is enjoined in the Nılmat (484,-489,676) so is Kumbha the friend of Nihumbha 'glorified' in the Raghuvansa II 13 8 Woislup of the 'Sui ablıı” cow forms a part of the Nılumbha waishiji in the Nılmrt 490, possibly to get rid of the possession of the bodies by his followers (Ń M 500) In the Raghuv insa devotion to Nadını, the daughter of Surabhi, who is as good as Surabhi (Raghuvansa 181) is made a test to secue freedom of the cows body from the possession of the fiend of Nikumbha Thus the identification of the Nihumble of the Raghvanasa with the legendary Nihambha of Kashmir is complete And as the legend 18 peculiar to the history of Kashmir only and is not hnown outside Kashmii, allusion to it in such a natural way can be made by a Kashmirian writer only With these associations of Nihumbha in our mind, if we study the incident in the Raghuvansa, we shall find that the allusion becomes clear and full of suggestion and we are able to appre cirte the points of ugument in the Lion's speech Without these associations of Nikumbha in our mind, the line, THIET ATA fafig4f4TH is a dead line, with them it is powerful, pouring life on all sides and is full of suggestion Without these associations again, the arguments of the Lion regarding his appointment by Siva to scare away the elephants - Vagas, the fiuty of time regarding his meals and his consequont claim on the cow appear to be a mere pretext and do not curry conviction But with the associations of Nikumbhi and his followers that we have discovered, the whole picture receives a background without which it is difficult to appreciate it Now if our identification of Nikumbha is correct, and we believe it is, then this one instance alone should be sufficient to carry conviction to our mind that Kalidasa was a native of Kashmir III (al Direct allusions to local sites and usages in Kashmir In the Kumara-Sambhava I i the Himalayas are described as plunged into the eastern and western ocean, the same description is given of the mountain called 'Hemaluta' (Sakuntala Act VII) on which the sago Kashyapa in company with his wife is said to perform his penances The fact that Dushyanta's chariot descending from the sky stops nt the Hemakuta, and that the Hemahuta includes the Kushy apz's Asiana which we have already identified with Kashmir, points out that thio Hemakut denotes the higher altitudes of mountuns in Kaslımır aliendly pointed out in our noto 34, that the epithet 7710fm atokzaafiye31797' (Salııntıla VII) as applied to Iloma-Kuta Huggests the FIrramuhuta mountain with its darh-blue stone, wlucht 14 J110wn to us is a source of the golden Kanak? Vahını river in K 1419ır Thus the Hemahutr in the Vikrma Urvası I, muy denoto the purthern monstains of Kashmi where Vikrama meets the companions of Ursası he was returning from his visit to the 'Suryop thina' or sinu-temr' The site of the worship of the sun in both the worly also to the sume conclusion In the Vikrma-Ursa-l the workben of hs- It is ·16 ONIC 80 It indicated round about the Hemakuin, so is it in the Sakuntala, the worship of the of the sun being rescribed round the Hemakuta closo upon the Kashyapa Asrama. Thus the 'Suryopasthina' may be identified with an ancient temple of Mártond 17 described as the Kashyapa-Swami-Mārtandmor the established by Kashyapa himself, in the Nilmat: history of Koshmir. At the lIemakuta it is said that Vikrama incots the Apsaras who relate the incident of the abduction of Urrasi by a domon named Keshi, resident of Hiranyapura, while she was on her way back from the temple of Kuvera. The term Kuvera- Bharan seems to suggest a temple of Kurera rather than the city of Kuvcra or the fabulous Alaka, and this Kuvera Bhawan may be one of tho many sacred sites of Kuvera 4 situated in Kashmir. The 'mythological Hiranyapura may suggest the historical Hiranyapura, modern Runyl," situated in the Sindh Valley in northern Kashmir, known to the Kashmirian legends as the ancient Capital of Kashmir. The association of historical Hiranyapura as the abode of persons who take away wives of others may also refer to some historical allusion unknown to us. is pointed out that the demon took away Urvasi towards the northeast, which direction, representing the wild and inhospitable country of the Daradas, cb ras believed to be the abode of demons, or Pisãchas, 5" in Kashmir, As we go on identifying in Kashmir almost all the sites that appear imaginary in the works of Kalidasa, it would be futile to suppose that these sites were not real. And if they are proved to be real, it would be difficult to understand why Kalidasa should have drawn from Kashmir only the whole lot of the sites and from no other part of the country unless he himself was in some special way connected with Kashmir. That these sites represent their original Kashmirian characteristics establishes their claim to reality. They are mere replicas of the original sites in Kashmir. The site of Bhutapati or 'Bhûtapateráspadam of the Kumara-Sambhavą, with the Ganas and Nandi around it is already identified with the site of Bhûtesh or the modern "Butes" in Kashmir with the adjoining Tirthas of Nandikshetra around it. The asistha Asrama in the Raghuvansa, as already pointed out, can be no other than the Vasistha Asrama of Kashmir-modern Vángath, with its Deva Daru trees, cayes, forest and the Gangă as it descends from the Haramukh peaks. The Sachi Tirtha, 51 situated alongside the Sakaravatara, is also a site in Kashmir according to the Nilmat, but the necessity of the development of the plot of Sakuntala required that it should be located on the plains. The important observation regarding the occupation of the fisherman of the Sakråvatára alongside the Sachi Tirtha, which we shall discuss in the lody of this paper, may have been suggested to the poet's mind by the Sachi Tirtha in Kashmir or its Kashmirian fisherman. The Soma Tirtha 52 in the Sakuntala is the same as the Kashmirian Soma Tirtha. A pilgrimage to it is considered of great religious merit by the Kashmirian writers. Thus Kalidasa departs from the original story of Sakuntala in the Mahabharata and sends Kanya to the .

·17 The 68 Soma Tirtha to avert a calamity that might befall Sakuntala Soma Tirtha may thus be identified with the one in Kashmir, shewn on the bank of the Vitista in the ground-map of ancient Kashmir by Sır Aurel Stein The Apsar asa Tutha 63 in the Sakuntala Act V as well as the Vikrama Urvasi (Act IV) is the Kashmirian Tirtha of the same name and character as in the Nilmat The Saptu Rsi Tirtha 5s on the higher altitudes of the Kashmirian mountains may be denoted by the Kumara-Sambhaya I 16 The Brahma Sapho in the Raghuvansa XIII 60 is known to the Kashmirian tradition in the Nılmat, as the source of a river named "Ramahrad' and is associated with Rama of Ave The Kumuda Vaga 58 that appears in the Raghuvansa XVI 76 18 mentioned in the list of the Năgas in the Nılmat The Gaur Sikhara 57 with its lakes, where Parvatı performs her penances in the Kumara Sambhava, may be identified with the Gauri Sikhara in the Nilmat The sun worship, associated by Kalidasa with the Kashyapa Asrama or Kashmir in the Sakuntala, is also noticeable at the Gauri Sıhhara (K S V 20, 21), which may thus be identified with the site of that name in Kashmir as noted by the Nılmat The river Malını in the Sakuntala suggests the river of that name in Kashmir The Sindhu in the Raghuvansa IV 67, does not mean the Indus, but it means the Kashmirian Sindhu as Mallinath has rightly pointed out सिन्धुर्नाम कश्मौरदेशेषु कश्चिन्नद विशेष Here the Sindhu denotes the Krishna-Ganga river which is popularly known in Kashmir as the Sindhu 69 The term Sındhu here cannot apply to the Indus for the Indus was never hnown to be a habitat of saffron Saffron Bu appears to have been cultivated in ancient Kashmir, not only in the Vitastă Valley but also in the lower valley of the Krishna Ganga, just above its confluence with the Vitasta where Raghu's army appears to have haltede Even if saffron did not grow in that particular part of the valley where Raghu had halted, it did not matter much, for it did grow in some part or parts of Kashmir The point of reference in the context (Raghuvansa IV 67) was meant only to indicate that Raghu's army had reached the land of saffron namely Kashmir_(after whose name saffron is generally known as 'Kısmırah' or Kashmira-Janma or Kashmiringarīgah) and that his army had reached there at a time when saffron was full bloom and refreshing people with its vigorous scent Thus saffron was the index of the country which Raghu had reached The Sindhu with the saffron around it, therefore, denote the Kashmirian Sindhu Thus the armies of from the west, (across the Hazara district) crossed ?' in canni ·IS Krislug-liang river in Tinslunir abörn its junction with the Vitasta ai Murzilorabned the land routes from the west tortor Kashuur in !! Icirent times. W****'tery halted and finaali lause for further man- QUSPIs ainst the lims in linsluir os the egte lanıl, and the northern Kunbajas oli ile other Raghuvansa 11.114,61)). 'Ihw the Sinillu in the next till liv ISI viller Sinilline than the Kristin Cisngi rivor or thin Sinha in the linemir Valloy which is noted for its plantation of sitron. The forum Sindh 11el lix Kalidasa in its kashmirian 23*** pecording to its local resolje, raises it strolig presumption in filvour of the river that Kaliinsa belunged to Kushmir. The Jamiikini baduta l'. .1, on the banks of which the girls 11:00 10 port log hiiling gayons in the followme of the river suggests 1hr11e of the dem Mannlini for the lirishıon Giangn river in Kasumir, which is more foris gold-4:2017/. 'Ithe lirislınn Ganga is also known to Kashmirin tradition as the Manakini in its 11pper course in the extremely northern part of kashinir, but owing to the confusion in the use of the term allakini for (verplianga, balirlasa brings the golul of the Vandakini (or the Irishna Gonga on the banks of the Nanlakini or the popular biashmir-liangi (Sindlii with its traditional' sources on th: bieights of the laranukuta mountain, which flow's past the home of Kalidasa in Kashmir: and which is also noted as the Vandakini loy the Kashmirian Bilhana'il* The linngill in the Raghuvansa IV.73 cannot possibly be the Bhigirathi Ganga. It must denote the Krishna-Ganga on the higher altitudes of the Kashmirian inountains where the birch trees grow and the Insti-deer roam and whore Raghu, after his conquest on the lower Valley of the Sindh or Krishna-Ganga, is climbing up in order to defeat the mountain-tribes. Thus we note that the Kashmirinn river Krishna-Ganga is known to Kalidasa under three different names as the Sindhu (Raghuvansa IV. 67) the Mandakini, (NI. D. U.+) and the Gangå (Raghuvansa IV.73): all the three titles used for the same river after the manner of the Kashimiris; for the Kasluniris alone call tho Krishina-Ganga under three different names. But the Gangã ºt of the Vasistha Asrama in the Raghuvansa II.26 cannot denote the Krishna-Gangá or the Bhagirathi-Ganga either. It must be the Gangá round which the Vasistha Asrama is situated. Now we know that the Vasistha Asrama is situated in the valley of the Kanaka Vahini which flows past the 'Bhutesh' and carries down the waters of the Haramukuta Gangá into the Sindh river of Kashmir which is popularly known as the Kashmir-Ganga. Thus the Gangå prapāta in the forest of the Vasistha Asrama may denote the actually falling waters of the Uttara Gangá as brought by the Kanaka- Våhini round Bhutesh- below which the Vasistha Asrama is situated; to meet the Sindhu which is also an appellation of the popular Ganga of Kashmir. This Sindhu is the This Sindhu is the popular Gangá of Kashmir and it must not be confounded with the Sindh river which we have already identified with the Krishna-Gangá. Moreover the famous. Gangá ·19 like a in their of Kashmir, namely the Sindh, is supposed by Kashmirian tradition to have its sources in the Haramukut Gungi lake—the Uttara Ganga or Gingabal hnown as the Gangodbhavı Every yeir in the month of Bludon the Kashmiris go out to lay the bones of the dead in the sacred source of the Ganga on the Haramul uta mountain and on their way to it, they halt for a night at l'angath the ancient Asrama of Vasistha, so well described in the Raghuvinsa Canto II Now, if in describing the abode of Bhutapatı in the Kumara- Sambhava Kalıdısı has the site of Bhutesh in his mind which we havo no loubt he hus, then the Ganga in the KSI 51 should as well denote the Kashmirin Ganga of the Haramukuta mountain--where the site of Bhutesh two miles above the Vasistha Asrama is situated, and not the Bhagirathi Ganga The Ganga 60 of the Meghaduta (63), which is described as spread piece of cloth round the loins of the mountain, is clearly the popular Rashmir Ganga (Sindhu) on the spurs of the Haramukuta mountain and the Mănasa lake 67 described immediately before the Ganga, (M D 62) is the Uttarmınas identified with the Uttara Gangă or the 'tı zditional souice of the Ganga on the Haramukuta mountain This point will further be made clear in our discussion on the Meghaduta when we give our reasons for identification of the Kailasa with the Haramukuta mountain in Kashmir Thus the use of the word Gangã and the Sindhu Kashmuan sense, in those particular contexts relating to the country of Kashmir, clearly shows-apart from all other proofs, that Kalidasa was brought up under the Kashmirin tradition and was thus presumably born in Kashmir The Kashmirian title of Mandãkını for the Krisna-Gangã noted for its gold, is already mentioned as a proof in the same direction Certainly Mandakını in the Meghaduta cannot denote the Bhagirathi as it is not noted for its gold Thus the frequent and characteristic mention of the minor local Tırthas of Kashmi along with such local usages of names of rivers as described above, fully supports the theory that Kalidasa was a native of Kashmir III (b) Allusions to social customs and conventions The marriago ceremonies among the Hindus are more or less of a uniform character throughout the country, but apart from common observances that are sanctioned by the Shastras, there are certun local istoms that differ in each province om of the allusions noted by Kalidasa, as given below, seem to bear relation to practices in Kashmir 1 Reference to the breathing in of smoke 69 on the part of the bride, after the 'Lăja homa' at the nuptial ceremony, denotes the custom that is preualer Kashmir qafayatfa fagaifa. bha, the Kashmirian in ment for ·20 2. It is rather curious that Indumati in the Raghuvansa VI. 83 does not offer the wedding-garland described as the Mangala Pushpa Màlå to Aja with her own hands as she ought to have done according to the Swayamvara practice; but she asks her attendant nurse to do so. Mallinath's explanation of it is this : FYig:#f77a917F3941- na mahfiratary, AJETTHE Walfacuta 11 Surely, this is not satisfactory. There is no impropriety on the part of the bride in offering the garland with her own hands at the Swayamvara when she has selected her husband of lier free choice. Indeed, impropriety consists in the violation of the essential Swamyamvara practice of the offer of the garland with the bride's own hands as the mark of her free choice of her husband at the Swayamvara. The offer of the garland by the bride herself would certainly be a more graceful ceremony than its offer by her nurse. We believe that Kalidasa's judgment in the present instance was vitiated by an ancient marriage-custom in Kashmir, known as the 'Mangala Malá Vidhi', according to which the mother-in-law of the bridegroom or any lady whose husband is alive fastens the wedding-garland round the neck of the bridegroom. The direction regarding this local ceremony in Kashmir is noted as below in the marriage 'Paddhatis' of the Kashmiris:-*197 Totfagafaat नामाचारिकाणां मङ्गल्यानां कर्मणां कालः यथाकर मौरेषु श्वश्रूः अन्यावा. अविधवा वधूवरयोः शिरसिमङ्गन्यमालां बघ्नाति ॥ In the present instance Dhātri or the Upā Mātâ performs the function of Indumati's mother i.e., Aja's mother-in-law. The whole ceremony appears to take its colour from the local custom in Kashmir as described above. 3. Kalidasa refers to a local custom acco ccording to which the bride and the bridegroom after the marriage Yajna' is over are taken to a vedi that is previously designed and set apart for purposes 70 of offerings of wet-rice. Now the custom among the Kashmiris, though not identical, is somewhat of similar character. The bride and the bridegroom are taken to what is known in the Kashmirian language as Vegu'-derived from the Sanskrit Vedika which is previously designed and set apart for a similar purpose. 4. Kalidasa makes a special reference to the dramatic performby women, their musical accomplishments and bilingual recitations in Sanskrit and Prakrit, as well as the use of wine_distilled from flowers, by men at festive occasions. These conditions fit in very well with ancient Kashmir which is noted for its dramatic ( 71 ances ·21 as wine was 5 comperformances where in ancient times it is said that women could understand Sanskrit and Prahrit both late as the 10th century AD, and where formerly permitted on festive occasions Dasih' ' in the Raghuvar sa (VIII 73) refers to the obsequious ceremony on the tenth day, still prevalent in Kashmir, and which is practised in a still more plicated form among the Saivites' of Kashmir Mallinath tahes pains to erplain it as the 'ten days of impurity', but Vallabha, the Kashmu, has rightly pointed out that *the Dasah here denotes a particular ceremony and not the ten days of impurity' -दशाहोऽध विधिविशेषो मतुदश fegtaifa In the prelude to the 6th Act of Sakuntala, we notice that the fisherman is very severely handled a thief, a cutpurse, an eater of lizards are the appellations used for him This may be explained by the fact that the fisherman was in the hands of the police and that he could not expect better treatment from the police in those days than might be expected from the modern police in India But beyond this, there are certain derogatory remarks passed about the occupation 75 of the fisherman which even in the eyes of the police is something abominable The fisherman seeks to defend his profession by pointing out that it is always honourable for him to follow the family profession, whatever it may be, for even the most benevolent Brahmin makes no scruple in hıllıng an animal for sacrificial purposes-- that is his family profession From the above remark it appears that the fisherman was already hated on account of his special profession Let us see if there is anything in the history of Kashmir that throws light on the above episode We observe that the Iswara Pratyabhijna Vimarshini, a treatise on the Pratyabhijna philosophy of Kashmir, discusses the supremacy of CUSTOM and its authority for a partica lar time and for a particular part of the country The Vimarshini further illustrates the remark IT pointing out that a custom 77 may be based on the Shastras or on oral tradition only It is urged veryone custom based on o al tradition may be quite reasort like the custom in Kashmir whereby fishermen class are excommunicated on account of their er fession that takes away the lives of the fishes Simer custom of marrying a daughter of a maternal com everunsnpportable, is cited as an anthonty for me the Dakhshinapath Tapezommunir men must be an ancient custom to have been handed dann a funt T ·Vimarshini, namely the 11th Century A. D., as an ancient 'oral tradition' in Kashinir and is put on the same level with another well-known ancient custom of the Dakhshinàpath. Thus the particular allusion to the occupation of the fisherman in the Sakuntala becomes intelligible when it is given a historical background such as this. Kalidasa in the Sakuntala appears to defend the fisherman against the persecution to which he was subjected and expresses himself through the fisherman that it was not fair on the part of his counrymen to find fault with others for something that they themselves did with impunity and as a matter of customary right. The argunent of the authority of custom, in the Pratyabhiijna, may cut both ways-it may be used in favour of the customary occupation of the fisherman as in the case of the Brahmin, or his customary excommunication. Kalidasa therefore seems finally to appeal to equity rather than to custom. men. Outside Kashmir we have no such tradition, that the fisherman of all other bird-catchers and butchers was the most hated tribe of It appears that in reproducing the scene Kalidasa is reminded of the Kashmirian fisherman 58, not on account of his sad occupation only, but because of his associations with the sites in Kashmir namely the Sachi Tirtha as well as the Sakrå vatảra' round whose suburbs the fisherman is said to live. The whole scene is the poet's own invention and is not found in the original story of the Mahabharata. The Vikrama Urvasi 79 also alludes to fishing with a special reference to the saving of the life of the fish as an act of piety. These ideas must have been in the air in the country where the poet was born and brought up-we know of such a country: Kashmir. 80 The home of our poet therefore must be in Kashmir. III (c) Further allusions to matters relating to Kashmir. Thus assuming Kashmir to be the home vf Kalidasa, we shall find iat numerous allusions, such as those of the silk and the wool and the 477 or the 'shawl', as also the emblem of the marriage-garment81, the prohibition of killing an eagle in the air, Sla the mention of the delightful icy-waters, 82 the closing of the windows 83 in the months of winter, heavy clothing of women and their wearing of the garment dyed in the red Kusumbha 84 in particular, characteristic mention of the red and well-developed lips like the bimba fruit85, the saffron plant and paint, rice crops and the songs in the rice fields and the frequent mention of the worship of the sun: all acquire a new significance, as they, taken together, most fittingly apply to conditions in Kashmir. We shall pass over these allusions and only refer the reader to our notes, and for the present take up the last three only for our consideration, namely, allusions to saffron, to rice, and to Sun-worship before we proceed to an important discussion regarding the religion of Kalidasa that also determines his home in Kashmir.

·23 in But my 1. Argument from Saffron Kalidasa in the Ritu Samhara describes how ladies besmear their 86 breasts with the saffron paint in the months of Hemanta, Sısır i and Vasanta That this practice was ? i enl and popular one even the days of Bilhana, a Kashmirien poet, may be gathered from his description of Kashmir in the last chapter of the Vikramanba Charit 87 halhana, the author of the Rajatrangini, refers to the use of saffi on ointment as a prerogative, and in an interesting passage refers to the use of the saffron pomade to colour the white flowing beards of the councillors of the bigs in Kashmir 89 It is little wonder that these Kashmirian writers make so frequent use of saffron in their writings for there is abundant growth of saffron in Kashmir which is hnown as the home of saffron or the Kunhuma Desha't Kalhania writes, 90 Learning, lofty houses, saffion, icy waters and grapes things that even in heaven are difficult to obtam are common in Kashmir Kalidasa in the Raghuvansa (IV 67) considers it enough to name saffror in order to suggest its home, namely Kashmir Now our point is that as saffron comes from Kashn ir 91 so presumably does its conventional use as pomade- Kashmu angar agah s which contentional use has gained popularity with the non-Kashmirian triters too not Kalidası, an outsider to Kashmir, have borrowed this convention like other non Kashmirian writers? No, it does not appear so from his styles For he paints the breasts of his ladies with saffron not after the conven tional manner of other Indian writers in every season, but only in the riglt season for it, namely in the months of wint r and spring only-during the summer Kalidasa makes use of sandal paste - पयोधरा चन्दनपचिता (RS 16) Of course, it would be absurd to suggest that every Sanskrit writer who referred to the use of saffron paint was a native of Kashmir What we want to emphasize here is the distinction between a poetic contention and a real and popular practice It appears to ns that while describing the distinut pleasures of various seasons, Kalıda 7 alludes to the real practice of the saffron-paint in a particular season, which on the anthonty of Bilhana is known to us as a real and popular practice in Kashmir It further appears to us that the allusions to saffron by Kalıdısa are based upon personal observation, not only of the popular and romantic of saffron in Kashmir, but also of its cultivation Indeed, Kalidasi possesses full hnowledge of the fact when the saffron crop is npe or saffron is made told by the authorities on Kashmir Ⓡ3 that the time for plutung out the saffron bulbs in Kashmir is in July and Angust and that the flowers appear about the middle of October and that when the flowery are collected, the real worl of extracting saffron commences The flowers are dried in the sun, the filaments are piched out by the hand and the saffron is made Now, the line Lagna-Krınkuma-hesar in in the Raghuvansa (IV 67) may either m an 'bodies to the mancs of which thie Kunkuma or the saftron flowers got stuck' or it may mean better still' bodies to which filaments of the hunkuma or the saftror * We shall see that the latter meining fits เka the time of Raghu's arrival in Kashmir We knos uses We are wer got stuck' 7 ·25 105 taken together in settlmg the home of Kalidasa The presumption is that Kalidasa witnessed in his home not only the rice-fields but also the saffron fields, both of which are described by him, but neither are the two together nor are the saffron-fields alone known to have been described by any non-Kashmirian writer Thus the home of Kalidasa should not be a rice producing country only, but should also be noted for saffron This eliminates all other countries except Kashmir Kashmir is noted from ancient times for its only important crop of rice or shali' and is also described as the home of Saffron, the Kunhuma Desha With Kalidasa shālı is a pet name for rice shalı is also the popular name for paddy in Kashmir even to this day Songs associated with the rice-fields of autumn appear in the Raghuvansa (IV 20)—wfontain and will be recognised as having a special interest for Kalidasa if we bear in mind that rice is an autumn crop in Kashmir and that some of the best national songs sung in Kashmir are sung in its rice-fields The setting of tho rice-fields with blooming lotuses around them, lakes and Swans and flowering trees, all remind us of the scenes of rice-fields in Bashmir 104 A Kashmiri is always anxious about his shālı 107 so shalı is always uppermost in the mind of Kalidasa In every way the most important staple in Kashmir is rice Of all the rice-producing countries therefore, Kashmir-the ono country that grows rice as well as suffron with both of which our poet is so familiar-appears certainly to be the home of Kalidasa This will account for our poet's partiality for 108 lice 109 The in- 3. Argument from Sun-worship. Sun-worship in India has existed from the Vedic times, but the Suncult is decidedly of a later growth Dr Bhandarkar divided the Suncult in India into two classes--indigenous and foreign digenous cult worships the orb of the sun and the foreign cult, popular in northern India, raises temples for the Sun Dr Bhandarkar concludes that there is evidence to show that the Sun-cult, probably made up of a mixture of the indigenous and foreign forms, prevailed in the beginning of the 6th century and was professed by great princes From the writings of Kalidasa it appears that the mixed form of the Sun-worship was prevalent in his days The worship of the Sun 110 is indicated by Raghuvansa (XIV 66) and Kumara Sambhava (V 20), the indigenous form denoted by Sakuntala (VII 11), and the foreign form by Vikrama Urvası (I IV) which denotes the Sun-temples as well as the image of the Sun-Treflaufafwan 474 the ablative form of 'Suryopasthan' denoting the Sun-temple whence Pururavasa had returned, and (F*717 wa972787927a denoting the Sun located at a particular place- & *0740 Tue, at whose feet, obviously the feet of the image_TIT attendance was required in the Sakuntala (VII 11) Kalidasa locates Sun-worship round the Kashyapa Asrama or Kashmir In the Kumara Sambhava (V 20 ) Parvatı in order to obtain the desired husband just as Sita contemplates in the Raghuvansa (XIV 66), worships the Sun on the Gauri Sikhara" in the Himalayas, which acer + t' 19 ·26 . situatod in Kashmir. In the Vikrama Urvasi it is interesting to noto thut Kalidasa takos Vikrama all the way from Allahabad-- Gungii Yamunuyoh Sangame (V. V. act õl to the Himalayas where the itbodo of Kusyapa is, for adoration of the Sun at tomply or the Suryopsthall, which may be indentified with the tema Sunplu of Martand!' in Kashmir described by the Nilmat as #11296afaris or tho Sun-temple established by Kasyapa with whose place of residence Sun-worship is 19sociated in the Sakuntala. Now the question is why of all the places noted for Sun-worship in India should Kalidasa lead us to Kashmir along and why of all other famous temples of the Sun!3, such as the one at Multan in the Panjab, and the other at Mandsaur in Jalawa, should he lead us to the Sun-temple in Kashmir ? Obviously because he is so familiar with it. We have already pointed out that rho site of the Sun-worship is associated with the Kasyapa Asrama in the Sikuntila is known to the Kashmirian tradition in the Nilmat as tlo Kasynpa Swami Mārtanda. Thus a close familiarity on the part of our poot with such unimportant sites, known only to the Kashmirian tradition, and allusions to them in a significant manner can best be accountod for by assuining that Kalidasa was brought up under the Kashmirian tradition and that he was a native of Kashmir. IV. Religion of Kalidasa Every student of Kalidasa knows that Kalidasa was a worshipper of Siva 1. All his dramas open with a prayer to Sivalls. But in his works we also find that prayers are offered to Brahmã and to Visnulli too--the prayer to Brahmă in the Kumara Sambhava being entirely based on the traditional prayer to the same deity in the Nilmat. 117 Thus the Saivism of Kalidasa was of a non-sectarian type which, though it regarded Siva as the highest deity, yet had room for the worship We of other gods and goddesses like the Saivism in Kashmir. also know that the Saivism of Kalidasa was essentially monistic in its charaoter It was also free from wild and fantastic ideas that Now if are generally associated with Saivism outside Kashmir 120. tve turn to the Sarva-darshan Sangrah of Madhavacharya and read his description of various schools of Saivism, we shall find that the type of Saivism represented by Kalidasa is the same that Madhavacharya describes as the 'Pratyabhijnâ Darsana' or recognitive system, which is the Kashmirian Saivism 12. All other schools of Saivism prevalent outside Kashmir are described as dualistic and even pluralistic in their philosophy as against the monistic philosophy of Kashmirian Saivism, and are ghastly in their form as against the sober practices of Saivism in Kashmir. But it has been challenged whether Kashmirian Saivism has been monistic from its most ancient days pointed out by Sir Richard Temple that the ancient Agama Shastras of Saivism in Kashmir are dualistic in their philosophy and that it is the later Agamas, the Spanda and the Pratyabhijnâ shastras of Saivism that are noted for that idealistic monism. But this view is not correct; even Mr. Chatterjee, whom Sir Richard Temple closely follows, does not admit the possibility of total 118 119 122 It is ► 1 ·27 dearth of ancient monistic Agamas in Kashmir Mi Chatterjee only says that some of the Agamas at least were dualistic in their teaching, or at any rate were open to dualistic interpretation That makes the position altogether different, tor these dualistic agamas may have existod side by side with the monistic agamas that existed from the most ancient times in Kashmir as is also borne out by the Kashmir tradition 11 che Nilmat as we shall presently see Now whatever may be the originil form of Saivism in Kashmir, it cannot be denied that in very early centuries Monistic Saivism had found its home in Kashmir, for the tradition—āgama, of Monistic Saivism representing the ,Pratyabhijnd doctrine is already existent in the Nılmatia wluch in its present form is assigned the date sixth or seventh centuries AD, at any rate earlier than the revival of Vedantism by the great Sankara 121 Th19 it would be wrong to suppose with Sır Richard Teinple that Saivism in Kashmir took a monistic turn under the influence of the great Sankara Acharya who belonged to the eighth Century AD Now Monistic Saiyism is not known to exist outside Kashmir in those early centuries before Sanhara Acharya, but in Kashmir it must have existed in the fifth century A D at the latest to have found expres sion as a traditional form of religion in the present edition of the Nilmat in the sixth Century AD Kalidasa, therefore, in those early centuries, before Sankara Acharya, must lave learnt his form of Saivism in Kashmir The Kashmir Saivism 123 we know is divided into three forms of literature, namely, the Agama Shastra, the Spanda Shastra and the Pratyabhijna Shastra The first lays down the doctrine and proscribes action, the second furnishes the details of the doctrine and the third the philosophy of it The Agamas are believed to have come down (A-qama) as revelations from Sıva through distant ages But it may be argued that the definite type of Saivism known as the Pratyabhijna philosophy was promulgated in Kashmir about 800- 850 A D, much later than the possible date of Kalıdası -how could Kalidava have drawn upon the system which did not exist in his time? Our answer 19, that according to its own traditions the Pratyabhijna philosophy has its roots in the early monistic system of the Trika philosophy of Saivism, known after the name of Tryambaka, who is said to have lived several generations before Somananda who systematized in the ninth century A D the Pratyabhijna doctrine that already existed in Kashmir Vasugupta, who claims fresh inspiration of the philosophy in the latter halt of the eighth century AD, 18 also believed to have come across, by Siva's favour, some ancient records of the philosophy already existing in the country Tradition believes that the philosophy existed in Kashmir from the earliest times It was lost for sometime (probably under the influence of Buddhism) and was reled again, according to the modern scholars, in the eighth century AD We must note that the Agamas that are believed to have been delivered as revelation by Sıva himself must originally belong to a very remote past as their human authorship no! remembered by the writers of the Pratyabhijna r' eighth century AD Most of these Agamas, as Mr C 1 ·28 Oull tainly existed long before the appearance or reappearance" of the Trikai or tho Pratyabhijna philosophy during the eighth century A. D. and at least some of them certainly taught the monistic doctrine of tho Pratyabhijna, which, as we have already observed, is noticeable in the Nilmat long before the eighth century A. D. The sources 12 of the Pratyabhijna philosophy may thus be traced back to the ancient inonistic Agamas. Inasmuchas Kalidasa represents the Pratyabhijna philosophy in his works, le must have drawn his inspiration from these ancient sources of the Pratyabhijna school, nadiely namely the Againas. Kalidasa was certainly most proficient in his study of the Agamas-TH:, and he appears to have been much revered for his knowlego of the Aganas, as in the Raghuvansa (VI. 41) he praises the king of Anupus as agamavriddham-sevi-1974. Kalidasa hinsell believed that the extent of the knowledge of the Agamas-the l'evealed treatises as mentioned above, depended upon the capacity of intellects-019T HEUTTA: (Raghuvansa I. 15) and also believed in consonance with the Pratyabhijna philosophy that the Agamas lay down for us the course of good ictions-WT* :HEUTT44: Thus the description of the Agamas in Kalidasa is just like the Saiva agamas which lay down both the doctrines (Fra)ind the practices (f=127) of the system and are treated as revelations-as above Prajnīī, coming down from remote times. Thus Kalidasa, wlio in his writings teaches the Pratyabhijna doctrine--not known ontside Kashmir during those days, yet definitely known to the Kashmir tradition in the Nilmat-must have learnt it in Kashinir wliich may be his home. us now give a very brief summary of the Pratyabhijna philosophy of Kushmir, that will enable us to relate it more fully to the Pratyabhijna doctrine preached by Kalidasa in his writings.127 According to the Pratyabhijna philosophy, there is only one existence,*) self or 'Sudā Siva', which may be described as having two aspects, transcendent and immanent, or Siva and Sakti, which are one in their essence, and are but two aspects of the same reality. They are eternally related together like word and its meaning. Sakti works in a variety of modes and has every hold on Siva. Indeed Sakti is Siva himself. With his Sakti thus Siva manifests himself as the universe and he does this out of his free-will, without use of any other material: Universe is expansion out of the perfect freedom of God. The process of manifestation is technically known as the Abhās or reflection of Saktif on Siya as distinguished from the Vivarta' doctrine of the vedantins. According to the Vivarta doctrine, the appearances are not real as they are non-existent in the supreme reality; while according to the 'Ābhấs' doctrine, the appearances are real in the sense that they are aspects of ultimate reality or qafira in whom they exist in the highly form as the experienced. The Abhās and the Vivarta doctrines both try to explain the phenomenon of diversity in unity but to the 'Vivarta’ this ápparent division is of no consequence while to the 'Ābhās' it is apparently a source of strengthening to the whole. Let is b e synthesized ·29 own create (11 meie Thus Sıva who in his supreme freedom and joy wills to create this universe brings into operation his Sakti, which acts as the principle of Negation of the subjective idea, and brings out the objective reality, the 'Srishti'} By the necessity of his creative power, Siva who 18 all along perfect freedom and light also limits himself as the individual soul or "Jiva'--Sıva for gets his own Saktı in the Jiva State which is the result of his own free-will to The creative Sakti acts as force of obscuration in order to cruate many out of the one This aspect of the Sakti is technically known as fatia or fouta or Maya not in its vedantic sense as illusion but the actuity which produces forgetfulness of the real nature of self (J In other words farafa takes place on the part of Sıva, of his own Saktı or the reflection of Sakti on Siva is bedimmed But the force of obscuration cannot be of a permanent character, it is only a temporary phase, though a necessary one, in the course of evolution It vanishes when the course of involution begins, or technically speaking when the 79 aspect of Sakti reacts upon it (k) Realization of Saktı as belonging to self takes place through the method of recognition or in other words, realızation of the identity of self with God tahes place through recognition of the Divine nature of self Recognition is the only way to selfrealization Recognition or afvam tahes place by some potent ineans, such as that of the instruction of the Guroo or the study of the VETTATU-the power of contemplation on self or ones own Pratyaya. thus recognition ends in self-realization " Sakti is reflected in the pure light of Siva, or in other words, Sıva regains his Sahtı Self-realization takes place or union by recognition is attained The experience thus gained is not lost but is synthetically" related to the divine experiencer Union by recognition or the wafuata is thus the chief essence of this system of philosophy" After gaining recognition what is left for one is to do good to others for "there is no divine 'curse on man that he should only be actuated by personal motives The Pratyabhijna doctrine is preached for the good of mankind irrespective of caste, colour, creed The student should approach this philosophy as 'Dasa' to whom it will be given free out of its abundance º This is but a brief summary of the tenets of the Pratyabhijna philosophy of Kashmir Now it may be interesting to learn that our researches in Kalidasa have led us to the definite conclusion that Kalidasa was a follower of the ancient Pratyabhijna philsophy of Kashnır and that the beautiful drama of love between Dushyanta and Sakuntala is also r beautiful allegory of the tenets of the Pratyabhijna Philosophy of Kashmir There is nothing strange in the drama having an allegorical character for Sanskrit poets are quite familiar with the device of allegorical repiesentation of abstract thoughts Siva is already known to Kalidasa as Nata Rāja, (Degha Duta 36) acting the drama of thuis world with the aid of Parvatı his own Saktı (DIM I +) The comparison of this world with an part of Siva, the chief dramatist, is also known to + ) or sex iro in the on ·30 was of the Saiva philosophy. 128 In order to popularize this Pratyabhijna philosophy in its very early days of promulgation, Kalidasa hits at the happy device of writing an allegory on the basis of the lore-story of Sakuntala in the Mahabharata. He thus introduces the vital incident of Durvāsa's Curse followed by loss of the ring, its recovery, recognition of Sakuntala and subsequent union with her in Kashmir and similar other changes in the original story of the Mahabharata and gives a dramatic and an allegorical shape to that historical episode in a manner that suits his purpose best. We know that suggesstion is the soul of poetry and this is specially true of the style of Kalidasa. Indeed it speaks very high for his genius that he has succeeded in maintaining the romantic as well as the philosophic character of that unique drama in the world. It is highly probable that the idea of allegorical representation of the Pratyabhijna tenet on the basis of a love-story, was suggested to the mind of Kalidasa by a love-metaphor of a similar character that might be current' among the teachers of the Pratyabhijna philosophy in his day and employed to illustrate the novel point of the Pratyabhijna, as we note that the metnphor of love, employed by Utpala who re-affirmed the Pratayabhijna doctrine and who might have borrowed thal. love-metaphor from the ancient sources and traditions129 of that philosophy in Kashmir, as previously known to Kalidasa. Let us now follow the Sakuntala and briefly illustrate the Pratyabhijna tenets from its various incidents. In the drama, King Dushyanta stands for Lord Siva, Sakuntala for his Sakti. The word Abhijnana or Pratyabhijnana, which occurs so frequently in the drama, should be taken in its philosophic sense The poet has given us an important suggestion in using the word, Abhijnana, ik such a prominent place as the title of the book itselfm97579 mgimat which should signify in its philosophical sense the drama dealing with the 'recognition of Divine Sakti', or in other words realization of God. The dramatic 'Srishti' 131 of the Sakuntala begins with the marriage of Dushyanta and Sakuntala, which does not require any permission from the parents, for Dushyanta and Sakuntala ara eternally married as Siva and Sakti : Sakti is described as the hear of Siva, traforg:132 So is Sakuntala the sweet-heart of Dushyanta Siva in his supreme joy and freedom wills his Sakti to create the universe 133 Thus Sakuntala appears big with child, that is, Sakti carries and develops the seed of Siva's 'Icchã' to create the universe which is of the nature of sport on the part of Siva.136 Thus the creative energy is occupied in creating the new world. Now Dushyanta retires to his capital. Sakuntala is pining in her love for her husband and is waiting to be called by him. She is constantly brooding over her love for Dushyanta. But according to the Pratyabhijna philosophy, the act of creation is the work of negation of the Ideal Universe' - faiYaTaTTIFF-an apparent division in the unity of love; Siva therefore can no longer retain luis Sakti in the 'ideal' state, for she is already occupied in the work of creation or of objective reality Sive is which is the negation of the subjective state of union 135 130 ·31 136. over 137 thus under the spell of his own creative energy which he himself has put to work and thus the 'Ideal Universe' of bis umty with Saktı vanishes from lus sight A demonstration to that effect has got to bo made, thus appears Duryisi with his curse Durvasa with his curse does not at all occur in the original story of Sakuntala in the Mahabharata The vital incident of Durvasa's curse is the poet's own creation, that gives a curius turn to the development of the wliole draina The curse is a deterrent force in the union of Dushyanta and Sakuntala Indeed the curse stands in the Pratyabhijna philosophy for necessity farfa) that accrues from Shiva's will to create —the pidhăn that follows the Srishti, the Jayã Sahtı of Sıva that creates mohu ou delusion in order to create many out of the one But the obscuring influence of the curse soul—the technical "Tu odhan', is of a tumporary character only, it soon disappears and gives room for the play of the Anugraha Sahtı of Sıva when recognition or 'Pratyabhijna' has taken place by some potent means such as ones own Pratyaya Thus the Durvasa'e curse is modified and the obscuring influence of the curse is dispelled by the sight of the King's own finger ring-his Souvenii, Ins oun Pratyaya, -as in the Pratyabhijna philosophy, narked by the letter's of his own name. (Note the significant phrase 31THR19hz7fgai) Like a flash of lightning Sakuntala dawns upon Duslıyanta and recognition takes place It may appear curious indeed as it already appeared to the Apsarā-Indumatı138 in the dıæma that no iecognition could take place without the sight of the finger-ring, inspite of the fact that Bakuntala was there with her open face before the very eyes of Dushyantar However curious this incident may appear to us, nevertheless 1t is a real fact according to the "Abhâs Vada' of the Prutyabhijna philosophy that Sakti could not reflect herself in the pure light of Siva as long as the cloud of Pidhāna was there, that is, no recognition of identity of self with God could tako place unless the force of obscuration was exhausted, unless the creative energy had delivered herself of the charge of creation or manzfoldness, and botook herself to the path of involution or 'Anugraha 139 But Sikuntala as she appears before the king has not yet delivered herself of the child, namely, Sakti has not yet finished the task of creation This is again a significant invention of the poet, for in the Mzhabharata Sakuntala appears before the king with hei son, Now, as the creative energy has not yet performed the function for which she was designed, so she could not retreat Siva at this stage But as soon as the work of creation 19 over, that is, the will of Sıva is carried out, and Saktı has no orders from Sıva to carry, she withdraws her power of obscuration and shows her beneficent aspect or "TE Hei activities of obscuration chat lunited Sıva into Jiva and that made creation possible are ovor and thus there is no more bar to recognition of Sakti by Siva Thus Dashyanta gains recognition of Sakuntala and receives her back after she is delivered of a child But this time it is Dushyanta who goes out to receive his wife back to his home to the Pratyabhijaa doctrine, unlike the Vedanta hy to more 1101 ling ·32 ܛ 21.10. 1.11 person whose Siva is an active agent !10 and not a mere passive witness; as Sakti is but another name of his own power. He appears to be passive under the influer.ce of his own creative power. Siva in his majesty is said to maintain both the states of reality, subjective and objective, active and passive! Thus Dushyanta retires under the influence of the curse but when recognition has taken place, he gets active and goes out to bring Sakuntala back to his home. Siva may thus be said to be united with Sakti. We have noted above that without the sight of the finger-ring recognition of Sakuntala, inspite of her presence before the eyes of Dushyanta, could not be effected; similarly we are told by the Prataybhijna philosophy that without the aid of some potent means, the individual soul does not recognize his divine Sakti' though the Divine Sakti is all along with him : unless one is led to believe by the authority of the 'Adhyatma Darsana' or the instruction of the guroo or ones own pratyaya one is not able to recognize God in oneself. And it is said that without recognition there can be no realization, as in the case of a maiden who though fallen in love with a youth by mere hearsay, is not moved by the sight of the youth unless she is told by her friend that this is the same excellences had so fascinated her. As soon as she is able to recognise him as her beloved she goes into raptures over him 142 But we must not forget that the finger-ring or the Shastra is at best a Souvenir, a mere aid to recognition, though a very potent one indeed in as much as it restores memory. Certainly recognition would not be possible had there been no cognition of the subject thus recog- Recognition of God as our self therefore, presupposes identity of our self with God, without which no recognition could take place. After the recognition has taken place, the finger-ring or the Shastra is futile for the individual, i hus Sakuntala refuses to wear the finger-ring after her recognition by Dushyanta. The fact that Dushyanta has gained recognition of Sakuntala by the sight of the finger-ring signifies that intellectual comprehension of the nature of self is secured. But Dushyanta also seeks the company of Sakuntala or in the language of the Pratyabhijna-upalabdhi', that is, personal communion with God. For that he must wait till he makes another effort. Thus Kalidasa has to invent the whole of the seventh act in the Sakuntala. We find that Dushyanta goes out to fight with the enemies of Indra and is united with Sakuntala in Kashmir, the home of the Pratyabhijna philosophy. Indeed recognition leads to self-realization 113 when the sloth and impurities of our previous actions (642), the enemies of. our Self or Indra, are totally burnt in the sacred flame of Love or recognition of the power of God within 143 Recognition thus is the crux of the philosophy for it is said to be the only way to the realization of God's power or Sakti. Thus Dushyanta must recognize Sakuntala before he can be united with her. We further note in the drama that Dushyanta attributes his union with nized 12a ·33 . may fall Sakuntala to the 'Anugraha' or the grace of Kashyapa We must remember that Anugraha 145 is also the technical name in the Pratyabhijna plulosophy for that beneficent aspect of God s power, which reveals itself when all impurities are cleansed away Thus in terms of the Pratyabhijna philosophy Kashyapa accounts for the whole phenomenon of appearance and expounds the Pratyabhijna doctrine of Abhas 14) Again, Kashyapa asks Dushyanta to greet his son born of Sakuntala Dushyanta accepts him as the mainstay of his family—thus philosophically speaking, the experience gained is related to the experiencer It is implied that the process of creation was not futile, it was, as it were, a source of strengthening to the absolute 146 This valuable truth in the Pratyabhijna is illustrated in a poetic way by Kalidasa in his other works too 146 Thus Kalidasa believed this world to be not a dream-land but a field of action Accordingly, Kashyapa asks Dushyanta and Sakuntala with their son to devote themselves to works for the good of mankind This is the moral lesson of the Pratyabhijna doctrinel17 , for it is laid down that there is no divine curse upon man that he should only be actuated by personal motives Indeed, curse upon him who neglects his duties to others On ethical grounds too, Sakuntala deserved the curse for she neglected her duty towards th3 sage Indeed the moral lesson of the Pratyabhuna philosophy is-service to mankınd Kalidasa was himself thoroughly imbued with that spirit-we have already noted how cleverly he defended the position of the fisherman against the social persecution whırh he was put to! The drama of Sakuntala is indeed a protest against the Buddhistic idea that the world is a mere illusion and that it must be renounced 148 In accordance with the spirit of the Pratyabhijna doctrine, Kalidasa maintains that the responsibility for service is greater with those who are enlightened--thus Sakuntala and Dushyanta are finally advised to live ir this world and to do works for the good of mankind We have noted thus that the plot of Sakuntala is modelled the lines of the Pratyabhijna philosophy, we may go greater detail and reproduce some of the actual passages in the drama that are related to the Piatyabhijna philosophy We have already marked the suggestive use of the word fusta in a prominent place as the title of the drama ofisiatimay The prayer to Siva in the form of Astamurtı\49 in the Nandi is again significant, as it points out that there is one reality only, namely Sıva Siva 18 married to his own Sahti who is out to create the world and thus she receives the inevitable curse of separation, which is further modified by the significant means of recognition -किन्तु अभिज्ञानाभरणदर्शनेन शापोनिवर्तियत इति । Thus Sakuntala 1s remanded सखि यदिनाम स राजा प्रत्यभिज्ञानमन्थरोभरत ततस्तस्माथिदम् आत्मनामधेधाङ्कितमहालीयकम् दय। (Sakuntala IV) Sakuntala as she is presented to Dushyanta is compared to fet, the abstract idea of Action, while Dushyanta is remembered as the Leader of the entire group of Arhatas ATATTET --(Arhat is a title of highest wisdom in Buddhism) which Leader of the Arhatıs according to Kalidasa can be his own favourite deity or Sıya the Lord of Wisdom-ın on into 10 1 ·34 lias already comparod Dushyanta with Siva in Sakuntala Act I. 6.-- UTETI zarafqaiffaq. 15:00 Siva's supremacy over Buddha is hinted not only in tho phrasu - WATTUT: But ilso in the incident of the nicoting of the Rishis with Dushyanta in Sakuntala II. Kalidasa suggests that one can become a sitlilhurtha only by waiting on Siva incl not iftor the manner of Buddhism, oven as the Rishis who had waited on Dushyanta had become Siddhartha, as they could speak of themsolves - Paris :. Again, we know that Bliss according to Lho Pratyabhijnat consists in union with the Divine Sakti. Thus Dushyanta at the sight of Sakuntala, with whom he is going to unite in wedlock, gives expression to his joy or Bliss istatavuar fara fora (Sakuntala III.) Tho Buealistic Mirranu ox Bliss is thus clothed with a Saivito ineaning by Kalidasil. It appears that such gentlo hits at Buddhism with improved interpretations of its philosophical terms were onjoyed and appreciated in the days of Kalidasa by his literary audionce for whoin ho composed his draina. We note in the Pratyabhijna philosophy, light of knowledge or Jnana, and power of activity or fanitatii 161 are given as epithets of Siva and Pravati, and joy or bliss is said to lic in their union. Thus, the following verse clearly suggests that in the estimation of Kanva, Dushyanta and Sakuntala stand for Siva and his consort Sakti, and that happiness lies in their union- त्वमइंतांप्रायम:: स्मृतोऽसिनः शकुन्तला मूर्तिमतौ च सतक्रिया,समानयंस्तुक्यगुणवधूवर, fragadiana: gongfa: (Sakuntala V 15). Sakuntala is big with child when she is presented to the King- तदिदानीमापन्नसत्वेयं प्रतिरट ह्यता सहधर्मचरणायेति 15la But the King is in the state of faæfa and scems to have a faint recollection of something which he cannot recognise-तचेतसारमरतिन्नमवोधपूर्व भावस्थिराणि जननान्तरसौहदानि (Sakuntala V. 2). Gautami compells Sakuntala to show her face- जाते मुहत मालज्जस्व अपनेष्यामि तावत् ते ऽवगुराठनम् । ततस्त्वां भाभिशास्यति But under the spell of the the King remains suspensewyaf gara: 1 999 aiguaffe ait fort ! yayforeta अमरइवविभात कुन्दमन्दसतुषारं न च खलु परिभोत नवशक्नोमिहातुम् (Sakt. V. 19 153) कामं प्रत्यादिष्टां स्मरामि न परिग्रहं मुनेस्तनयाम्। बरवन्तुद्यमानं प्रत्याययतीव मांदृदयस् ॥ (Sakuntala V.31) No recognition tales place at this stage and the king disowns Sakuntala big with child. Later on, the sight of the signet brings recognition. Now the King is full of longing for Sakuntala. Ho 'seeks her company-साक्षात्कार 1523 that is going to be graduul in his case, and feels uneasy without it. Thus remarks Sanumati afaceata aaaaaaa TP#477 1974afa. Now, recognition will lead to self-realisation when the enemies of Indra or Self-A 1525 are totally destroyed. Thus Sanumuti has it:-- अहमिदानीमेव निवृतं करोमि. अथवा श्रुतंमया देवा एव तथानुशासन्ति, यथाचिरेण मतां धम पनीम भिनन्दिष्यति । तद्युक्तमेतत् कालं प्रतिपालयितुम् । In the meantime Dushyanta spends his hours in drawing the picture of Sakuntala 1522 even as a pious man would spend his time in worshipping God till at-one-ment is reached. Thus finally the King sets out to defeat the enemies of Indra and meets his wife in Kashmir. He points out the value of the Pratyabhijna to his wife-प्रियेक यमपि मे त्वयिं प्रयुक्त मनु कूलपरिणाम संवृत्तम् । यदहमिदानीं त्वयाप्रत्यभिज्ञातमात्मानं पश्यामि॥ The work of creation was after all not futile 153, स्मृतिभिन्न मोहतमसोदिष्टया प्रमुखे स्थितासि मे मुमुखि,उपरागाग्ते शशिनः PIETAT Tifest # ll (Sakuntala VII. 22.7 Apparent division' as in curse in स्थानवेत्यव्यवस्यन् ·35 got luis son for it 156 the Pratyabh na seems to strengthen the unity -एष विवाद एक प्रत्याययति (Sakuntala VII) Thus the work of creation ended with the redoubled joy and bliss that came with recognition Dushyanta We find that the son 19 fastened with the string of Aparăjita, which is also a name of Siva in a treatise of the Pratybhijnalus The son stands for Siva's experience that results from the play of his energy He is fastened with the Aparajita string or the string of Siva, ze the experience is not lost as it might be in the case of the Vivarta but synthetically related to its experiencer Siva, the Aparajita The King further remarks किमपिमनस समोहो मे #4143 naya(Sıkuntala VII 24) and #TETIT)*HTC Toeglasrary and again offers the signet to Sakuntala who refuses to wear it with the remarh -नास्यविश्वसिमि आर्यपुत्र एवैतद् धारयत Indeed, the signet of re cognition, ninely the 'Proof', is of no avail after self realization has taken place, though recognition or the signet of recognition is certainly indispensible as a means to self realization Sanumuti had wondered that such a real love of Dushyana for Sakuntala should depend upon a signet of recognition अथवाईदृशो ऽनुरागो। भिज्ञानम्पेक्षते However curious it may appear the fact remains that according to the Pratyabhijna philosophy, self realization cannot take place without recognition-recognition as already described is the crux of the Pratyabhijna philosophy The individual soul does not feel the Joy of its own divine nature, but as soon as its recognition takes place, it is filled with love and Joy Next, Dushyanta with his famıly waits upon Kashyapa Kashyapa compares the unity of Dushyanta his wife and her son to the triad of Shraddha, Vidhi, and the Vitta (Sakuntala VII 29) which suggests the Trika which is but another name for the Pratyabhijna philosophy of Kaslımır, or the unity of the three-arafmarqaaf-çotutafanya combined in one Dushy ınta attributes recovery of his wife to the anugraha of Kashyapa-भगवन् प्रागभिप्रेतसिहि , पश्चाद्दर्शन अत अपूर्व खावोऽनुग्रहः । उदेति पूर्व कुसुम तत फल धनोदय प्राक्तदनन्तर पय ।निमित्तनैमित्तक्योरर्यक्रम तव प्रसादस्य 9784 117 (Sakuntala VII 30) and puts the problem of forgetfulness and the recognition that had troubled him much for solution before him -भगवनिमामाज्ञाकारों Fæfarmifereata safewartief पश्चादलोयकदर्शनासटपूर्वामवगतोऽह तचित्रमिव मे प्रतिभाति । Indeed tho whole world is the afast of Saktı, according to the Pratyabhijna philosophyl58 The king is full of surprise at hus stringe forgetful ness and the stringe way in which recognition tooh place He cannot account for the phenomenon-यथागजोनेति समक्षरूपे । तस्मिन्नपक्रामतिसशय स्यात् taifaecat 7477 galfa ! aufma HAFTATC, (Sakuntala VII 31) but hashyapa replies अलमपराधमट्टयासंमोहोऽपित्वय्यनुपपन्न Indeed, according to the Pratyabhijna philosophy Sıva by his nature is freedom and light- Araut' and #This nature as such is not affected by crertion in the lenst all obsculation 18 dne to the play of the Kriya sahti which cannot affect in reality the freedom of Siv luss out-दुर्वाससाशापादिय स धसंवारिपौत्वया प्रत्यादिष्टा,नान्य धेति, SO उपयन्य oints ·36 159 100 The curso is in leed a necessity; it signifies the obscuring activity of tho Sakti which is set in motion in order to create manifold world out of the ono reality. The curse or delusion is over at the sight of the signet of recognition which restores memory and signifies that recognition of identity of self with God is the only way to selfrealization. Again Kashyapa addresses Sakuntalatafiaeffe, thus Sakti has come out successful in carrying out the orders of Siva to create this world, for which purpose she was let out". It is a matter of supreme joy, that having been successful in her task, Sakti who under the necessity of creation was away from Siva for some time, has regained her hold upon him. Reflection of Sakti on Siva that was bedimmed temporarily is clear again in the pure light of Siva, Siva has recognised his Sakti, namely self-realization is secured, Thus Kashyapa expounds the 'Abhas' doctrine which may be compared with the Abhas-vida of the Pratyabhijna philosophy शापादसि प्रतिहता स्मृतिरोधरूचे भर्यपेत तमसि प्रभुतातवैव छाया न ईति मलोपहतप्रसादे शुद्ध तु दर्पणतले सुलभावकाशो-Sakuntala VII. 32 Again Kashyapa introduces Bharata to Dushyanta thus:-hqy, #f? fuafredo सत्वया पुत्रएषशाकुन्तलेय: The King remarks-भगवन, अब खलुमेवंशप्रतिष्ठा. According to the Abhås-våda of the Pratybhijna philosophy experience does - not vanish away as it does in the case of the 'vivarta yàda,' but it is synthetically related to the experience even as the son is related to the father, in a metaphorical sense Next, Kashyapa sums up the whole philosophy in a sentence and sends its happy message ozitside Kashmirəwhich Kalidasa himself is doing by writing the drama, in the following terms गालव, क एवाय प्रियमा वेदय, यथा पुत्रवती शकुन्तला तत् शाप faqat Fafahat questa granatad fit which philosophically speaking signifies that Saltị has performed her cycle of Creation; (a) the obscuring activity necessary for creation has exhausted itself; is now restored;(o) and the individual soul by way of recognition has realised his divine Sakti and attained supreme bliss--priyam.(d) Next follows the advice of Kashyapa to Dushyantą, the enlightened soul, (fa7959) which is in keeping with the ethical teaching of thë Pratyabhijịa philosophy 161 —-yitayfrania9731rzuch:,97784T/The wigata; (Sakụntala VII. 34.) The King promises 4747, 14121feto ng gfag And finally, just as the title of the drama, afstaurat, promises the recognition of Sakti in the course of the development of the plot, which marks various stages of obscuration and lighting up of 'Bodha' and 'Smriti', as in the Pratyabhijna, so the concluding line of the drama suggests that the promise has been fulfilled-ममापिचक्षपयतु नौलवी इतः पुनर्भः परिगतशक्ति रात्मभूः । The Parigata Sāktir-ātmabhiḥ is a significant phrase, It signifies that Siya has at last regained his Sakti--gfraaf:qfaatan :: Self-realization, or the Summyn Bonum of life, is achieved. This puts an end to further cycles of birth and death as the poet has significantly prayed and the drama of life on earth comes to a close. We have collected all these passages to bring home to the-reader's mind that the connection between the Pratybhijnạ philosophy and the drama of Sakuntala is not based on a mere similitude but it is real b (b] Memory ·87 162 7 and deliberately worked out by the poet-philosopher în incidents and passages of the drama in a way that it does not in the least interfere with the free development of the plot Indeed, the plot is moulded on the lines of the Pratyabhijna philosophy The curse of Durvasa as already described is a novel ineident in the drama of Sakuntala, with its subsequent results, namely, the non-recognition of Sakuntala when she is before the king and is big with child, as well as her recognition by the sight of the signet so are the later incidents of Dushyanta's fight with the enemies of Indra and his attainment of Sabuntala with her son in the valley of Kashmir the poet's own creation. It is most significant that all the leading incidents that illustrate the tenets of the Pratyabbijna philosophy and point to Kashmir as its home where Dushyanta receives his training in the secrets of the Pratyabhijha and Abhas doctrine from Kashyapa, the founder of Kashmir-are our poet's own creations in the drama The Srishti, the Pıdhāna and the Anugraha of the Pratyabhijna philosophy are fully Ulustrated by the three important stages of the development of the drama The curious and unique incident of the non-recognition of Sakuntala and her recognition consequent on the sight of the finger-ring, that has already excited the wonder of Sanumati and of the King himself, can best be understood in the light of the Pratyabhijna philosophy, according to which recognition is the only means of realızıng God who is always with us We have seen that truths derived from all those incidents and passages in the drama agree with the teaching of the Pratyabhijna philosophy as is borne out by comparison with the passages that we have collected from the Pratyabhijna Shastras in our notes In our study of the drama itself we cannot fail to notice the philosophical tendencies of our poet marked by the frequent and significant use of such terms as suggest the philosophical meaning under their particular contexts, and which terms form the chief topics of discussion in the Pratyabhijna philosophy and agree with it in their meaning such as eafa, 114 afasta faraja ya familia yw असत्कल्पना समोह, शाप सक्रिया, छाया मल, शक्ति प्रदा, विधि द्रव्य, सत्व अनुग्रह अनुश्य प्रसाद व्यवधानदोष अन्धकारदोष माया मृगतृषिणका नाममाचप्रस्ताव , भान्ति, मतिभ्रम, भाव, a, , etc, etc The epithet, faut, applied to Sakuntala as suggestive of Sakti and the epithet, faalfast, upplied to Dushyanta signifying Sıva or the highest wisdom, and the significant epithet, gforagftii, applied to Átma-Bhuh or Swa Parratı, signifying the unity of hnowledge and action in the concluding line of the drama, can best be understood in the light of the Pratyabhijna which lays so much stress on the expansion of knowledge and activity both 16% One cannot help feeling that the poet in using all these significant philosophical terms in their studied and well-arranged order, is working out some great pbilosophical problem at the back of the development of that love-story That problem is the problem of the Pratyabhijna or recognition, that 18 the of the whole drama and is our poet's own creation in the drama There is no such dramatic convention in the whole fint! ? Indian essenco ·35 of nonlitoraturo which could explain tho curious incident recognition of Sakuntala inspite of her real presence before the king. The curse of Durvasa itself emanates froin the mind of great Kalidasa 1020 who cannot be supposed to conceive under it, even for purposes of developinent of plot or for improving the character of Dushyanta from the model supplied by the Mahabharata, such a silly devico of non-recognition, if devoid of its suggestive philosophical meaning, on the part of a sensible and noblo king about whom it is said; सतां हि सन्दे हपदेषु वस्तुषु प्रमाण मन्तः करण प्रवृत्तयः (Sakuntala I. 19.) The philosophical meaning of non-recognition is supplied by the Pratyabhijna doctrine. 'Thus we conclude that the incident of Pratybhijna in the drama is based on the model of the Pratyabhijna philosophy, and that Kalidasa takes Dushyanta to Kashmir chictly to indicate that it is the sacred home of the Pratyabhijna philosophy, where Kashyapa the founder of Kashmir, the home of the Pratyabhijna, is introduced as the Guroo 103 in order to instruct Dusliyanta in the secrets of the Pratyabhijia that had so puzzled him. We this feel safe in our conclusion that in writing that drama of love, namely Sakuntala, Kalidasa has drawn his inspiration from the ancient sources of the Pratyabhijna philosophy in Kashmir. The love-metaphor used as an illustration for recognition in the drama is certainly cuirent among the traditions of the Pratyabhijna philosophy as we have already mentioned 165 Thus we are pleased to note that the love-drama of the Sakuntala that is admired all over the world for its poetic charms has something still deeper and real to tell us, that the drama of Sakuntala is indeed an allegorical representation of the Pratyabhijna philosophy; though rolling down from generation to generation in its undetected meaning, is indeed the first evangelic work of that drama of wonderful philosophy of Kashmir by its first “unknown' missionary in the world. Indeed the Sakuntala is a dramatization of the Pratyabhijna. The philosophy was so dear to Kalidasa that he had to write drama to illustrate its truth and to popularize it during its days of inception. Such a popular demonstration of the energetic philosophy of the Pratyabhijna was perhaps felt necessary by Kalidasa, in those days, as he wanted to save the country from the inroads of Buddhism, that had a weakening effect on the then Aryan society 161a Kalidasa could not be a non-Kashmirian and convert to that philosophy, for the philosophy was never known outside Kashmir until its popularization in later centuries by Somananda and Abhinavagupta. Moreover, the truth of the Pratyabhijna was with the poet thoughout his life. It was in his blood, as it were, for his works written in different periods of life from the earliest to the latest are full of its references. In the Malavikagni Mitra, Malavika is recognised as the princess of Vidarbha in the last act, and it is after this recognition only, which takes place after a fixed period of suffering (during the course of her nonrecognition as princess by the King, though she is always before the 165 King) that the marriage or her union with the king is made possible In the Meghaduta too the curse stands in the way of union of Yaksha and his Yakshi. The message of recognition sent through the Cloud yet it a 7 .

·39 13 186 1s over the ze , 167 maniya Mani' is as phy 168 source of happiness, and union cannot take place unless the period of ourse In the Vikrama urvashi, curse transforms Urvashi into a creepe) — 'Lata , the "Sahtı "Latā' and recognition takes place by the aid of the Sanga- In the Kumara Sambhaya it suits Kalidasa to describe how realization of Sıva on the part of Parvati can take place through recognition The joy of recognition is summed up in the line लाधिराजतनया न ययौ नतस्थौ, and Suffering or Becoming or the experience of creation, in keeping with the Pratyabhijna Philosophy, not considered futile-क्लेशः फलेन हि पुनर्नवता विधत्त 168 Parvati has gained her hold on Siva- अद्य प्रभृत्यवमताहि तवास्मिदासः, even Sakuntala has on Dushyanta waandafonyataaa_(Sakuntala VII 32) This agrees very well with the tenet of the Pratyabhijna Philoso- These are all vivid references to the philosophical curse, separation, recognition and realization, scattered thioughout our poet's works--all these ideas constantly revolving in his mind as they appear and reappear in all his writings, and find their full and decisive expression in the Sakuntala The thought of Pratyabhijna that seems to have occupied his attention from the early days of his life has at last been given out in such a neat and perfect form of allegory in the Sakuntala that the poet at this stage seems to have felt that he has so completely given out the message of the Pratyabhijna that he need not touch it any more in the last work or the Raghuvansa But it is still with him The simile of Tet as applied to Sıva and Parvati in the Raghuvansa I, corresponds to the Pratyabhijna doctrine of a ramai or word and its meaning as identified with Siva and his Saktı 170 The poet's own name e-Kalidasa, may be a mere designation like the Vyasa Das of Kshemendra, a Kashmirian poet, only if it superseded his real name If Kalidasa was a follower of the Pratyabhijna philosophy, and he had assumed that name as suggestive of his faith, we might easily account for the term 'Dasa in his name, in the Pratyabhijna sense of the word--for the Pratyabhijna philosophy calls upon its followers to approach it as Dasa-namely one on whom knowledge or joy is bestowed from God's abundance-and Kāli is known to us as a famous name for Siva's Sakti who worshipped to this day under the title of Mahã Kalı or Bhadra Kılı in Kashmir 171 over one of whose famous temples is raised the mosque of 'Hamadan' by the aggressive Molammedans of Kashmir Thus the name Kalidasa suggests--as is also borne out by the behaviour of his heroes towards their heroines 1713 that our poet was the follower of that form of Saivism which recognised worship of Saktı along with that of Sıva that is singularly Rashmilan in character Thus Kalıdası who propounded the philosophy of Kashmir in all his works and followed that form of Srivism that was prepalent in that country, appears to be a student in Kashmir from *** rly days of his life and in all probability a native of is 3 ·38. literature which could explain the curious incident of nonrecognition of Sakuntala inspite of her real presence before the king. The curse of Durvasa itself emanates from the mind of great Kalidasa 1626 who cannot be supposed to conceive under it, even for purposes of development of plot or for improving the character of Dushyanta from the model supplied by the Mahabharata, such a silly device of non-recognition, if devoid of its suggestive philosophical meaning, on the part of a sensible and noble king about whom it is said; vatre T ##: FTU 4984: (Sakuntala I. 19.) The philosophical meaning of non-recognition is supplied by the Pratyabhijna doctrine. Thus we conclude that the incident of Pratybhijna in the drama is based on the model of the Pratyabhijna philosophy, and that Kalidasa takes Dushyanta to Kashmir chiefly to indicate that it is the sacred home of the Pratyabhijna philosophy, where Kashyapa the founder of Kashmir, the home of the Pratyabhijna, is introduced as the Guroo 163 in order to instruct Dushyanta in'the secrets of the Pratyabhijna that had so puzzled him. We thus feel safe in our conclusion that in writing that drama of love, namely Sakuntala, Kalidasa has drawn his inspiration from the ancient sources of the Pratyabhijna philosophy in Kashmir. The love-metaphor used as an illustration for recognition in the drama is certainly current among the traditions of the Pratyabhijna philosophy as we have already mentioned 164 . Thus we are pleased to note that the love-drama of the Sakuntala that is admired all over the world for its poetic charms has something still deeper and real to tell us, that the drama of Sakuntala is indeed an allegorical representation of the Prątyabhijna philosophy; though rolling down from generation to generation in its undetected meaning, yet it is indeed the first evangelic work of that drama of wonderful philosophy of Kashmir by its first "unknown' missionary in the world. Indeed the Sakuntala is a dramatization of the Pratyabhijna. The philosophy was so dear to Kalidasa that he had to write a drama to illustrate its truth and to to popularize it during its days of inception. Such a popular demonstration of the energetic philosophy of the Pratyabhijna was perhaps felt necessary by Kalidasa, in those days, as he wanted to save the country from the inroads of Buddhism, that had a weakening effect on the then Aryan society 164a Kalidasa could not be a non-Kashmirian and convert to that philosophy, for the philosophy was never known outside Kashmir until its popularization in later centuries by Somananda and Abhinavagupta. Moreover, the truth of the Pratyabhijna was with the poet thoughout his life. It was in his blood, as it were, for his works written in different periods of life from the earliest to the latest are full of its references.. In the Malavikagni Mitra, Malavika is recognised as the princess of Vidarbha in the last act, and it is after this recognition only, which takes place after a fixed period of suffering (during the course of her nonrecognition as princess by the King, though she is always before the King) that the marriage or her union with the king is made possible 195. In the Meghaduta too the curse stands in the way of union of Yaksha and his Yakshi. The message of recognition sent through the Cloud 1 . a ·39 a 166 is Over maniya Manı' 167 as .phy 109 18 source of happiness, and union cannot take place unless the period of curse In the Vikrama-urvashi, the curse transforms Urvashi into a ci eeper — 'Lata', ie, the Saltı Lata' and recognition takes place by the aid of the 'Sangas In the Kumara Sambhava it suits Kalidasa to describe how realization of Siva on the part of Parvati can tahe place through recognition The joy of recognition is summed up in the line perfutradat hy tot agerit, and Suffen eng or Becoming or the experience of creation, in keeping with the Pratyabhijna Philosophy, is not considered futile-1: पालेन हि पुनर्नवत विधत्त 168 Parvati has gained her hold on Sıva- qaqaats aaifengra:, even Sakuntala has on Dushyanta भर्तय पेततमसिंप्रभुता तवैद (Sakuntala VII 32) This agrees very well with the tenet of the Pratyabhijna Philoso- These are all vivid references to the philosophical curse, separation, recognition and realization, scattered thioughout our poet's works--all these ideas constantly revolving in his mind as they appear and reappear in all his writings, and find their full and decisive expression in the Sakuntala The thought of Pratyabhijna that seems to have occupied his attention from the early days of his life has at last been given out in such a neat and perfect form of allegory in the Sakuntala that the poet at this stage seems to have felt that he has so completely given out the message of the Pratyabhijna that he need not touch it any more in the last work or the Raghuvansa But it is still with him The simple of aut as applied to Siva and Parvatı in the Raghuvansa I, corresponds to the Pratyabhijna doctrine of wrath or word and its meaning as identified with Siva and his Saktı 170 The poet's own name-Kalıdasa, may be a mere designation like the Vyasa Das of Kshemendra, a Kashmirian poet, only if it superseded his real name If Kalıdasa was a follower of the Pratyabhiina philosophy, and he had assumed that name as suggestive of his farth, we might easily account for the term 'Dasa' in his name, in the Pratyabhijna sense of the word--for the Pratyabhijna philosophy calls upon its followers to approach at as Dasa-namely one on whom knowledge or joy is bestowed from God's abundance--and Kāli is known to us as a famous name for Siva's Sahti who worshipped to this day under the title of Mahã Kalı or Bhadra Kãl in Kashmir 171 , over one of whose famous temples is raised the mosque of 'Hamadan' by the aggi essive Mohammedans of Kashmir Thus the name Kalidasa suggests--as is also borne out by the behaviour of his heroes towards their heroines 1712 that our poet was the follower of that form of Saivism which recognised worship of Sahtı along with that of Sıva that is singularly Kashiniriin in character Thus Kahdasa who propounded the philosophy of Kashmir in all - his works and followed that form of Suvism that was prej alent in that country, appears to be a student in Kashmir from early days of his life and in all probability a native of K 19 #la ·40 17? V. Argument from the Meghaduta. According to the established custom of Sanskrit writers every composition must have its 'hero'. Now the question is, who is the real hero of the Meghaduta? Vallabha, the commentator on Kalidasa, points out that the poet expresses his personal feelings of vipralambha in the Meghaduta, and that an imaginary hero, Yaksha, is conceived in order to heighten the effect of the poem. The study of the Meghaduta will show that the personal feelings of the poet are expressed with such warmth and intimacy that they cannot but be the result of an incident in his own life The direction of home in the Meghaduta is significant, and as the feelings and sentiments in the Meghaduta represent the poet's own state of mind at a particular time of his life, the home in the Himalayas represents the poet's own home. Thus Kalidasa, who is noted for his suggestive style of writing, gives expression when he is travelling abroad to his feelings regarding his home in the Himalayas, in the disguise of an imaginary Yakhsha. But why did Kalidasa adopt this device of an imaginary character in representing his personal state of mind ? Obviously because without the imaginary character of the hero and his home, the poem would have been too realistic and prosaic in its effect. With the imaginary hero that suggests the reality, the poem combines the two elements of the real and the ideal and avoids the dangerous extreme of an ideal that has no life and the absence of the ideal. Kalidasa has with great ability made this delicate adjustment of the real and the ideal in his poem. This happy device has given full scope to the idealizing tendencies of our poet and has added to the poem especially the Uttaramegha, a new sentimen tof surprise which it would not have otherwise gained. Wilson's remark that the Uttaramegha is an funmixed fable' is wrong The uttaramegha, indeed, is a highly idealized description of the poet's own home that is as real as any other part of country on earth as we shall presently see. It is natural that Kalidasa should not treat his affectionate home on the same realistic lines as he treated other countries, and merely narrate it as the rest of the poem where his interest was not so keen and actual, If it is pointed out that the imaginary Yaksha is sufficiently clothed with fresh and blood and fully answers our purpose of the ideal and the real combined in one person, and therefore the hero of the poem need not be a historical reality and the home a geographical one ; still we have to account for the poet's "home-sick condition of mind so fully revealed in the poem and also for the direction given to the Cloud, regarding the home in the Himalayas 179 Indeed, it is difficult to account for the expression of warmth and feeling in the poem -without relating to some actual incident in the poet's life-especially mark No. 44 (supra et seq.) of the Uttara-Meghaduta, in which the poet who is away from home, gets so eager and mad as to embrace the fragrant winds that chance to come from the Himalayas where his lady lives, hoping that they were touched by her at home and brought him the fragrant touch. Now, as regards the home Himalayas, it may be pointed out by our critics that it was 173 in tho ·41 as an in on chosen because Yaksha was taben inhabitant of tho north But the question 15, why was an inhabitant of the north chosen as a hero of the poem and not one of the south or the east or the west, unless the poet had some inter est in the north? Again, how was Kalidasa able to hit on Yaksha as his chief and human character, for Yakshas do not figure so prominently and do not acquire a human figure in the hands of non-Kashmirian writers who know them only as demi gods, and employ them only as minor characters - such as a messenger in the Kirata Arjuniya, and not as their chief character Now, any student familiar with the history of Kashmir can tell us that Kalidasa draws on Kashmir for his chief and human character of Yaksha 170 Yakshas are known as the inhabitants of Kashmi from ancient times Numerous sites of their residence, such as the Yakshadara, the Yachhgrama the abode of Yaksha at the site of the ancient Pravarapura and others, are scattered throughout Kashmir Stories about the residence of Yakshas in rocks 170 and troubles due to them in the country, are equally well known throughout the legendary lore of Kashmir Yakshas are said to live with their Yakshıs in Kashmir, like ordinary human beings They also retain their mysterious character as demi gods, for with their chief, Kuvera, they are worshipped to this day every year Kashmir the Push Badi Varas Every child in Kashmir has his own tale of Yaksha or 'Yachha Babı, to tell Yahsha is also a popular family name in Kashmir and if we had known on some authority that the use of Yahsha as a family name could be extended back to the days of Kalidasa, we would have no hesitation in naming our poet Kalidasa Yaksha-modern Yaccha, as the Kashmirian Bilhana, resident of khonmush, could be described after that popular family name khonmushshu However, the character of Yaksha in the Meghaduta is distinctly Kashmirian-he created some trouble at home, he was therefore driven out and separated from his Yahshi and b und in a rock by way of punishment The Yaksha does not ropresent here a divine character which as we have already pointed out he generally obtains at the hands of non Kashmirian writers Kalidasa could not pick up the typical Kashmirian Yaksha as his charreter unless he a Kashmirian himself, and in picking up the Kashmirian character as the hero of his poem, Ralidasa suggests his own hinship with Kashmir and his home in the happy valley of the Yakshas' of Kasltmır Nov the important question that deserves attention reganding the route adopted by the Cloud to reach its destinatoa at the Kailası mountain Wo shall presently ace that the Kansas mountain in the Meghaduta does not denote the fabulous Railuss not the Kashmirian Kailasa or the Haramukuta mountains, the counted residence of Siva in Kashmir But if the id tination of the Co. Kashmir the question may be raised, why is not the Cload through the usual route for people to rearh Kashmir, narra the Punjab ? The answer to it is thes, that Kaluaa te with ths geographical conditions of Ka 1.38 Ile hraa physically impossible for clowls u Barh Ka-hm were our 18 ·42 . account of the mountain-barriers of Kashmir 17t; thus the Cloud was sent up via Kanakhal, a possible route and a quicker route too for the Cloud to reach the Kashmirian Kailasa, whence it could; as usualy penetrato into the valley of Kashmir. There is another reason for adoption of the route by Kalidasa. The route that Kalidasa inarks for the Cloud is, for half the distance, the same route as that adopted by Siva, according to the Kashmirian tradition in the Nilmat, as he starts from Benares on his way to the Kashmirian Kailasa or the Haramukuta mountain 178 Thus Siva on his way to the Kashmirian Kailasa or the Haramnukuta mountain has to go across the Naimish forest, the Gangådyåra, the Kurukslietra, the Visnupada, the Hansadvåra, and the Uttara Manasa lako. Similarly we find that the Cloud, starting from Rama Giri in Central India on its way to the Kailasa' has to pass through the Bralımåvarta, the Kurukshetra, the Gangadvåra, the Visnupàda, the Hansadvâra and the Manasa lake. Siva in the Nilmat before he finally settles on the Haramukuta mountain visits the Uttara manasa lake and recommends a bath in its waters to Nandi, similarly the Cloud in the Meghadata is recommended a bath in the Manasa lake before it finally reaches Alakay the home of the Yaksha. Siva with his attendants and their chief Nandi takes his residence on the · Haramukuta, under the designation of Bhutesvara,' (which residence is described by Kalidasa as, faqattiqz7 in the Eumara Sambhava, see pp. 8); in the valley of the Kanaka Vahini (referred to by Kalidasa as faitaient UTCATE Sak VII, see note 34) round the vicinity of the Vasistha Asiama (described by Kalidasa in the Raghuvansa -- vicinity of the Vasistha Asrama to the site of Bhuteshvara being denoted by the the appearance of the Lion-an attendant of of Siva below which lies Alaka of the Meghaduta, which we shall presently identify 1788. Further similarity in the incidents of the two routes strengthens our belief that Kalidasa had the Kashmirian tradition of Siva's journey to the Haramukuta in mind, when he laid down the way and incidents for the Cloud from Kurukshetra to the Kailasa which is another name for the Haramukuta the residence of Siva in Kashmir. The Cloud is advised to punish the Sarabhas if they get furious on its upward rise and transgress its way, before it reaches the Hansadvāra, as in the Nilmat the Mundaprastha mountain was punished over its head by Siva, since it transgressed his way and grew in size every time Siva climbed up to reach the Hansadvãra 179, Again, the Cloud is asked to transform itself into steps to help Parvati to climb up the hill with Siva. The Kashmirian tradis tion in the Nilmat is that Siva had to leave Parvati at the Pathish wara tirtha oħ the Bharata Giri, as she could not climb up further with Sivag on the precipitate rocks of the Haramukuta mountain 180 The Cloud thus finally reaches the Kailasa. The Kailasa is identified with the Haramukuta mountain, the residence of Siva in Kashmir, where according to the Kashmirian belief no human feet can tread.181 The Manasa lake situated on the Kailasa is identified with the Manasa lake in Kashmir,' on the Haramukuta or the Kailasa mountain. 182 the ideal town of beauty with Kalidasa as it is his home in disguise Alaka of the Meghàduta cannot be the fabulous Alakà; it has as भूतेश्वर पाश्र्ववर्ती) the Alakà is 183 ·43 on the all the characteristics of an ancient Kashmirian town 85-lofty houses, gardens, springs bound with steps, and ridges where one could mount to have a glimpse of the town below The description of the Kailasa is the description of the Haramukuta mountant with its summit parcelled, as it were, into various snowy peaks and its fabulous mines of India nilaka according to the popular Kashmirian tradition 18) The Mmasa lake where the Cloud 18 ashed to take limpid water fragrant with golden lotuses, is already identified with the Haramukuta Manasa lake also known as the Uttara Gangi, which is noted for its clear water and pink lotuses like the other 'Manas Bal' in Kashmir Now the Meghaduta tells us that in the interior of the mountain mass, known as the Kailasa, is situated Alakı, the town of ideal beauty with its lofty houses, on the banks of the Ganga The Ganga here does not denote the Bhaguthi but the popular Kashmirian Ganga Sindhu, which is beheved by Kashmirian tradition to have its sources Haramukuta mountain, and which does actually flow, as is pointed out in the Meghaduta," past the lower ridge - Ta, of the Haramukuta mountain or the Kashmirian Kailasa 1856 Alaka, the town of ideal beauty is the home of Kalidasa himself or the Yaksha in disguise In * this town Yakshas are said to live with their wives whose sporting glances have a potency to attract men even without the aid of Kama This is how the poet gives expression to his conjugal love at home as against the love based on mere famılıurity-fit out at Dasapura This will rebut the argument of MM. Harprasad Shastır who "ates the famılar glances of the women of Dasapura as a proof in support of his theory that Kalidasa was a native of Dasapura 188 It is further pointed out in the Meghaduta that the home of Yahsha situated at some distance from the home of Kuvera—which might denote a temple of Kuvera in Kashmi, as Kuvera Bhawan does in the Vihrama urvası, can be spotted by its lofty arches bearing the shape of Indra's rainbow 1864 Lofty To anas bearing the shape of the rainbow may be described as the lofty trefoiled archways (with the prominent upper arch closely resembling the rainbow) so characteristic of the style of ancienta buldings in Kashmir 187 Kalidasa could not have mentioned that characteristic style of Kashmir and applied it to the town of his ideal beauty without having a liking for it either on grounds of archtecture itself or ott some personal grounds Thus Kalidasa must eitlier be a visitor or a native of Kashmir But as Alahá the town of rdeal beauty is described by Kalidasa as the home of Yaksha his own character in disguise, and as the town 19 placed in the country in the Himalayas where the style of architecture is actually in vogue, the presumption is that exact reference to that particular style of architecture comes from our poet because he himself belongs to that part of the country and is so familiar with t at lus home in Kashmir. In the Meghaduta uttura 10, special reference is made to a'rāpi' or spring in the town, bound with steps, which wp is said to be situated at the foot of a Inll which gives a view of the whole town Now Bilhana, the Kashmirian poet, tells its that the " zāpis' througliout Kashmir-they are so characteristic of towny Again, in his highly suggestive style Kot' 1 188 ·44 100 the house of Yaksha could be spotted by marks of the sankha and the padma on its doorways; similarly, Kalhana, in his Raja Tarangini, brings out a comparison between Alaka and Kashmir and point out that Kashmir is chiefly marked by its two lakes, tho sankha and the padmals; the only difference between the description of Kashmir as compared with Alakā by Kalhana and the description of Alakā (as applied to Kashmir) by Kalidasą appears to be that of a simile and a metaphor only: Now it makes clear to us that the description of the route of the Cloud in the Himalayas and of the home of Yaksha in that region is not fabulous or unieai bụt is a highly idealized description of the real sites which can be identified in Kashmir along the marks that give a strong indication that the home of Kalidasa was in Kashmir. Thus in accordance with the Megiủaduta the native city of Kalidasa Yaksha in Kashmir must fulfil the following conditions (1) It must be situated in the yalley below the Kashmirian Kailasa' or the Harmukh mountain, on the bank of the Ganga, not far away from the residence of Siva and of his friend Kuvera, (Vide Meghaduta:--town, below Kailasa on the Ganga's bank 63, vicinity of Siva's residence U-10; Dhanapati grihād might denote a temple of Kuvera U-12. Kuvera Bhawan also mentioned in V-U, numerous in Kashmir-see note 48,) (2) It must contain a spring or vapi bound with steps, at the foot of a hill which gives a general view of the city. (Vide Meghaduta U-13, 14,) (3) It must be a flourishing town and contain lofty houses in the past, and in this sense it must be of some historical importance. (Meghaduta U-12.) All the above conditions are fulfilled by the ancient town of Mayagrama191 --modern Manigăm, which is situated below, in the lap of the Haramukuta mountain as it were -तस्थोत्सङ्गे, towards the upper valley of the popular Sindh Ganga on its very banks in Kashmír. Mayagrama has also in its neighbourhood a hill which gives a view of the whole city, at the foot of which exists, even to this day, an ancient tank constructed with stones, which is filled with the waters of a beautiful spring held sacred by the neighbouring people. Mounds containing big boulders, giving indications of an ancient temple are still noted in the vicinity of the town past the ancient road running up the valley: it may be a Kuvera's temple. The town is situated not far below the Vasistha Asrama close upon the Bhuteshvara the famous residence of Siva noted in Meghaduta U-10, whichi Kalidasa has also described in the Kumara Sambhava. Marks of lofty houses are now obliterated, for these constructions were of wood in ancient Kashmir, but the ancient name, Mayagrama, suggests that the town was noted for its architecture, for ‘Maya' in our legendary history, 192 is reputed as a great architect. Yakshas are described as the residents of the town in the Meghaduta and the Yakshas too are known as great architects in Kashmir.192 ·45 The town is recorded to have played some historical part in the later history of Kashmir and as it is not fai removed from the historical Hiranyapura, it may depend for its flourishing condition in stall earlier times on that ancient capital of Kashmir 19'4 It is noted for its fertile area which yielded large revenues to the state in ancient times Mayagrama is noted even to this day for its numerous beautiful ricefields We have already explained that the poet who so frequently refers to the rice-fields and shows his great familiarity with the crop of rice in its growth at various stages, must have watched with affection the rice fields whien have such a hold upon his imagination as to appear so frequently even in his similes and metaphors, and studied them carefully from the days of his infancy in the skirts of the city in which he was born Hayagrama-Manigam may thus be noted as the home of Kalidasa in Kashmir Alaka the home of Yaksha in the Meghaduta is situated in the lap—557 of the Kailasa mountain noted for its Mānasa lake, on the þank of the Gang, in the vicinity of Siva's residence and the temple of Kuvera, round a hill which gives a view of the city and has a spring bound with steps at its foot The town is noted for its lofty houses with their high rainbow arches The topography of the town and its description best agrees with Mayagrama or modern Manigam which may be said to be situated in the lap of the Kashmirian Kailasa, namely the Haramukuta Mountain noted for its Uttarmanasa or the Haramuhuta-Gingi lahe on the banks of the Sindh or the Kasha temple whose huge relios the residence of Sıva Bhutesh, round the spurs of the hill named 'Lohand maig' which gives a view of the city and has a spring bound with steps named Vatasan Näga at its foot The town Mayagrama-as the term Afaya after which it is named suggests, and as any residence of Yakshas the great builders in Kashmir may be supposed to be, and as is also borne out by its history and locality between the famous Tırthas of Bhutesh and the Vasistha Asrama on the one hand and the historical Hirinyapura on the other and some ancient huge relics of stone around it must have been in the past a magnificent place full of lofty houses--so characteristic of ancient Kashmir, which being thostly of wooden construction in the Valley no longer survive The trefoiled archways with their lofty pediments so characteristic of ancient Kashmirian architecture are poetically described by Kalidasa—with the prominent upper arch mind the lower wings of which did not appear striking at a distan from which the cloud was expected to see-asthe lofty Toranas sthi w arnboro arches Alaha is described in the leghaduta as a for town so is Mayagrama noted in history even as late as the e century AD-m earlier times it seems to have drawn its not only from the neighbouring capital of Kashmir names pura-which figures in the Vikrama Ursal and which grama is now a ruined village but ako from the fact is the yisitors from all parts of Kashmir on their way to uity of in ·46 neighbouring sites of Siva Bhutesh. The inhabitants of Alaka are said to enjoy music, taste wine distilled from flowers, and nake themslvez merry in coinpany with their wives who are noted for their matchless and effective sidelong glances (for in thæt town. Cupid is in constant terror of the neighbouring Siva-Bhutesh) and who are said to adorn themselves with flowers and flowers only_which we linow grow so abundantly in Kashmir, the noted valloy of flowers, where wine was not prohibited and where fine-arts were in a flourishing condition in ancient times. Indeed, the whole description of Alakū resembles closely the real description of Kashmir and its towns furnished by the wellknowii poet of Kashmir, Bilhana193 Thus DIayagrama--llanigam in Kashmir is the ideal Alaka of Kalidasa who is disguised as Yaksha in the Meghacuta. This fixes the home of Kalidasa in Kashmir. Having thus fixed the home of Kalidasa in Kashmir in the light of passages culled from his works we shall now briefly describe the course of his peregrinations outside Kashmir. It is admitted on all hands that the Ritusamhar is the first work of our poet. The Ritusamhar gives an impression that the poem was written when the poet was away from home and that he had left his home during the days of his youth. Kalidasa addresses the poem to his beloved191_Priye, obviously his own wife whose praise is immortalized in his later work, the Meghaduta. In the Ritusamhar the poet frequently refers to the pangs of the separation of husbands who are away from home, with extraordinary warmth and feeling and in that connection never forgets the condition of their wives at home. 195 The whole description is marked with such fervour and is so full of personal touches that it is difficult to avoid the conclusion that Kalidasa himself was the traveller and the Priye, or the lady at home his own wife.196 His blessings for the full enjoyment of the delights of seasons to those who are at homo presumably in company with their wives, are always touching: 107 Ritu Samhara (I.10) clearly suggests that Kalidasa hails from the cold country and that he was unaccustomed to the hot-wind, the dusty sky, and the heat of the plains which he met for the first time and which he was unable to endure all the more because he was already heated with the fire of separation from his wife.198 Ritu Samhara (VI 27) betrays the deep sense of regret and laments the lot, of a traveller with such a deep anguish and disproportionate sorrowfulness that it cannot but reflect the poet's own state of mind.199 It appears that Kalidasa did not meet his wife till after he had composed the Meghaduta where the Yaksha's separation from his wife is described as his quafate (M.D.U. 31) and where the hope is held out of meeting her again after four months. Again, we notice that excellences of the beautiful ladies that are described as lying scattered in various beautiful objects in the Ritu Samhara (III 17:18.25) are all summed up in the Meghaduta Yaksha (uttara, v. 41) and applied to the wife of poet's own wife Thus the Meghaduta represents a tinuity of sentiment and thought with the Ritusamhar; they must have been composed outside his home in Kashmir. Malavikagnimitra, however, has to be placed between these two works for Kalidasa had no or Our CON- 200 ·reputation of a standard work to „support him when he staged the diama 201 same Now, the Ritu Samhara (II 8, 27) suggests that Kalidasa was living somewhere on the Vindhya hills when he composed the poem but they cannot be his home for the poet is not aconstomed to their hot climate, against which he makes a real complaint 14 The Malavikagnimitia further suggests a closer frmiliarity with Vidisha on the north of the Vindhyas and the Vidarbha on their south 203 His next work the Meghaduta, was composed in the vicinity of the Vidarbha, on the Ramgiri hills, to the north of Nagpur-Trafatarinaa. The geographical data supplied by the Meghaduta suggests that Kalidasa hnd by that time made himself familiar not only with the Central Provinces and Central India but also with the United Provinces Surely Kalidasa must have visited these places on his way from Kashmir to Central Indir-he did not diop on the Vindhyas from the Himulayas! He seems to have adopted the route for coming out from Kashmir as was adopted by Raghu for entering Kashmir *0% From Mayagrama, across İluzaffarabad near the meeting place of the Vitastā with the Kishen Ganga or the Sindhu' on the banks of which the armies of Raghu had halted, he entered the North West country, the Hazara district, and visited the Indus valley which is already referred to in the Malavikagnımıtra 205 By way of the Punjab which finds little reference in his works-where he probably did not halt on account of its unsettled condition due to its Hun occupation, he seems to have visited such sacred Tirthas as Kanakhal, Kurukshetra and Muttra which find their reference in the Meghaduta, and passed on Bengal whose winter crop of rice 18 mentioned in his first word, the Ritu samliaia V, before he took a turn for Central India and finally settled on the Vindhya hills where he composed his Neghnduta The Meghaduta further suggests that Kalidasa had halted for some time at Dasapura and lived longer at Ujjain which is described with greater familiarity of detail In recommending these places to his Cloud messanger Kalıdısa iepeats his own experience then he visted them At Dasapuri Kalıdısa like his messenger Cloud was made a target of the curious and lovely glances of its women for the line41775rqcwgcar artiqcSiTA (Ň D 49,) may very well suggest cur cosity on the part of the women of Dasapura at the sight of Kalidasa who canie piesħ from the distant land of Kashmir, and signify that Kalidasa w28 & mere stranger and not a native of Dasapurr where he was noted by women with a lovely curiosity for his fair and handsome figure which Kashmus are generally sad to possess At yun too Kalidasa duects the Cloud to make ytself familiar with the fidele glances of its women tat913 afara atgaáfalsfo (N'D 27) But it my appear rather strange that in his description of the berutiful women of Alba, Kalıdası makes no request to the Cloud that it should make itself familiar with the sporting glances of its women for which they were specially noted (N DU 10) ha significant It signifies that at both these places Disapura, Kalidasa loobs with the eyes of a stranger the case with his own home at Alala or May to ant 13 1 mo ·AS 2 his own experience as a visitor to Ujjain when he reminds the Cluiul—who is also to visit Ujjain, how the people of Ujjain take delight in narrating to those who visit it, the stories of Udayana and Väsavalitti-aprotamitazya57rfazanara (M.D.30.) Indeed, Ujjain with its famous Juhäkåla templo inust have attracted visitors from Kashmir in anciont times. O The HujaTarangini connects Ujjain with Kashinir, as centre of great political activity 207 Ujjain occupies place in2 the old fairytales of Kashmir as recorded in the Kathā Sarit Sagar." It must have been a flourishing town when Kaliasa adopted it as his place of residence, and left Kashmir which, during the days of its Hun-occupation, was not a strong and beneficent political power to retain a mighty genius like himself. Besides this, examples of the exodus of the Kashmirian poets to India proper are known to us in all periods of Indian histors.2016 Billana, the Kashmirian who lived at Kalyan, travelled round the whole country 10 Kalidasa also was one of these travel, ling geniuses. No doubt he stayed at Ujjain much longer but Ujjain. was by no means lis permanent place of residence nor did it offer hiin any permanent patronage. Kalidasa was too free a soul to liye under patronage of this king or that king. Like many other favourites of Sarasvati, Kalidasa was also subjected to the frowns of Lakshmi, Thus in the Vikraina Uryasi he specially prays for the union of Lakshmi and Saraswati, and in the Raghiyansa (VI, 29) it is pointed out, that such a union of Lakshmi and Saraswati, or wealth and learning, was attained in the country of Anga or nodern Bhagalpura 211 be that that prayer of Kalidasa was granted in that country, and that the Vikrama Urvasi which shows the poet's further acquaintance with Kashi and Prayāga, was composed or rewarded for its composition in that country. The Vikrama Urvasi appears to have followed the composition of the Meghaduta for it may denote that Kalidasa had met his wife at last and this time had brought her with him to India proper, even as Vikrama had brought his Urvasi (from round Hiranyapura modern Ranyl in Kashmir 211a) with him. It is likely that the theme of the Vikrama Urvasi was chosen by the poet as it represented his own state of life at that time, The poet first lived in company with his wife like Vikrama but like Vikrama, under the influence of a curse, he was separated from his wife-as is fully borne out by the Ritusamhara and the Meghaduta; like Vikrama again he was reunited with his family. Bụt when Kalidasa began to live with his family, his wants naturally increased, and he seems to have migrated with his family to the Anga country, noted for the union of Lakshmi and Saraswati, where all his needs were satisfied. It was at some such place and time as this that when Kalidasa was free from all wordly anxieties that he composed' that perfect gem of poetry, namely the Kumara Sambhaya. The Kumara Sambliava marks an epoch in the life of the poet, when he met his wife at last to whom he was singularly devoted, after her long suffering due to his absence from Kashmir. It represents a change that had come poet regarding his views on human love. Love was so far a passion with him. He has learnt now, possibly from his wife, that the proof of It may + on our ·212 in a love lies not in the physical charms but in ones abılıty to suffer Thus he finds a suutable theme to express his change 1 views in the marriage of Parvati with Sıva, after the severe test of her hard spiritual penances The Kumara Sambhava also gives our poet an opportunity to describe the beauties of the Himalayas in the north which he remembers so affectionately when he is living far away from them in the south Thus he fondly recalls to his inind-अस्त्युत्तरस्यां दिभिदेवतात्मा हिमालयोनाम नगाधिराजा । Having given a moral and spiritual purpose to love in the Kumara Sambhava, the poet now offers its philosophical explanation in the Sakuntala, and nuinutely works out a philosophy of life on the lines of the Pratyabhijna-scanty references to which are scattered throughout his earlier works—as lesint from the Saiva Āgamas during the days of his studentship in Kashmir His fatherly interest in Sakuntala and his concluding prayer in the drama (ममापिच क्षपयतु पुनर्भव । show that Kalidasa at the time of writing the drama was well advanced in age In the Raghuvansa we note that the King of Anupas is remembered for his reverential regard for men well versed in the Agamas The King of Anupas is described as utara it (Raghuvansa VI 41) It appears that Kalıdasa who was now well advanced in age and learning ATITHET ) was received with great honour in the country of Anupas (modern Mhow in Malawa) where he was much revered for his expert knowledge and the authority of the Agamas which if belonging to the Pratyabhijna as we have pointed out on page 28 were learnt by Kalidasa in Kashmir212a It is possible that 11 was in this country that Kalidasa composed Sakuntala which disguised form is a treatise on the Agama philosophy of Kashmir The last work, diz, the Raghuvansa that was left incomplete, and that supplies us with abundant geographical material was possibly composed at Magadha, probably a great political power in the days of Kalidasa, whose king is given the first rank among the important kings recognised at the Swayamvara of Indumatı 213 The favourite places of residence of Kalidasa outside Kashmir appear to have been Magadha, Anga, Avanti, Anupa, Saurasena, and Nagpur, whose kings receive a graceful mention at the Swayamvara of Indumatı and none of whom is said to have been defeated at the of Raghu But the countries of Kamarupa and Bengal are mentioned only to be defeated by Raghu 2132 Tho king of Kamarupa trembled on hearing of the approve of Raghu to his country and the king of Bengal was easily do fented and re installed after having been deposed by him Bengal received no more attention than its cultivation of Kalamı rico and the summary reference to it is not at all entertaining Hilly Augam (Kama rupa) or Bengal therefore cannot be the home of Kalidasa Kalidasa visited the south too Mention of countries in the south also supplies us with information of characteristic details of that part of India-sueh as the sandal woods, the pepper forests, cardamom creepers, the Tamala and the date trees and the Kerala women too But 23 wo have alrerdy pointed out, such passing references to character to details of 1 country cannot alone finally settle the h in a particular part of the country Sarayu 18 ! hand ·50 characteristic alligators, though Ayodhya seems to have been a deserted place in the days of Kalidasa. Kalidasa must have seen the Greek women described by him and he must have met Persians, probably in the North-TVest of India, whose faces with their characteristic plaited beards are, with a sad humour, compared with the fly-covered honeycombs (Raghuvansa IV). Now if ve settle the home of Kalidasa on the basis of a few characteristic details only then Kalidasa may be described as a native of Malawa, or Bengal, or Oudh, or Madras, or the North-Western Provinces, as a matter of fact of any part of the country whose characteristic features he has described, but he cannot possibly be a native of more than one. part. The fact is that Kalidasa was a great travelling genius and like other Kashmirian poets such as Bilhana and others, he left his home in Kashmir, though, unlike them, he never finally returned Kashmir to have left his memory home. Kalidasa travelled throughout the length and breadth of India, all his life, and noted the characteristic points of each country he visited. Thus the mention of a few characteristic details cannot settle the home of Kalidasa unless the details are disproportionately long and minute and marked with natural affection and significant personal touches and supplemented by other overwhelming evidences in the same direction, as we have already supplied. at We further note that in all his important works, written at different times and in different countries; Kalidasa takes us back to one and the same country, namely Kashmir. In none of his important works is the connecting link with Kashmir broken. The Raghuvansa is connected with Kashmir, not only through Raghu's expedition to the land of saffron, but through the Vasistha Asrama in Kashmir, which occupies a long and entertaining description in the first two. cantos, where Dilipa all his way from the Kosala country goes to pay his respects to Vasistha. The Sakuntala is connected with Kashmir through the Kashyapa Asrama which is Kashmir itself where Dushyanta goes to meet his wife and learn the secret of the Pratyabhijna philosophy from the Guroo Kashyapa, the founder of Kashmir, home of the Pratyabhijna philosophy. The Vikrama Urvasi connects India proper with Kashmir through Vikrama and Urvasi. Vikrama all his way from Kausambi near Allahabad goes to worship the sun at Suryopasthan or an ancient temple of Mărtand in Kashmir, and round about Hiranyapura pr modern Ranyil in Kashmir, he meets his Urvasi, in whose company he later visits the Gandhamadan in the vicinity of Kashmir. The Meghaduta connects Central India with Kashmir through the Cloud whose destination is the home of Kalidasa in Kashmir, Thus wherever the poet goes, and whatever countries he describes, the memories of Kashmir always haunt liis imagination and in the Kumara Sambhava he entirely retreats to Kashmir. This remarkable duplicity” of sites in his works, one of which is always Kashmir, can only be explained by supposing two places of residence for our poet; one of them must be his home, obviously the common one, that is, Kashmir, ·51 1 The common site to which the poet retreats in all his works and the pleasures of which he wishes to enjoy in company with his readers, is Kashmir The poet constantly draws on Kashmir for names of its local sites such as the Apsaras Tirtha the Sachı Tırtha, eto, employed as general names of places, in his works Such inclination in the mind of the poet as this can best be explained by locating his home in Kashmir No other part of India like Kashmir, which abounds in natural scenery, can so suit the home and training ground of Kalidasa, who may be described as the favourite child of nature which is so bountiful in her choicest gifts to Kashmir in the shape of clear waters, grassy meadows, snowy peaks stately trees and lovely flowers all of which appear to make a combined effort in producing the genius of Kalidasa in whom they find their best and noblest expression Indeed, the charming character of the poetry of Kalidasa is revealed by the charming beauty of the Valley of Kashmir, just as the austere character of the poetry of Bhava Bhutı, the child of the Vindhyas, is revealed by the stern aspect of the Vindhya mountain with its torrential streanis and awe inspiring and thick forests 214 Thus Kalıdasa cannot belong to Bengal or to Malawa either the lion of the forest of Vasistha Asrama in Kashmir figures more prominently in his works then the tigers of Bengal and the numerous allusions to rice take us away from Malawa which is not pre eminently a rice producing country Indeed the saffron plant in Kalidasa with its vigorous scent leads us to Kashmir-the domesticated musi deer with their fragrance also invite us to that land The birch tree mur murs the same song into our ears The towery mountain with its snowy peahs and the graceful panorama around it together with the lakes with their pinks lotuses and serene waters, and its flow of liquid gold (Kanaka Vahini) gives us a glimpse of Kashmir The icy waters and the fruit trees supply us with the same taste as we enjoy in Kashmir The breezes coming from the Deva daru trees also touch us in the works of Kalidasa, who has a longing for the breeze that is scented with the juice of Dovadaru ---perchance it may bring to hum the aroma of the locks of hair of his wife at home in Kashmir that is crowned with the Devadaru trees (M DU 41) Kalidasa indeed takes delight in decorating the ladies at his home at Alaka in Kashmir with various kinds of florces, and florers only which he might have easily culled from that reputed Valley of flouers, namely Kashmir The swoetest fruits in the opinion of Kalidasa belong to the Kashyapa Asrama or Kashmir (Sakuntalı VII 12) the inost delightful waters belong to the Manas lahe or Uttar Ganga in Kashmir (M D 62) the sweetest air is that coming from the Deva dirii trecs (M DU 44) that crown the highlands of the valley of Kashmir, the sweetest place of enjoyment is tho Hurumubh Kailasa which Kalid isa recommends to the Cloud from his own experience at home (HD 62) What is it of Kashmir that is not dear to Kalidasats air, its water, its fruits, ·50 characteristic alligators, though Ayodhya seems to have been a deserted place in the days of Kalidasa. Kalidasa must have seen the Greek women described by him and he must have met Persians, probably in the North-West of India, whose faces with their characteristic plaited beards are, with a sad humour, compared with the fly-covered honeycombs (Raghuvansa IV). Now if we settle the home of Kalidasa on the basis of a few characteristic details only then Kalidasa may be described as a native of Malawa, or Bengal, or Oudh, or Madras, or the North-Western Provinces, as a matter of fact of any part of the country whose characteristic features he has described, but he cannot possibly be a native of more than one part. The fact is that Kalidasa was a great travelling genius and like other Kashmirian poets such as Bilhana and others, he left his home in Kashmir, though, unlike them, he never finally never finally returned to Kashmir to have left his memory at home. Kalidasa travelled throughout the length and breadth of India, all his life, and noted the characteristic points of each country he visited. Thus the mention of a few characteristic details cannot settle the home of Kalidasa unless the details are disproportionately long and minute and marked with natural affection and significant personal touches and supplemented by other overwhelming evidences in the same direction, as we have already supplied. We further note that in all his important works, written at different times and in different countries, Kalidasa takes us back to one and the same country, namely Kashmir. In none of his important works is the connecting link with Kashmir broken. The Raghuvansa is connected with Kashmir, not only through Raghu's expedition to the land of saffron, but through the Vasistha Asrama in Kashmir, which occupies a long and entertaining description in the first two. cantos, where Dilipa all his way from the Kosala country goes to pay his respects to Vasistha. The Sakuntala is connected with Kashmir through the Kashyapa Asrama which is Kashmir itself where Dushyanta goes to meet his wife and learn the secret of the Pratyabhijna philosophy from the Guroo Kashyapa, the founder of Kashmir, home of the Pratyabhijna philosophy. The Vikrama Urvasi connects India proper with Kashmir through Vikrama and Urvasi. Vikrama all his way from Kausambi near Allahabad goes to worship the sun at Suryopasthan or an ancient temple of Mărtand in Kashmir, and round about Hiranyapura or modern Ranyil in Kashmir, he meets his Urvasi, in whose company he later visits the Gandhamadan in the vicinity of Kashmir. The Meghaduta connects Central India with Kashmir through the Cloud whose destination is the home of Kalidasa in Kashmir, Thus wherever the poet goes, and whatever countries he describes, the memories of Kashmir always haunt his imagination and in the Kumara Sambhava he entirely retreats to Kashmir. This remarkable " duplicity" of sites in his works, ono of which is always Kashmir, can only be explained by supposing two places of residence for our poet; one of them must be his home, obviously the common one, that is, Kashmir.

·51 The common site to which the poet retreats in all his works and the pleasures of which he wishes to enjoy in company with his readers, 18 Kashmi The poet constantly draws on Kashmir for names of its local sites such as the Apsaras Tirtha, the Sachi Tırtha etc employed as general names of places, in his works Such inclination in the mind of the poet as this can best be explained by locating his home in Kashmir 214 No other part of India like Kashmir, which abounds in natural scenery, can so suit the home and training ground of Kalidasa who may be described as the favourite child of nature which is so boun tiful in her choicest gifts to Kashmir in the shape of clear waters giassy meadows, snowy peahs stately trees and lovely flowers all of which appear to make a combined effort in producing the genius of Kalidasa in whom they find their best and noblest expression Indeed, the charming character of the poetry of Kalidasa is ievealed by the charming beauty of the Valley of Kashmir just as the austere character of the poetry of Bhava Bhuti, the child of the Vindhyas, is revealed by the stern aspect of the Vindhya mountain with its torrential streams and awe inspiring and thick forests Thus Kalidasa cannot belong to Bengal or to Valawa either—the lion of the forest of Vasistha Asrama in Kashmir figures moro prominently in his works then the tigers of Bengal and the numerous allusions to rice take us away from Malawa which is not pre eminently a rice producing country Indeed the saftron plant in Kalidasa with its vigorous scent leads us to Kashmir--the domesticated musk deer with their fragrance also invite us to that land The birch tree mur murs the me song into our ears The towery mountain with its snowy peaks and the graceful panorama around it together with the lakes with their pinks lotuses and serene waters, and its flow of liquid gold (Kanaha Vahını) gives us a glimpse of Kashmir The icy waters and the fruit trees supply us with the same taste as we enjoy in Kashmir The breezes coming from the Deva daru trees also touch us in the works of Kalidasa, who has a longing for the breeze that is scented with the juice of Devadaru --Perchance it may bring to him the aroma of the locks of hair of his wife at home in Kashmir that is crowned with the Devadaru trees (M DU 44) Kalidasa indeed takes delight in decorating the ladies at his home at Alaka in Kashmir with various kinds of flowers, and flowers only which he might have easily culled from that reputed Valley of florers, namely Kashmir The sweetest fruits in the opinion of Kalidasa belong to the Kashyapa Asrama or Kashmir (Sakuntala VII 12) the most delightful waters belong to the Maņas like or Uttarı Ganga in Kashmir (UD 62) the sweetest air is that coming from the Deva daru trees (N DU H) that crown the highlands of the valley of Kashmir, the sweetest placo of enjoyment is the Haramulh Kulasa which Kalıd isa recommends to the Cloud from his own experience at home (MD 62) What is it of Kashmir that is not dear to Kalıdısa—its air, its water, its fruits, ·52 Wo and its flowers ? Indeed, the whole land of Kashmir is so dear to him- अहो रमणीयापृथिवौ । स्वर्गादधिकतरं नितिस्थानम् । असतहदमिवावगाढोसि, its people so great Fagfiat agakai athaT. -that Kashmir can not but be considered as the home, the sweet home, of Kalidasa. also note that special arts and industries of Kashmir are mentioned in Kalidasa. References to the Kashmirian style of architecture in a tone of admiration and to 171 or the leaf of wool'--somo ancient design of shawl, the special industry of Kashmir, are found in his works. But the home of Kalidasa should not only be the home of natural beauty and of such technical and industrial arts denoted by Kalidasa, it should also be a great seat of learning, especially noted for its dramatic art, medicine, Jyotish-shastra and the Agama shastras, whose knowledge is fully revealed in the works of Kalidasa. We know that Kashmir in ancient India was regarded as the home of Saraswati (NTTET) and was noted for all these arts and sciences known to Kalidasa 215 a Now the question may be raised may be raised that if Kalidasa was Kashmiri why did not Kalhana, the author of the Raja Tarangini, mention him in his history of Kashmir, why is there no such tradition about him in Kashmir ? Our answer is why should Kalhana mention Kalidasa at all? Kalidasa did not play the least part in the political history of Kashmir. His literary career His literary career began and ended outside Kashmir, though all his learning was derived from Kashmir, which, as we have mentioned above, was an important' seat of learning in ancient India. But like some of the modern and ancient Kashmiris Kalidasa left his home in Kashmir for good by sheer necessity or spirit of enterprize and won his fame outside Kashmir. No historian of Kashmir would care to mention these outside names in the proper history of Kashmir unless they were in some way related to events in the history of Kashmir. Kalidasa, therefore, has no place in the proper history of Kashmir. Moreover, Kalhana's chronicle, before the Karkota dynasty, is so scrappy and inaccurate that one cannot expect from him any correct and detailed information of that ancient period.216 We believe that Kalidasa left his home during the unsettled days of the Hun-occupation in Kashmir. Kalidasa in the (Raghuvansa IV) makes an allusion to the Huns in the north, regions of Kuvera, in the land of saffron, which could not mean any country other than Kashmir. This exact location of Huns in the saffron-country in the north cannot be based on a vague and indefinite reference to the Huns in the Sabha Parva of the Mahabharata as is suggested by Vr. Nandargikar in his introduction of the Raghuvansa. It appears to be actual and historical. In this connection the Mandasore stone-pillar inscription of Yasodharman, of about 532 A.D., comes to our aid. It mentions tho Hunsas a terror in India in 532 A.D., -artifotaifafafaagiztuarfaat YTT graet (Verse 4, line 2); that is about the time when in our opinion ·53 Kalidasa flourished Again verse 6 of the same inscription describes Mibırakula as defeated by Yasodharman स्थागोरन्यत्र धेन प्रतिक्तपणां प्रापित नोत्तमा यस्या लिटो भुजाभ्यां वहति हिमगिरिदुंग शब्दाभियानम्। नौधतेनापियत्य प्रणतिभुजवला वर्जनक्लिष्ट मूनी चूडापुष्पोपहारै मिहिरकुल नृपैशाचित पादयुग्मम् ॥ This Mıhırakula can be no other than that terrible Hun ruler of Kashmir in the Himalayas, who, as described in the above verse, is also known to us on the authority of the Raja Tarangin as a worshipper of Sıva in Kashmir (RTI 306) Indeed, the conquests of Raghu in the Raghuvansa (IV) seem to have been suggested to the mind of Kalıdasa by tho conquests of Yasodharman which as described in verse 5 of the same inscription correspond in their boundary-limits with those of Raghu in the Raghuvansai आलौहित्यो पकण्ठात् तस्वनगहनोपत्यकादा महेन्द्राद् । आगगाविसामोस्तुहिनशि वरिगः पश्चिमादापयो । मामन्वैस्य बाहुट्रविण 'इतमदै पाट्योगनमभि. चूडाराशराजि व्यतिकरचा भूमिभागा क्रियन्ते ॥ This makes Kalidasa a contemporary of Yasodharman However, the saffron-country with its Hun rulers, as pointed out above is Kashmir and not any other saffon-producing country such as Bulkh which is not so popular among Indian writers as Kashmir is for its production of nice In our literary traditio:18, the country suggested by the name saffron is always Kashmir-ren Nioreover, the ascent of Raghu to the high peahs of the Himalayan mountains in the Raghuvansa (IV 71) could only be understood by camping Raghu below the higher altitudes of the Himalayas, somewhere at Mnzaffarabad in Kashmir rather than on the higher stations of Bulbh, which cannot be said to be situated on the bank of the Sindhu either°18 6 (IV. 67, 68) Thus in our opinion Kalıdasa left his home m Kashmir during the days of its foreign domination by the Huns and sought nety lands for the display of his genius after the manner of sevdial dther Kashmirian writers The absence of literary tradıtion about the home of Kalidasa in Kashmir may further be understood whelt we realize that ancient literary tradition in Kashmir is cut off owing to a long gap in the history of Kashmir that it so full of horrid tales of Muslim persecution and tyranny in that 'happy valley 17 It may be that the tradition was living in the days of Bilhina, tho could not have described his country as the birth-place of saffron and of poetry, unless he had known that Kalıdasa, the greatest Sanskrit poet, (fafiant #f52T ) was a native of Kashmir 218 It may be that pil some future date some fresh works of our poet may be discovered--for a genius like that of Kalıdası might casily have composed more than seven works, and that some old birch-bark in some dark corner of the country may throw more light on the subject But in the moahtime let us satisfy,ourselves with the proofs that are with us and make the best use of them saffron 216a ye can We have already shewn that Kalidasa was a great traveller Ile has given us an account of the most sailent features of every ·Kumara Sambhava is the argument of refreshing the happy memories 544 part of the country ho visited, but against these passing referenices wê incet with an overwhelming description of the Kashmirian Himalayas (especially note the Haramukuta mountain in Kashmir, which, of all other mountains, Kalidasa is asking the Cloud to enjoy, as he might have done cluring the days of his early youth in Kashmir in his works with affectionate touches which can not be accounted for cxcept on the supposition that Kalidasa was connected in some closer way with the Kashmirian mountains than with any other mountain ho had visited and described, such as the Mahendra, the Sahayya, the Malaya, and the Vindhyas. We have already stated that the genius of Kalidasa bore the stamp of the Himalayas. It appears to be the product of the Himalayas, even as the genius of Bhavabhuti is the product of the Vindhyas. affinity between the soul of Kalidasa and the Himalayas, so So strong is the strong are the ties of natural environment of the Himalayas where the poet was brought up, that though living on the Vindhyas ho was always dreaming of the Himalayas and his sweet home in the Himalayas. We have seen that all the descriptions of the Himalayas fit in more closely with the scenes in Kashmir. We have also noted the identification of local sites in Kashmir and pointed out that his works reveal knowledge of social customs, legendary lore, political conditions and geographical names of local importance peculiar to Kashmir only, and that they reveal that knowledge not after the casual manner of a borrower or a visitor but in a full and exhaustive manner like a native of Kashmir with homelike affection for that country. On his own authority, Kalidasa may not be considered an outside visitor to Kashmir, which country he believes is not generally visited by outsiders of their own accord :- of Tatra TCUT ATTUTT fagt: (Sak. VII) We have also noted that Kalidasa professes the religion and philosophy in his works that is distinctly Kashinirian in its tone and character. Further, his Meghaduta gives us a strong indication that leaves no doubt in our mind that Kashmir was the home of Kalidasa where he had received not only his birth but also his learning and character which are so fully revealed in his writings composed during the course of his peregrinations outside Kashmir, and where again he was married to a fortunate lady who had such an abiding influence on his character and his of life, Thus the argument of the Rita Samhara is the argument of the poet's migration for the first time from his home in the cold country the tropical plains below: --Bengal or Malawa or the country round the Vindhya range, to the heat of which our poet is so unaccustomed. (R.S. I. 10) The feeling for home has quickly stolen in the heart of Kalidas: as he is out at Rama Giri where he is bound to stay for some unavoidable, reasons. Thus the Meghaduta is conceived. The argument of the Meghaduta is the argument of our poet's love for his home in the Himalayas or the cold country of Kashmir. The argument of the of the Himalayas on the part of our poet, from which lie has been Inng • that also points to Kashmir. The argument of philosophy ·in Sabuntala is the argument of our poet's personal religion and philosophy and that again points to Kashmir as his home Again, the arę of the Kashmirian et Union-whethe or the Meghadutz with its Athyjnana Văda, or the Vikiama Urvası with its Sangamaniya manı, or the Kumara Sanıbhava with its Bhūvarha- asam-manah, or the Sabuntala with its Abhinana Ābharanan. The argument of the Pratyabhizna philosophy, nut known outside Kashmir in the days of Kalidasa but well-known to the Kashmirian tradition of the Nılmat in those early centuries, is the argument of our poet's home in Kashmir Now those of our friends who do not agree with the present theory have to prove that the disproportionately detailed and frequent descriptions of the scenes and sites of the Himalayas that have made their home tho imagination of Kalidasa, together with various descriptions of Kashmir in the Himalayas that are frequently met with in his works have nothing to do with his home in Kashmir, they are merely due to the genius of Kalidasa and that any genius outside Kashmir could offer such descriptions But can they tell us of a single genius outside Kashmir who has painted for us such a variety of giaphic pictures of the Himalayas and made such affectionate and home libe references to Kashmir as Kalidasa has? Surely not Yet they did not mean that Kalidasa was the only poetic genius that India, outside Kashmir, has produced, they did not mean either that Kalidasa was the only Indian poet who ever visited the Himalayas Again, they will also be required to shew in the works of the Sanskrit writers not belonging to Kashmir, such funconscious' allusions to Kashmir that burst out even in similes and metaphors, and such direct references to unimportant' places and local legends and customs in Kashmir as appear in the works of Kalidasa They will also be required to prove the existence of the Pratyabhijnn philosophy of Kashmir in the works of Sanskrit writers outside Kashmir, as early as the days of Kalidası , and finally they will be called upon to prove such a leen and personal interest in the Himalayas among the Sanskrit writers not belonging to Kashmir, as to locate the home of their hero in the Himalayas, who should represent ther oun state of mind-- Vpralambha Again our friends who do not agree with this theory of the home of Kalidasu in Kashmir have to prove that the Veghaduta does not represent the poet's personal feelings for home, that the direction of home in the Himalayas was insignificant, that the poet's style is in no vзу suggestive of his home sick condition of mind, that the charıcter of Yahsha 19 not Kushmirıın, that the route of the Cloud to the Kulasa mountain, with its incidents, has no correspondence with the route, and incidents of Siva's journey to the Kashmirian Karlosa or the ·56 Haramukula mountain, and if any it. is mere accidental and not based on the Nilmat tradition of Kashunir, that the description of Alaka with its lofty houses with rainbow arches does not apply to a Kashmir ian town or the style of architecture with trefoiled arches on lofty pediments in Kaslımir, and that finally the topography of Alaka is not the same as that of the Mayagrama-Manigam in Kashmir. They have also to prove that the connection between the Sakuntala and the Pratyabhijna Philosophy of Kashmir was gratuitous, or that Kalidasa did not represent the Pratyabhijna or the monistic form of Saivism, or that the Pratyabhijna type of the monistic Saivism existed even outside Kashmir during the days of Kalidasa, or that Kalidasiz borrowed it in one of his works only. They have also to prove that the Vasistha Asrama in the Raghuvansa is not identical with the Vasistha Asrama in Kashmir or that the Kashmirian Vasistha Asrama was so popular as to have attracted the attention of writers outsido Kashmir; they will also be required to account for such familiar and frequent allusions to local sites in Kashmir as are made by Kalidasa or to disprovo the identification of the sites such as the Vasistha Asrama, the Soma Tirtha, the Apsaras Tirtha, the Sachi Tirtha close upon the Sakra Tirtha, the Brahma Sara, etc. They have to explain why of all other mountains in India, the one Haramukuta of Kashmir, with its golden wators (Kanaka-rasa), the Manasa lake, the Brahma Sara, the Apsaras Tirtha, Bhutesh and the adjoining Vasistha Asrama, alone figures so prominently in all works of Kalidasa--why the Kailasa of the Meghaduta, the Frimadriprastha of the Kumara Sambhava, and the Hemakuta of the Sakuntala always denote the same mountain, Haramukuta in Kashmir. Taking for granted that all these sites were well-known outside Kashmir and they could easily be described by non-Kashmirian writers, question will be raised why does Kalidasa lead us in such unconscious' and familiar manner to sites in Kashmir only; why does he show his greatest regard for Kashyapa (the founder of Kashmir) and not for Vasistha or Valmiki either, and why is he so sweet on Kashmir ? They will also be called upon to account for the use of the terms Ganga and Sindhu, by Kalidasa in their Kashmirian sense; and finallò-to refute our identification of Nikumbha with the Nikumbha of Kashmir; and if they are the supporters of the Bengal or the Malawa theory they will be required to fit in all these arguments in favour of either country and illustrate the five proofs that we have advanced in the light of their theories. As far as our knowledge goes, none of these proofs can apply either to Bengal or to Malawa or to any other part of India except Kashmir. We have already stated that the description of. Bengal in Kalidasa is so meagre and devoid of any attraction and that the description of Malawa especially Ujjain--though a little more detailed, in one of his works, can be accounted for by assuming Ujjain to be our poet's place of temporary residence only. The associations of neither of the countries or of any other part of India appear in similes and metaphors in his works with so much frequency as those of Kashmir, whose topography, natural scenery, mountains, lakes golden lotuses, saffron, birch, icy waters, lofty houses, characteristio ·57 over. arches, 'leaf of wool the 'Patrorna' or the Rashmirian 'Panburwithout which no Kashmiri girl-liks Malavika, can be married; as the emblem of a bride's marriage-garment, Yakshas, Nagas, Nikumbha of the famous legend, Tirthas, Asramas, customs, religion and philosoplay: all appear and reappear in Kalidasa. In as much as none of the five proofs we have enumerated apply to Malawa or to Bengal or to any other part of India than Kashmir, and as they apply, with full force to Kashmir our argument in favour of Kashmir as, the birth-place of Kalidasa remains as strong as On the strength of our arguments therefore, based as they are on the cumulative evidence already supplied, we come to the final and definite conclusion that the birthplace of Kalidasa was in Kashmir, and since the poet deals so much with the scenes and sites of that part of the valley in Kashmir that is watered by the Kashmirian Gangā or the Sindh and guarded by the Haramukuta mountain, his home may be located in Sindh valley in northern Kashmir 219 And in the light of the description of the Yaksha's home in Kashmir we may infer that Mayagrama, modern Manigam on the bank of the Ganga, in the vicinity of the Vasishta Asrama or the neighbourhood of Siva Bhutesh, in the lap of the Harmukh mountain, has the honour of being the birth-place of our poet-Pandit Kalidasa Yaccha, of immortal fame and glory. Indeed the finest flower that India could offer to humanity comes from the Happy Garden of Kashmir. The Garden has already been robbed of all its superior charms of life and beauty under the tyranny of the foreign D[oslem invasions of Kashmir but the flower that speaks of its ancient glory is fresh and blooming, and still inspires with its gentle and undying breath every Indian heart with hope of life and future greatness. tho ·Notes and References, Il 1. For Sanskrit influence in Europe, see Macdonell's history of. Sanskrit literature Chapter XVI which concludes thus - "The intellectual debt of Europe to Sanskrit literature bas thus been undeniably great; it may perhaps become greater still in the years that are to come." 2. For appreciation of Kalidasa, read below- (a) निर्गतालु न वा कस्य कालिदासस्यसूक्तिषु । प्रीतिर्मधुर सार्दासुमञ्जरी विवजायते ॥ Bina.. () कालिदास गिरा लारः कालिदासः सरस्वती। चतुर्मुखोऽथवासाक्षाद् विदुर्गान्येतुमादृशः ॥ Mallinatha.. 3. For lack of appreciacion of Kalidasa in later times, read below भारती कालिदासस्य दुर्व्याख्याविषमूर्छिता । ggristferat atent laterafsofa l Mallinatha. 4. For some of the appreciations of Kalidasa by modern critics, see the Hindi work, 'Kalidasa aur Shakespear' by C. L. Dvivedi. The art of transfiguration as applied to the poetry of Kalidasa is my own contribution to the criticism of his works. 5. For description of Ujjain by Kalidasa, see Meghaduta, 27 sq.-- घकः पन्था यदपि भवतः । 6. For temple of Skanda see M. D. 43. - 77F faqaqara 7. For the familiar and sportive glances of the women of Dasapur, see M. D. 47-तामुत्तीर्यव्रज परिचित भूलताविभ्रमाणाम् For the birth-place of Kalidasa by Haraprasad Shastri, seos J. B. O, R. S. Vol. I pp. 197—212. For Skanda and his connections with Siva and his worship in ancient India, see Bhandarkar; Vaisnavism, etc P. 150–151. 10. For worship of Skanda in Kashmir, see our quotation from Nilmat, 769, appendix A; for numerous sacred places of Kumara or Skanda in Kashmir see N. M. Ed. Zadu (appendix E.). Our Nilmat appendix A, which will be denoted later in notes by N. M. is an abridgement of Zadu's edition, 11. For characteristic description of various provinces in India, see R. V.-IV, for Ayodhya, see R. V. XVI. 12. For the Bengal theory of birth-place of Kalidasa, see, Pravāsim 13. For 37191ÇRT TEANETTE see M. D. 2, commentary by Malli Nath. 14. For tamarind in Sakuntala see; यथा कस्यापि पिण्डखजूरैरुद्वजितस्य तिन्तिरायामभिलाष: ... 8. 9.

·59 see I came to learn of the tradition of Kalidasa visiting Bengal, from Mr AC Bose Vakeel of Delhi, who is well-versed in Sanskrit 16 (a) The Vidarbha theory was suggested by MM Pandit Harnarain Vidyasagar of Hindu College Delhi 16 For Malavika in the Vaidarbhi style of dress that resembles the Vaidarbhi style of poetry that is free from long compounds, wordy ornamentation and is so chaste and brilliant, MAf V7- अनतिलम्बिदुकूल निवासिनी लघुभिराभरणे . प्रतिभातिमे। उडुगणरुदयोन्मुम्नचन्द्रिका गतहिमै चि चैत्रविभावरी ।। 16. (a) The Vardarbhi style praised and adopted by the Kashmirian. Bilhana- अनम्रवृणिः श्रवणामृतस्य सरस्वती विभ्रमजन्मभूमिः । चैदर्भरीति. कृतिनामुदेति सौभाग्यलाभप्रतिभूः पदानाम् IV DC I 9 Numerous works in the Vaidarbhı style known to Bilhana-- सहस्रशः सन्तु विशारदानां चैदर्भलीला निधयः प्रबन्धा | bed. 13 Kashmır, the home of the poetry, according to Bilhana- सहोदराः कुङ्कुमकेसराणां भवन्तिनूनं कविताविलासाः। न शारदादेशमपास्यदृष्ट स्तेषां तदन्यत्रमया प्ररोहः || bed. 21 17 For Dr Bhaudaji's theorey of Kashmir as the probable home of Kalidasa, see The Literary remains of Dr Bhau Daj. pp 49-61 17 (a) For the exact identification of the people for whom the term Yavana was originally used, it would be interesting, to note Momsen's history of Rome Vol IP 24, that "The ancient Romans agreed with the Cretons and Laconians in taking their meals not as was afterwards the custom imong both people, in a reclining but in a sitting posture," and compare with the famous illustration प्रयानामुमते यवना the Panini's sutra लक्षणहेत्वा. क्रियाया. 3 2 126, Siddhanta Kaumidt 18 J BO RS Vol I PP 197--212 19 For residence of Siva in the Kumaia Sambhava, road below, सकृत्तिवासास्तपसे यतात्मा गङ्गा प्रवाहोक्षितदेवदारुः । प्रस्थ हिमाद्रमृगनाभिगन्धि, किंचित्वर्णाकनरमध्युवाल |KS I b गणा नमेरु प्रसवावतंसा भूर्जत्वचः स्पर्शवती दधाना ।KS I bb. For attendance of Nandi on Siva in the K. S in 1t on . 20 ·K. S. IV. 41,--aarTaisyarat- K. S. IV. 60, atrie afŪTzu qat- 21. For a CTECH see K. S. III. 43~- प्रान्तेषुसंसक्तनमेशाखं ध्यानास्पदं भूतपतेर्विवेश । For Bhutapati, the name of Siva, see K. S. 74- स्त्री संनिकर्ष परिहतु मिच्छन्न न्तर्दधे भूतपतिः स भूतः। 22. For oạr identification of the Himádri prastha' and its 'Bhutapaterāspadam and the Nandi', with the Haramukuta mountain and its Bhutesh and the Nandi Kshetra, see Stein's R. T. Vol 1 note 1.127, which reads, "The worship of Siva Bhutesh localized near the sacred sites of mount Haramukuta, has played an important part in the ancient religion of Kashmir;' also see Stein's R. T. Vol. II, 407 which reads "The Haramukuta mountain-peaks dominate the view towards the north from a great part of the Kashmir Valley, sacred legends have clustered round them from early times, and the lakes below their glaciers belong still to the holiest of the Kashmirian Tirthas. The lake which lies at the foot of the north-eastern glacier is looked upon as the true source of the Kashmir Ganga or Sind river and is known as Uttara Ganga. A short distance below the lake is another lake named Kalodaką or Nandi Saras which is said to be the joint habitation of both Siva and his faithful attendant Ņandi. From the latter the whole collection of sacred sites takes the name of Nandi Kshetra by which Kalhana usually designates it. In the Valley of the Kanaka Vahini which issues from these lakes there lies the sacred site of Siva Bhutesh now 'Buthi Ser,' often mentioned in the Raja Tarangini. Bhuteswara is passed by the pilgrims on their way back from the sacred lakes while on their way up they reach the latter by another route, passing the high ridge known as the Bharata giri and the smaller lake of Brahma Saras.' For the 'Himadriprastha' as our Haramukula mountain, also note the Nilmat 1231. शुभं हिमवतः टॉ हरभुकुटभित्यधः यदस्तिलोके विख्यातं गङ्गाप्रभवमुत्तमम् । For attendance of Nandi on Siva see N. M. 1308, Siya addressing the Nandi thus. गणश्वरत्वमासोद्य मया सह निवत्स्यति ।। For the 'Bhutesh 'see N. M. 1309. त्वया लह निवत्स्यापि भूत्वा भूतेश्वराख्यया । Also N. M. 132. सबै देव गणेः साद भूतेश्वरं हरम् । तस्यैव पश्चिमा ·61 tions And N N 1324 तत्र सनिहितो नन्दी तत्प्रीत्या व महेश्वरः ॥ As for the deodar forests mentioned in K S I 54, they are plenty in Kashmir found generally at high levaas well as the buch-trees and the musk deer The Ganga is also there Thus the exact site of Bhutesh that we have identified best answers the description in the Kumara Sambhava For the Haramukuta-residence of Bhutesh, in the vicinity of Vasistha Asrama, see note, 25,25a for its Kanaka raso and the Apsaras tirtha and Kashyapa asrama see note 34, for Alaka on the lower ridges of it, identified with Manigam see pp, 14, note 190-191, it is the same Haramuhuta mountun whether in the Kumara Sambhava, or Raghuvansa, or Sakuntala or the Meghaduti (For Hemakuta of V V as the same Huramuhuta, see pp 15, 16 ) 23 On the poetic merit known as 'appropriateness of names,' writes Kshemendra, a Kashmirian poet in his safety feate va thus, नामौचित्यं दशयितुमाह नाम्ना कर्मानुरूपेण ज्ञायते गुणदोपयोः । काव्यस्य पुरुषस्येव व्यक्तिः संवादपातिनी॥ 24 Mention of Vasistha Asrama in the RV अथास्यय॑ विधातार प्रयतौपुत्रकाम्यया । तौ दपती वशिष्ठत्य गुरोर्जग्मतुराश्रमम् ॥ I 35 अन्येधुरात्मानुचरस्य भाव जिशासमाना मुनिहोमधेनुः । गङ्गा प्रपातान्त निरूढ शप्प गोरीगुरोर्गह्वरमाविवेश | II, 26 अमु पुरः पश्यसिदेवदारु पुशी कृतोऽसौ वृषभध्वजेन । II 36 25-25a For the Vasistha Aşama in the RV identified with the Vasistha Asi ama in Kashmu, or modern Vangath, see Stein RT II, 489, which reads to the effect-'Our survey has already taken us to the sacred sites of Bhuteshvara high up in the valley of the sacred river Kanıha Vahını which carries down the waters of the holy Ganga lahe below the Haia- Dukuta The village of Vangath which is the highest permanently inhabited place in this Valley, lies about two miles below the Bhuteshvara It is named Vasistha Asrama, in the Vahatmy as and is believed to mark the residence of the Risi Vasistha Allusions in the Rajatarangini and Nılmat show that this legendıry location is of old date" The Vasistha Asraina of Kalidasa, like Vangath, 19 an inhabited place in the Himalayas, round Bhutesh (azar utara mat) und is associated with the worsłup of Siva It has nothing to do with a Vasistha Asrima 10 Mount Abu or at Ajodhya (see ancient Geography N Dey) or the one that is said to be round Badarıka forest in the Himalayas (P Putt Kh,-Yenb Press) ·62 For Vasistha Asrama also see N. M. 1323 26. For Asoka obtaining a son from Bhutesh, see, Raja Tarangini Bk. I., 107. 27-28. For the location of the birch, the devadaru and the muskdeer on the higher elevations of the Kashmirian mountains see Lawrence--valley of Kashmir' chapters IV, V. Flora and Fauna. Kalidasa too locates the birch-tree, the devadaru tree, and the musk-deer on the higher altitudes of the mountain. For the birch trees, cf. ततो गौरीगुरुं शैलमारुहाश्वसाधनः । R. V. IV, 71. भूर्जेषु. मर्मरीभूता मरुतस्तं सिविरे ॥ R. V. IV. 73. For the devadaru, see R. V. Vasistha asrama II. 36., (already mentioned) also see K. S. Bhutapaterãspadam I, 54, (already mentioned.) For the musk deer cf. दृशदो वासितोत्लङ्गा निषण्णमृग नाभिभिः । R. V. IV. 14. प्रस्थं हिमाद्रे मृगनाभिगन्धि | K. S. I. 54. For birch-bark as a writing material, ct; भूर्जपत्रेण सम्पादितोत्तराभवितुम् इच्छामि, भूर्जपत्रगतोऽयम् अक्षर विन्यासः, परिवर्तन विभाविताक्षरं भूजपत्रं खस्येतत् V. V. II. न्यस्ताक्षरा धातुरसेन यत्र भूर्जत्वचःकुञ्जरबिन्दु शोण ब्रजन्तिविद्याधरसुन्दरीणामनङ्गलेखक्रिययोपयोगम् । K.S I. 7. Historically speaking, the birch bark was used as a writing material generally in Northern India, especially in Kashmir, in ancient times. In the V. V. whose scene is laid outside Kashmir, it is not easily recognised as such by the people and is compared to a 79Ffnt ti by Vidusaka, and with a #977 by the queen but in the Kumara Sambhava whose scene is laid in the Himalayas -or strictly speaking in Kashmir: round the Haramukuta mountain, the abode of Siva Bhutapati, the Vidyadharas fully, know its use a writing material for their loveletters. It is significant that Kalidasa can think of the birchbark of Kashmir rather than of the palm-leaf of the South as a writing material. The murmur of the birch trees known to the ears of Kalidasa described in R. V. IV. 73; coupled with the characteristic description of the birch-bark in K.S.I. 7 and the use of birch as a garment in K, S. 1.55-49:entaatentari, show our poet's personal experience with the birch and its familiar uses in its home in Kashmir. For lakes with golden lotuses in Kalidasa, compare, for instance, the Manasa lake in Kashmir. . as ·63 कुन्ज लीला For caves and forests such as those of the Vasistha Asrama in. the R. V, compare the original site in Kashmir , modern Vangathi For plantation in forests, such as the Vetasa so frequently mentioned in Kalidasa वे तस ग्रह of Sakuntala, वैतम fagocyfa Sah II) it should be noted as a point of agreement with Kashmir that though Vetasa grows everywhere in marshy grounds in India, it is the greatest plantation in Kashmir in the Sindh division near Sopur round the Wooler lake, known as the Nangıl plantation 29. Description pf the Himalayas by Kalidasa अनन्तरत्न प्रभवस्य यस्य हिमं न सौभाग्यविलोपिजातम् । एका हि दापो गुग संनिपाते निमजतोन्दा:किरणेविवाङ्कः ॥KS 13 This is just like other Kashmirian writers who lavish in their praise of the Hamalayas, note, for example, Kalhana R T I.43- त्रैलोक्यं रत्नसूः श्लाघ्या तस्यां धनपने हरित् । तत्र गौरी गुरो शैगे यत् तस्मिन्नपिमण्डलम् ॥ B0 Mallinath's interpretation of हिम-ननुहिम दोपदूषितस्य तस्यात्यन्त मनभिगम्यत्वात् श्चित्रिण इव सर्वमपिलोमाग्यं विफल मित्याशङ्ग्य आह -as snow is wiong, for snow-capped mountains are praised by Kalidasa, eg तुषारसंघात शिला K S1 56. 31 For Hima in the sense of frost or excessive cold, see, for example, RV IX 28 व्रण गुरुप्रमदा धरदुःसहं ...रविरल विरलं कृतवान् हिमम्। B2 For destructive cold or frost in Kashmir see Lawrence, Valley of Kashmir pp 26 33 'For excessive cold in ancient Kashmir (हिमेनशीतेनसंपीच्यमानः) and the consequent stay of people in that country for six months only fenutar: see N M 429, 465, 478, 479, 34 The Araricha. Asrama in Sak VII may be identified with Kashmir We read in Sakuntala मातलिः-(सवहुमानमवलोक्य) अहो उदार रमणीय प्रथिवी । राजा-मातले कतमोऽयं पूर्वापरसमुद्रावगाढः कनकरसनिस्यन्दी साध्य मेघ परिघः सानुमानालोक्यते। मातलि:-आयुप्मन् एप खलु हेम कूटो नाम किंयुल्य पर्वतस्तपःसमिद्विन्दर पश्य । स्वायंभुवान मरीचे याप्रवभूषप्रजापतिः। ।

·--- सुरासुरगुरुः सोऽत्र सपत्नीकस्तपस्यति ॥ १९ ॥ राजा-तेन हि अनातकमणीयानि श्रेयांसि । प्रदक्षिणीकृत्य भगवन्तं गन्तुमिच्छामि। मात लः-प्रथमः कल्पः । राजा-मातले कतमस्मिन् प्रदेशेमारीचाश्रमः मातलि:-हस्तेन दर्शयन् ) यत्रस्थाणु रिवाचलो मुनिरसावभ्यर्कविम्यं स्थितः ॥ ११ ॥ राजा-नमस्ते कष्टतरसे मातलि:-(संयत प्रग्रहं रथंकृत्वा) महाराज एतावददिति परिवर्धित मन्दारवृक्ष प्रजापतेराश्रममं प्रविष्टोस्वः॥ राजा-स्वर्गादधिकतरं निवृति स्थानम् । अमृतहृदमिवावगाढोऽस्मि।। मातलि:-(रथं स्थापयित्वा) अवतरतु आयुप्मान् । राजा-(अवतीर्य मातले भवान् कथमिदानीम् मातलि:-वयमपि अवतरामः (तथा कृत्वा) इतआयुष्मान् (परिक्रम्य)दृश्यन्ता- मत्रभवतां ऋपीणां तपोवनभूमयः। राजा- ननु ननु विस्मयादवलोकयामि । प्राणानाम निलेनवृत्तिरुचिता सत्कल्पवृक्षेवने तोये काञ्चनपझरेणुकपिशे धर्माभिपेकक्रिया । ध्यानं रत्रशिलोतलेषु विवुधस्त्रीसंनिधौसंयमो यत्काञ्जन्ति तपोभिरन्य मुनयस्तस्मिस्तपस्यन्त्यमी ॥ १२ ॥ मातलिः-उत्सर्पिणी खलुमहतां प्रार्थना- Such is the unique description of Kashmir and its people by Kalidasa ! The view of the land below is in the first instance presented froin above the north as Dushyanta and Dátali descend from the Indraloka. Note how Matali is struck with admiration and deep regard- सबहुमानम् अवलोक्य when he describes the land as charming and majestic indeed! The king immediately catches the sight of a torcering mountain which is compared to a bar of evening-cloud emitting golden fluid which may be identified with the mountain-mass of the lofty Haramukh peaks, regarding which Stein thus records— 'Rising to close on 17,000 ft. and surrounded by glaciers of considerable size these peaks dominate the view towards the north from a great part of the Kashmir Valley' (R. T. II. 407) and which with the golden Kanaka vāhini river that flows from it (Stein R T. II 407) may very well stand the comparison noted by Kalidasa. The Hemakuta mountain emitting the golden-Auid can be no other than the Haramukuta with its perpetual snow (Lawrence p. 14) out of which flows the golden Kanaka Vâhini--also compare N. M:- ·65 as तस्माद्देशात् तथायाति दक्षिणेनमहानदी। हिरण्यभाम्भसा पूर्णा नाम्ना कनकवाहिनी ।। (1316) Thus the phrase कनकरसनित्यन्दो suggests the flow of the golden waters-Kanaha rasa, or the Kanaha vāhını river out of the Haramakuta mountain-otherwise it is difficult to explain the word--face in the line The Hemakuta is described as 04 afufs hay, similarly the Haramukuta mountain is noted, according to the Kashmirian tradition, as a place of attainment of perfection in spintual penances performed by Nandı, by whose strong devotion Sıva was drawn to the Haramukuta mountain (vide N. M 1231 sq, H C C in our note 176 ) Round about this mountain is pointed out the residence of Kashyapa, who is described the Sura Sura-Guru Tradition in Kashmir, believes Kashyapa as such, as well as the Father of Kashmir compare, N M क. प्रजापतिरुद्दिष्टः कश्यपश्च प्रजापतिः। तेनासौनिर्मितो देशः कश्मीराख्यो भविष्यति ॥ कश्यपेन तदन्त स्थ घातयित्वा जलोद्भवम् । निर्ममे तत्सरोभूमौ कश्मीरा इति मण्डलम् ॥ तत्र दक्षो ददौ कन्या. कश्यपाय त्रयोदश । मारीचाय समाधत्स्व श्रोतु नामानि भूपते ॥ अदितेस्तनया देवा दिते दैत्यास्त थव च । The Kashmirian Bulhana addresses Kashyapa, the Father of Kashmir, as 'Suraguru', in description of Kashmir, Vikramanka- Deya charit XVIII 4 उत्तुङ्गानां मणिगृहभुवां यत्रवातायनेषु व्याख्याभिख्या प्रणयिनि जगहलभेसूरिचक्रे । देवाः प्रोद्यद्विपुलपुलकाः किं न वर्षन्तिपुष्पै शिकन्ते यदि सुरगुरोस्तत्रवैलक्ष्यदीक्ष्याम् ॥ Also cf RT I 41 The hing can not forego paying his respects to the sacred land of Kashyapa It will do him good The exact site of the Kashyapa Asrama or Kashmir is further denoted by the symbolic representation of sunworship for which Kashmir appears to have been noted in the past (see pp 25) The Nilmat history of Kashmir, makes a special mention of the site of the Sun established by Kashyapa. himself known as the कश्यपस्वामि मार्तण्ड (vide N AM 1189) The Apsaras tirtha, whence Menaka comes to take away Sabuntala to leave her in charge of Dahshyanı, wife of Maricha or Kashyapa, (असारस्तौयावतरणात् शकुन्तला मादाय मेन का दाक्षायणी मुपगता Sak VII) is situated on this Haramukuta mountun, (see N N 1264 sq) between the Vundaprastha (which was curbed by Siva, see, pp 19 ·W car' the Brahma Saras on the Haramukuta (see note 22). Thus tho Māricha Asrama of Sakuntala situated below the Apsaras-- Tirtha can be no other than the Valley of Kashmir below thie Haramukuta whil includes the Apsaras tirtha. The king and the Natali alight from the and the king narrates his experience as he enters the Valley which is aptly compared to a lake. The Kashmirian tradition also believes in the lacustrine origin of Kashmir, compare, यैपा देवी उमासैव कश्मीरा नृपसत्तम । आसीत् सरःपूर्णजलं सुरम्यं सुमनोहरम् ॥ N. M. 31. also see R. T. I. 25, 26, 27. (Appendix b). At the supreme beauty of the country, the king is full of surpriso-ननुविस्मयादवलोकयामि (Remember तत्खलुरमणीयंयद्भवतो shalaenugrizata) Next follows the description of Kashmir in verse No. 12. which has a ring of patriotism about it and which sums up the delights of Kashmir which cannot be erased from the heart of Kalilasa-we know the instinct of love for his Blative-place is so strong in Kalidasa, cf. R. V. XIII, 63—- सेयं मदीया जननीव तेन मान्येन राज्ञा संग्यूर्वियुक्ता । दूरे वसन्तं शिशिरानिलमा तरंगहस्तै रुपगृहतीव ॥ Matali vinds up the description of Kashmir by words of bighest praise for the inhabitants of Kashmir. This shows our poet's "natural bias" for Kashmir and the Kashmiris. Thus to a clever eye the subtle hand of Kalidasa is noticeable throughout the above scene, - which can hardly be accounted for except on supposition that our poet's home is in Kashmir which as mentioned in the Sakuntala is also noted by the Nilmat as full of Tapo Bhumayah and whose patriotic description in Sak. VII 12. (supra et sq.) resembles that of N.M. 32 sal; also cf; Bilhana's description of Kashmir appendix (c). 34 (a) I consider the story-of Sakuntala in the Mahabharata original as far as the source of the play of Kalidasa, as given in the Mahabharata, is concerned. Surely the story of Dushyanta in the Mahabharata can not be said to be the oldest, for reference to Dushyanta and his family, however meagre-that is at variance with the Mahabharata; is found in ancient work, namely the Satapatha Brahmana, birth according to which Sakuntala gave to Bharata at Nāda pit-a site unknown to the Mahabharata or its followers, and not round the Malini river as given in the Mahabharata. According to the Mahabharata, Bharata was born in the hermitage of Kanva, situated on the bank of the Malini. Kalidasa has the version of the Mahabharata before him when he lays the Asrama of Kanva on the bank of the Malini-though his Malini may be quite different from the Malini of the Mahaan ·67 bharata (erde note 41, 41 (a), 58) References to Dushyanta, Sakuntala and Bhaiata are also found in various Puranas such as the Bhagawat, the Garuda, the Vişnu, and the Harivansa, all of which follow the Mahabharata and send Sakuntala with her son to Dushyanta--as the common argument of the ownership of the son aptly shows Arat wat, like the MBH they save the critical situation by the aid of the 'Heavenly Voice' a sfa 119771411 41917ef 7 (HV) But versions of the Padma purana vary, some do not have the story, others follow the Mahabharata or its improved version as given by Kalidasa ring first Mr Haiadatta Sarma in his work Padma Purana and Kalidasa points to the effect that the curse of Durvasa appears (evidently in the story of Sakuntala) in the Visnu Purana (IV-19) But the statement is wrong and nusleading The curse of Dursasa, appears in the Purana in connection with a separate story of Indra who receives imprecations of angry Durvasa who felt insulted at Indra's behaviour India was cursed to be perished, and the curse was not modified even at Indra's request This curse has nothung to do with the incidents of memory, forgetfulness and recognition so, chai acter istic of the curse in the Drama of Sakuntala No doubt, the curse and the ring both appear in the Padma-purana, none of which appears in the Mahabharata Mr Sarma points out that the appears in the Buddhist Jataka of Brahmadatta, from which it passed on to the Padma Purana which served as the source of the drama of Kalidasa But Mr Sarma seems to forget that the ring in the Jataka has not the potency of restoring bing's memory—that is the essential virtue of it in the Padma purana or in alidasa Far from getting recognition, the King in the Jataka refuses the ownership of the ring when it is presented to him by the woman whom he betrayed-Nor is this my signet-ring' The Jataka ring has got nothing to do with the mnemonic-ring of the Padma Purana or of Kalidasa Besides thus Mr Sarma ought to know that there is nothing extraordinary about the idea of ring as a souvenir that it required the support of a literary tradition on the part of Kalidasa to introduce it in his drama-it is such a universal and popular human convention Similarly incident of 'curse' in life, forms a part of common belief with mankind-Cassandra had the gift of foresceing things but she had the ! curse of gods on her head. that nobody should believe her--we have in literature numerous curses of gods, Rishis and Brahmins The Kashmiriar tradition in "he Sılmat, in Kalidasa was brought up, gives a record of Durva-aa which changed the face of the country of Kashmir be forming land into water ( NM 1140 sq) Thus the difficulty in supposing that Kalidasa could easily his ring and the curse without going to thr any other authority--the neg and our the t or ·Kalidasa invented should be of a superior make and a special design! But the Padma purana has also its curse and the ring. So, the practical question is, who introduced these elements of common faith and practice namely the curse and the ring in the story of Sakuntala--who had the genius and purpose to execute it-the author of the Padma purana or of that immortal drama of Sakuntala ? be no of parts, Now the ring of recognition is a mere corollary to the curse for it can only follow the modification of the curse. The question therefore is, who spun tlie-thread of curse in the story of Sakuntala, which brought the catastrophema rhapsodist or a dramatist ? Let us enquire. Now we must remember that the Mahabharata can not be supposed to borrow from the Padma purana- whether it is the Bengali version or the one that is published at Anandasrama press Poona, as they substantially agree; (the Bengali version of the Padma purana may more genuine than the other for it may have kept old arrangement but added new material to them) - the story of Sakuntala after the advanced stage it had reached in the Padma purana, and divest it of the incidents of curse and the ring. The Padma purana on the other 'hand borrows about a hundred verses from the Mahabharatawhose simple version of the story even in its present form must be earlier than the more advanced version of the story in the Padma Purana; it agrees with the Mahabharata in extracting the promise from Dushyanta that his son .from Sakuntala should be his successor. Thus the author of the Padma Purana has the version of the Mahabharata before him. Now as we have mentioned above Kalidasa has the version of the Mahabharata before him when he lays the Asrama of Kanva on the bank of the river Malini as given in the Mahabharata, Adi Parva (vide note 41a, 58) Thus the Mahabharata is the common source of the two writers, namely, the author of the Padma Purana and Kalidasa. Now the question is between the works of these two writers, which agree so closely with each other in names of characters-fact, , JITETA, Tiga, in points of language and thought-न हन्तव्यः (P. P.) (न हन्तव्यो न हन्तव्यः Sak.) 71ùa teabharafa: (P. P.) (37193afgarnia: Sak.) परिपत्ययथासूनुर्धरणी रेणुलठितः। पितुराश्लिष्यतेऽङ्गानि किमस्त्यस्यधिकंततः ॥ (P. P.) अङ्काश्रय प्रणयिनस्तनयान् वहन्तो। FETTETEFIFTET AFSathafra ll (Şak. VI.17.) and in incidents such as those of the curse and the riug- which of the two is original the Padma Purana or the Drama of Kalidasa? We lo not know of any ancient version of the story of Sakuutala with ·69 common source the curse and the ring that could have served a to both the Padma Purana and Kalidasa Now it appears to mo that the author of the Padma Purana not only borrows verses and expressions from the Mahabharata and the Gita too (of) यद् यातं तद गतं राजन् नानुशोचन्ति पण्डिताः (PP) गतासूनगतासूश्च नानुशोचन्तिपण्डिताः (Gita) but he is also a close student of Kalidasa from whose various works he draws so freely--of अथ तस्यास्तदा गर्भो राजस्तेजसा भृतः । शाशीव विशदे पक्ष वर्धतेस्म दिने दिने ।। (P_P) दिन दिम सा परिवर्धमाना लब्धोदया चान्द्रमसीवलेखा। पुपोष लावण्यमयान् विशेषान् , ज्योत्स्नातराणीवकलान्तराणि ॥ again (Kumara Sambhaya 1-25) अतकर्व मयादत्तं पानीयविविधानि च । पास्यन्ति पितरः कोषणा निश्वासेन मलीमसम् ॥ (P P.) मत्परं दुर्लभं मत्वा नूनमावर्जितं मया । पयः पूर्वःस्वनिश्वासः कयोष्णमुपभुज्यते ॥ (Raghuvansa I, 69) and again शापेनास्तमितस्मृतिः (P. P) शापेनास्तंगमितमहिमा (Deghaduta 1) But Mr Sarma may point out that it may be argued the other way round, Kalidasa in his various vorhs such as the Kumara Sambhava, the Raghuvansa, the Meghaduta and the Sakuntala may have borrowed names, thoughts, and expressions of language from the beautiful Padma Purana Noy our answer is, that if Kalidasa draws on Padma Purana for names of such minor characters as fatet, T15 TT) RITTZa etc, how is it that he fails to mention the famous and fatal Saraswati in whose waters, according to the Padma Purana, Sakuntala took her bath and lost her ring, how is it that Kalidasa substitutes the obscue Sachi Tirtha alongside the Sahravatara for the popular and sacred Saraswati But it may be pointed out that the argument cuts both ways, how it will be asked, will you explain the substitution of the Saraswatı by the author of the Padma Purana for the Sachı Tırtlia of Kalidasa if the former borrowed names from the latter's work. Our answer is definite and clear The non-Kashimirian author of the Padma Purana is not familiar with the sites in Kashmir as mentioned by Kalidasa, a native of Kashmir so ho proposes a substitute--wherovor 18 necessary, as in the case of the tragic incident of the ring-that is popular and well-known Thus the sacied Sachı Tırtha Kashmir (ude page 16 here 1t in ·Sakuntala on her way to her husband's house halted for salu. tions-शचीतीर्थवन्दमानया Sak.) and lost her ring is substituled by the non-Kashmirian writer of the Padma Purana by another sacred name, the Saraswati, that sounds a more intelligible name and place to his audience namely the Srotās of the Purana. to come Or Similarly the author of the Padma Purana who is not aware of the Soma Tirtha in Kashmir. (vide page 16 also note 52) omits it and as he can not follow Kalidasa in taking Kanva to a place unknowi and meaningless to him, he falls back upon the version of the Jahabharata and sends Kanya away-not far oft; only to get fruits (TOEIT OTITETITT P.P.) Ta:...... 4FUT TO M.B.A.) at the time of Dushyanta's arrival in the hermitage. Again, the Apsaras Tirtlra (vide page 17 note 34, 53) a site in Kashmir, whence Menakā comes to take away her daughter, in tho Drama of Kalidasa, is omitter by the non-Kashmiriai author of the Padma Purana, as the site is not knwn to him. But we shall presently see that this omission has heavily told upon the structure of the story in the Padma Purana. In the Drama of Kalidasa, Kashyapa Asrama or Kashmir (vide page 10, note 34.) is not ushered in by mere accident as it is in The Padma Puranamin the drama it it is bound for the scene of union with Sakuntala who was brought to the Apsaras Tirtha that is in Kashmir. (See note 34.) But in the Padma Purana, the Kashyapa Asrama Kashmir occupies no legitiinate place-Sakuntala if she was not taken to the Apsaras Tirtha in Kashmir, could as. well be found in the Indra-loka, where the Apsaras such as Menaka and others are said to live, and where Dushyanta had gone to defeat the enemies of Indira-indeed it would have been quite proper if Indra himself had presented Sakuntala to Dushyanta who had come out victorious in battle, and thus pleased him.. But the Padma Purana here blindly follows Kalidasa.. It omits the Apsaras Tirtha which could create a necessity, as in the drama of Kalidasa, for the introduction of the Kashyapa Asrama or Kashmir (that included the Apsaras Tirtha) for the union of Dushyanta and Sakuntala, and mentions the Kashyapa Asrama. Thus the Kashyapa Asrama or Kashmir without the previous mention of the Apsaras Tirtha has no relevancy in the Padma Purana-it hangs about and can easily be detected as a stolen property not properly adjusted in the house. · This is how the Padma Purana deals with the Kashmirian sites in the drama of Kalidasa, that are unintellegible to himhe meets them by omission as in the case of the Soma Tirtha, of and the Apsaras Tirtha; by substitution as in the case the Sachi Tirtha bry the well-known Sarasvati; or by meaningless imitation as in the case of a comparatively 7 ·its . are as in 13 tell hnown place the Kashyapa Asrama or Kashmi This will show that the author of the Sakuntala episode in the Padma Purina though not totally unrware of the country of Kaslımır-- which is impossible is ignorant with its minoi tirthas of local fame only—such as the Sachi, the Sahri the Aparıs Tirtha etc I nown to Kalidasa and to the Kashmirian tradition in the Nilmrt No doubt allusions to Kaslımır und important tirthas of universal reputation in Indiz occur in the Mahabharata as well as the various puranas--they are bound to occur in many other wouls But the point is whether Kalidasi draws his information regarding Kashmir from these outside works or from his per onal experience at home in Kashmir We believe in the latter For example Yal sha occurs in the Dahabharata but does he bear the same typical character of a Kishaurin Yaksha as in Kalidasa ? Surely not! Similarly the Utt ira Khanda of the Padma Purana (Venkateslivara Press) mentions tlie Kashyapa Asrama Vasistha Asrama Bhuteshvarı and Soma Tu tha in the list of Tuthas but Kalidasa cannot be said to borrow from this for his affectionate description of Kashmir appears to be based on personal relationship (see PP 10, 11) his Vasistha Asrama and the Bhutesh closely situated they are Kashmir see pp 9) which 18 not the case in the Purana his Soma Tirtha--which indefinite in thy Purana for there are many Soma Tirthas (see note 62) presumably in Kashmir which kanva of the family of Kashyapa visits to avert the calamity of Sakuntala in the very first Act--as an anxious father to make possible arrangements for her future stay in Kashmir and a replying message to which Viszt is sent by Kashyapa to Kanva from Kashmir il the last Act when everything has settled pea efully (कण्वाय प्रिय आवेदय ) and to which country of Kashmir Salidasa leads us for all his other wites in Sakuntala such as the Sachi Tırtha the Sakra avatar the Apsiras Tırtha the Haramukuta (see note 34) and the Kashyapa Asrama But supposing the author of the Uttara Khanda of the Padma Purana I new the sites existing in Kashmii how shall we defend the position that the author of the Sakuntala or the Raghuvansa episode in the Padma Purana was not aware of them Qur answer is simple, they are not the works of the same author and the proof of it is this --The author of the Sakuntalı or the Raghuvansa episode in the Padma Purana who is evidently the same person, as he draws on the worls of Kalıdasz, locates the Vasistha Asiima onstide the limits of the Himalayas where the cosy of Vasistha happened to enter one day बतददाढ्य परीक्षन्ती प्रविवेश हिमालयम् but the author of the Uttarr bhında (PP) lo ates the Vasistha Asrama round the Badarıha Asrama in the Himalayas चदरीणा वनगरछेत् वसिष्ठस्याश्रमंततः। 18 19 ·None of the two works, however, refers to the Vasistha Asrama of Kalidasa in Kashmir-(for many Vasistha Asramas see note 24.): The Sachi Tirtha and the Apsaras Tirtha--that play an important part in the development and the structure of the drama, known to Kalidasa and unknown to these and other none-Kashmirian writers furnish us with a test case which proves that Kalidasa was a Kashmiriau who knew the sites at his home in Kashmir and referred to them in his works, the Sakuntala and the Raghuvansa, , which were, summarized by the author of the Padma · Purana and thus deprived of their Kashmirian setting. Thus the Padma Purana is the borrower and not Kalidasa. Again it would be wrong to suppose that Kalidasa borrowed the idea of curse from the Padma Purana, for it must be remembered that curse as a deterrant force in the union of two lovers is already known to Kalidasa in all his works. In the Meghaduta, the curse stands in the way of union of the Yaksha and the Yakshi (vide pp. 38 note 166a) in the Vikraña Urvasi, the curse separates Urvasi from Vikrama (vide pp. 39 note 167) in the Malavikaagnimitra the Siddhādesha amounts to a curse of separation (vide pp 38 note 165);so is it in the Sakuntala that the curse debars the union of the two lovers and helps the development of the plot. The curse in Sakuntala serves a still greater purpose for Kalidasa. It improves the character of his hero and saves him from the calumny to which he is open in the Mahabharata. We quite expected it from Kalidasa whose aimn in character-drawing is towards perfection but who can claim such a purpose for the author of the Padma Purana, who, provided he is the same man, is 'not ashamed to make the conjugal union cf Sri Krishna possible with Arjuna aś woman? Thus there is no reason why Kalidasıl who is already familiar with the idea of curse in his other works should not introduce it in the Sakuntala where, it is best needed- Kalidasa can make decent departures from the original sources from which he draws as in the case of the distant journey of Kanya to Soma Tirtha in Kashmir not found in the MBII; or the Padma Purana either. Now curse' with Kalidasa serves not only a dramatic purpose but it also stands for a philosophical truth in all his works (ride pp. 28 sq. also noto 150), 159, 165--167) and illustrates the Pratyabbijna doctrine of memory forgetfulness, and recognition of soul's power. Similarly, the ring of recognition that follows the curse of forgetfulness, 115 ones own 'pratyaya' lias a philosophical bearing in Kalidasi and is Kalidas' own invention in the drama. The association of the philosophical curse with the particular saye, Durrāsä, will he understood further if we remembered that ipcording to the traditions of the Pratyabhijna piilosophy of Kislimie -whose doctrines the vital incident of tho curse of Durcunu in ·73 the drama illustrates, Lord Siva ordained Durasa to propagate the philosophy in the world, who did accordingly (see note 126) Thus the curse and the ring both serve a dramatic and a philosophic purpose in Kalidasa-both of which are wanting in the imitation-work, the Padma Purana Thus the curse, and the ring that follows the curse, may be our poet's own invention in the drama, as the incident of curse 19 in his other works The curse and the ring of Kalidasa lose all their philosophic import in the Padma Purana which merely copies them as ordinary curse and the ring, devoid of their philosophic meaning The ring of recognition or the firstart of Kalidasa 18 reduced to a mere vanatand the philosophio curse of Kalidasa though superfically associated with memory is not properly understood in all its implications as is borne out by the substitution of the phrase भापेनास्तमितस्मृति (P_P) for भाप व्यवहितम्पति (Sak) According to Kalidasa in keeping with the Pratyabhijna philosophy, the power of memory belonging to soul does not Tanish away or disappear altogether-only between the soul and its power of memory there lies the Vyaradhana of 114 or 'philosophical' necessity (vide note 150) But the author of the Padma Purana who is not aware of the Pratyabhijna philosophy of Kashmir makes a mess of the whole thing by substituting wafaa for zafer in the phrase maraf amfa- which would mean that the power of memory 18 destroyed by cursewhich would be absurd, for having once ceased to exist, memory could not be revived and recognition the main purpose of the story, could not be achieved The author of the Padma Purana who is ignorant with the Pratyabhijna philosophy, in his desire to appear as original story teller taps another source and borrows phrase from the Meghadnta of Kalidasa- Taaraanfaaafat, but great admirer of Kalidasa as he is, he forgets that the word vafaa may le quite appropriate with at but it can not stand context with स्मृति or memory Again the Padma Purana blindly follows Kalidasa in sending to Dushyanta, Sakuntala big with child, and not with son born at her father's house as in the Mahabharata The Bhagawat Purana (IX), the Harivansa, the commentators of the Visnu and the other puranas, all follow the Mahabharata and send Sakuntala to Dushyanta after the birth of her son at the Kanva's Asrama There is no reason for such a departure in the single Padma Purana But in the drama of Kalıdasa, which departs from the Mahabharata in this instance, the change is significant for it presents the story of Sakuntala in the light of the Pratyabhijna philosophy, which is the whole object of Kalıdası Thus Sakuntala, or in terms of the Pravy I huna Pilosophy, Sakti, who was 'let out to create the in }jcu reality could not withdraw herself in the a ·7 of union with Siva (Dushyanta) unless she had delivered herself of the charge of cruation (see pp. 28 sqq.) Thus Sakuntala was rejected and the rejection furthor aided the development of the plot, but if Sakuntala had already delivered herself of the sonor iſ the fruit of creation namely experience were already gained; then in the light of the Pratyabhijna, necessity (919) for Separarion' would have come to an end, and thus there would have been no room for rejection of Sakuntala when she was presented to the king. The interest of the drama would have ended before the last det and the drama of life on earth would have come to a close without achiuving its chief object namely recognition through aperience. This the Padma Purana imitates Kalidasa without understanding his Kaslımirian philosophy. It would be dangerous therefore to argue the sources of the works of Kalidasa from the supposed antiquity of the Puranas--that go on adding new material as time goes on~and their doubtful authorship: पुराणमित्येव न साधु सर्वम् ॥ Indeed, the Padma Purana (with its Sakuntala and the Raghu vansa episode) appears to be very late in origin. I may suggest that the popular convention of search for water while hunting, and the drink offered by a girl and marriage with her, as in the Padma Purana episode of Sakuntala-ala, smacks of a very late origin, and the mention of an arrow-shot at sound in the Padma Purana version of Sakuntala me tocafean; so popular in the early days of Rajput chivalry, does not speak of a very old date for the Purana. However, one thing is certain that the author of Padma Purana who included the story of Sakuntala in the purana (in some copies of the Padma Purana, the story is altogether missing) lived after Kalidasa, as he borrows expression from his works such as the Kumara Sambhava, the Raghuvansa "and the leghaduta as already pointed out.. Indeed, the Padma Purana follows the Raghuvansa in its outline of the story of Rama, and not the Ramayana, imitates its language (cf. description of Dilipa in Raghuvansa व्यूढोरस्कोवृषस्कन्धः शालप्रांशुमहाभुजः (R. V. I.) with its ETTEI AUTTYOTTI ATTEFRITT FETTST: P. P.); substitutes ratai (P.P.) for the significant fungi of the famous Nikumbha legend R. V. 39 (see pp.13 sqq.), and शस्त्रैरपिनयच्छक्यं अकीत्यर्धन्विनां न तत् for JETIT TEZI 9 771 TETİ TETZT: eyal faoifal (R. V. II. 40.); omits the names known to Kashmirian legends onlysuch as the Nikumbha (vide pp. 13 seg) without whose reference mention of Kumbhodara in the Pama purana loses all its force of associations, and places the Kashmirian Vasistlia as ·75 Asrama of the Raghuvansa (see yp 9) outside the Himalayas -व्रतदायं परीक्षन्ती प्रविवेश हिमालयम् , which is wrong and proves the imitative character of the version of the Padma Purana, Thus the Padma Purana furnishes a close summary of the Raghuvansa and the Drama of Sakuntala un points of names of characters, expressions of thought and language, and incidents, and does not form a source of the drama of Sakuntala The Padma Purana is an imitation of a great poet's work by a versifier or a story-teller wlio has before lum the versions of the Mahabharata and of Kalidasa and who uses his option to follow the one or the other as it suits him or his audience best. But I should like to point out that my theorey of the buth-place of Kalidasa in Kashmir is not in the least vitiated even if it be proved that the Padma Purana and not the Mahabharata formed a source of the drama of Kalidasa On the contrary it would affum iny position for the substitution of the Sacht Tirtha of Kashmir (see pp. 16) in place of the famous Saraswatı vould create a bias in favour of Kalidasa being a native of Kashmir. Mention of the local and minor Apsaras Tırtha-its exact location (see note 34), and the Soma Tirtha of Kashmir will also be a proof in the same direction And in that case, it will be understood, that the curse and the ring mentioned by the Padma or any pu ana or jataka, in their ordinary sense, ale in Kalidasa invested with the meaning of the Pratyabhijna philosophy of Kashmir, which is our main ground of our poets' birth-place in Kashmir Thus my argument in favour of the birth-place of Kalidasa in Kashmir remains unaffected in either case, though I strongly believe, on grounds mentioned above, that the Padma Purana has drawn upon the Raghuvansa and the Sakuntala of Kalidasa for its narration of the stories, as the author of the Sıva Purana has drawn upon his other famous work the Kumara Sambhava 35. For special mention and regard of Kashyapa performing penances in Sakuntala see, Sak VII 9,27,30 The Kashmirian tradition in the N I refers to a site in Kashmir where Kaslıyapa, the founder of Kashmir, is said to perform his penances (ÂN 231) For Kashyapa's locality-ITTAR 11 tho Raja Tarangini sce R. T VIII 3357. 36 Valmıkı in Raghuransa, tahes Sita, when she is deserted by her husband to his own Asrama, as if under her own father's roof जाने चिसृष्टां मणिधानतस्त्वां मिथ्यापवादक्षुभिनेत्रा। तन्मा व्यथिष्टा विषयान्तरस्थं प्राप्तासि वेदेहिपितुर्नितिम् ॥ R.V. XIV. 72. 37. 'अप्सरस्तीर्थावतरणात्-शकुन्तलामादाय मेनका दाक्षायणीमुपगता। 38 See Sak, V. 17, . ) ·76 - 39. For similes basoil on associations suggestive of the home of Kalidasa in the llimalayan country viz. Kashmir:- CI. prominent objects in Kashmir, the Manasa lake:- समीरणोत्थेन तरङ्गलेखा पद्मान्तरं मानस राजहंसीम् । R.V. IV. 26. the golden lotuses : वक्त्रेपुहेमाम्बुरुहोपमेपु R.S. VIS; (K.S. II 44. etc.) the bright herbs :- ज्वलितेन गुहागतं तमस्तुहिनारिवनक्तमोषधिः। R.V. VIII 54. 'Hima', snow, frost, cold, icy-water:- आनन्दशीतामिववाष्पवृष्टिम् , हिम स्टुति हैमवती ससर्ज । (R.V.XVI 44.) for icy-waters characteristic of Kashmir cf. Kalhana R.T.I. 42-- (सहिमं पयः।) तुपारसंघातनिपातशीतला; वायवः सान्द्रतुपारशीतलाः । R.S.V., 4.3. The Chinese Silk:- चीनांशुकमिवकेतोः Sak. I. 31. चीनांशुक्रन शोभितोनागराजः in Kashmir N. M. 465 sqq. For Similes based on rice, see note, 101 infra. 39a. For Gandhamadan the pleasure-resort of the Kashmirian tradition ct. H. C. C.9.147:- सप्तर्षिकथितार्थस्य शङ्करस्याथनाकिनः । सर्वाभरणसंरम्भं चक्रिरेगन्धमादने ॥ 40. The associations of the Himalayas-noted for their cold, force out unconsciously in the lines-- कार्यांसकतलीन हंसमिथुना स्रोतोवहा मालिनी। पादास्तामभितोनिषम हरिणा गौरी गुरोः पावनाः (Sak VI. 17.) though the hermitage of Kanya in the drama is situated on the plains whose heat is unbearable (Sak. III.) 41. For the river Malini in Kashmir, see N. M., 1535, 1537. 41a. The original story of the Mahabharata (Adi Parva) mentions the Asrama of Kanva of Kashyapa Gotra, situated on the bank of the Malini where Menaka had left her child :- मालिनी मभितो राजन्नदी पुण्यां सुखोदकां । तस्यास्तीरे भगवता काश्यपस्य महात्मनः । नदीमाश्रम संबद्धां दृष्ट्वाश्रम पदं तथा ॥ समनिर्जनयामास मेनकायां शकुन्तला । जातमुत्सृज्य तं गर्भ मेनका मालिनीभनु । --- - ·77 name Repeated mention of the term Malını here shows that it was not used as an appellative for the Bhagirathi but ? piope; for some other river Kalıdısa diws on the Mahabharata for his Nalını in the Drama (see note 31a) but his Malını may be qute different from that of the Mahabharata (see note 58) 42. नूनं ते शकावताराभ्यन्तरे शचीतीर्थ सलिल वन्दमानाया Sak V For the Sachı Tırtha described along with the Sahra Tirtha in Kashmir, see, NA 1166, 1169 43 पयोधरै. पुण्यजनाङ्गनाना निर्विष्टहेमाम्बुजरेणुमस्याः । ब्राह्म सरः कारणामाप्त वाची बुद्धेरिवान्यक्त मुदाहरन्ति॥ R V XII 60. Uniconscious retreat to Kashmir its Yakshas and golden lotuses, probably suggested by the Brahma Sara, a lake on the Haramukuta mountain in Kashmır, already mentioned in note 22 Kahdasa connects the Brahma Sara with the river Sarayu, round Ayodhya, the Capital of Rima For Brahma Sara situated on the Haramukuta Mt in Kashmir, see, Stein's RT II, 408 also see, NM 1255-ततो ब्रह्मसरो नाम तीर्थ मनोहरम् ॥ Nilmat further describes the Brahma Sara as the source of a river (called Tax??) and connects it with Parasu Rama- एव स निर्मलीभूतो राम परबलार्दनः ॥ N M 1397 नदी सप्राप्य पुण्योदा तदा ब्रह्मसरोद्भवाम् ॥ N. I 1398 Yakshas living with their wives are described in the Meghaduta too, Kashmir formerly occupied by the Yakshas is noted by NM 72 and RT I, 84 The stories of Yaksha and Yakshis, as known to the Kashmirian tradition, are recorded in the Katha Sarıt Sagar e 8 (a) यक्षस्यालापमशृगोत् कीडतोभार्यया सह () यक्ष पुष्पसजा भार्या नर्मणा तामताडयत् ॥ Somadeva KS Sp 347. For pink lotuses in Kashmir, refer to Lawrence Valley of Kashmir The Manas lahe among others noted for golden lotuses in Kashmir कत. प्रयत्नो न च देव लब्ध मन पयस्यामरणोत्तमते , नागेन लौल्यात् कुमुदेन नून मुपात्तमन्तह्न दवासिना तत् , R V XVI 76 sqq. For Kumuda Níga in Kashmir, see, N 1089 ·78 Compare the Kalidasa-conception of the Naga, residing in the or lake, as serpent, fearing thc Garuda weapon, offering his sister to the king-FTIGTECT Y55745: ! (R. V. XVI. 76, 77, 78 sqq.) with the similar conception in the Kashmir-tiadition:--For Nāgas as spring-deities in Kashmir, see, R. T. I. 29,30 they seek shelter from Garuda 30; their lake-residences 111, appear as human-faced snakes (R. T. IV. 601.) Kashmir á favourite residence of Nāgas (Stein II 367 also see pp. 13.) The Kashmirian Nāga-daughter, Chandra lekha, married to a Brahmin of Kashmir (R.T.I. 242.) Kalidas' has also the memory of Nāga damsels being available on the Himalayas, cf.—Tal quan K. S. I. 20. 45. Alliance between the Nāga King and King Kusha. इत्थं नास्त्रिभुवनगुरोरीरसं मैथिलेयं लब्ध्वा बन्धुतमपि च कुशः पञ्चमं तक्षकस्य । एकः शङ्कां पितृवधरिपो रत्यजद्वैनतेया Estrattata fait: atti: A NR.V. XVI. 38. For Kusa, King of Kashmir, see, R. T. I. 88. For the Takshaka Naga of Kashmir, see, Stein R. T. Vol. II. 458. For enmity between the Nāgas and the Vainateya_and their compromise, see, N. M. Ed. Zadu vy. 74–105. 6. For Dr. Buhler's summary of the Nikumbha legend in the Nilmat, see, Buhler's report on search of Sanskrit manuscripts in Kashmir PP. 40; also see, Nilmat 277, 278 sqq, 483, 488, 499- 500, 675, 676, 781, 1102. For a comparative view of the legend in the Raghuvansa and the Nilmat, see below. Mention of Kumbha, as the friend of Nilumbhat, in the line Fitutat 919 fafia faz' suggests that Kumbhle draws his character and support from the famous Nikumbha. Thus à comparison may be drawn between the Nikumbha of the Nilmat and the Nikumbha of Raghuvansa, who is the real person behind ithe superficial Kumbha.

·79 .... ... Nihumbha of the Raghulansa Nikumbha of the Nilmut I A powerful brute and a pious I. Ditto cieature Nikumbha described as a Kuinbhay the prototype of brute-पिशाच; Nikumbha, described as brute मृगेन्द्र (RV 30), पालुकार्णव मध्येतु as powerful द्वीप पड्योजनायतः, अलमहीपाल तव श्रमेण तत्रसन्ति पिशाचाये प्रयुक्त मन्यस्त्रमितोवृथास्यात् (II 34.) दैत्यपक्षा सुदारुपाः (277) and as pious as powerful and pious both पादार्प गानुग्रहपूतपृष्ठम् अवेहिमां तेषां तु निग्रहार्थाय किंकरमष्टमूतः (II B5.) पिशाचाधिपतिर्थली, निकुम्भनामा धर्मात्मा कुवेरेणतुथोजितः ॥ (278) II II An attendant of Siva - किंकरमणमृतः II 35 and भूतेश्वर पावती II. 46. Ditto तस्यां विप्र चतुर्दश्यां निकुम्भ. शङ्करं सदा । (675) संपूजयति धर्मात्मा सानुयात्रो महाबलः (676) III His mission alway Victorious R. V II 36,37 तदाप्रभृत्येव वनद्धिपानां त्रासार्थमस्मिनहमादि पक्षी, व्यापारित शूलभृता वधाय । सिंहत्वमङ्करगतसत्त्ववृत्ति (38) IIT Ditto चैश्यांयाति सदायोछु पिशाचैर्वहुभिः मह । पञ्चकोट्य-पिशाचानां निकुम्भस्यानुयायिनाम्।।(279) निकुम्भः पुनरायाति पञ्चकोटि वृतोवली शुशाश्वयुपञ्चदश्यां नित्यंदेवप्रसादतः ।। (22) 'Dera_Prasada.' signityms Siva's favoul, rhoso utta ndant he is ·80 On Nikumbhu of the Raghuvansal (contd) Nikumbha of the Nilmat (contd.) IV. His introduction the IV. Ditto. • scene by way of punishment and torror to tho ori तानुवाच तथाक्रुद्धः ginal inhabitants of the कश्यपो वै प्रजापतिः। place. ममवाक्य मनाहत्य, अमुपुरः पश्यसि देवदार यस्माद्दुष्टं प्रभाषथ । पुत्रीकृतोऽसौवृषभध्वजेन (36) तस्मात् पिशाचैः सहिता कण्डयमानेन कटंकदाचिद् वसध्यं नात्र संशयः। (267 sqq.) वन्यद्विपेनोन्मथितां त्वगस्य(37) तदाप्रभृत्येववनद्विपानांत्रासार्थ - 38) V. V. Fixity of time for his meals, urranged by Siva. Fixity of time for his stay (and consequently . meal) in अङ्कागत सत्व वृत्ति (38) Kashmir arranged by Kash- तस्यालमेपा क्षुथितस्य तृप्त्यै yapa, who modifies his previous statement thus- प्रदिष्टकाला परमेश्वरेण । (39) हिमाचलेषु पण्मासान् वसत्योष सदासुखी ।(283) During the stay of the Pisacha, with his following, for six months only in Kashmir, all men vacated the country-- अश्वयुज्यामतीतायां निर्ययुर्मानवा वहिः 425 (sqq.) except a Brahmin who ventured to stay during the Pisacha rcgime, whom the followers of Nikumbha captured, even as the friend of Nikumbha has captured the Cow in the Raghuvansa, that fell in his way. (अथ निकुम्भस्यानुयायिनः... ) ब्राह्मणेनपिशाचास्तु चिक्रीडुस्तेन ते तदा। रज्जुबद्धन तु यथा पक्षिणा नृप दारताः (427) ·81 ..... NiKumbha of the Raghvansa (Contd) Nilkumbha of the Vilmat (Contd ) Compare the striking metaphor of tying with a string though differently used by Kalidasa, in the same context in RV II 28 - तदीयमाक्रन्दितं. रश्मिाविवादाय नगेन्द्रसक्तां, निवर्तयामास नृपस्य दृष्टिम् । Surely, Kalidasa has the traditional version of the legend, as given by the Nılmat, in his mind - Ditto a VI तस्मिन्नहनिपूर्वाह्न निकुम्भस्यानुयायिनः आविशन्तिनरान् सर्वान् पिशाचा घोरदर्शनाः ॥ 499-500 VI Possession of the bodies of living creatures forms characteristic feature of the friend of Nikumbha, or his followers -प्रसह्य सिंहः किलतांचकर्ष 27 -निगृहीतधेनुः। 33. VII His adoration, and offering of Bali' to him अन्तर्गतं प्राणभृतां हि वेद सर्वभवान् भावमतोऽभिधास्ये। 43. स न्यस्तशस्त्रो हरये स्वदेह. उपानयत् पिण्ड मिया मिपस्य । 59. to the ३ VIII Devotion cow, Surabhi, as a means of release from the grip of the friend or the followers of Nihumbha सुतां तदीयां सुरभे कृत्वा प्रतिनिधि शुचिः। आराधय सपत्नीकः (I. 81) इमामनूनां सूरभेरवेहि II.54. सेय स्वदेहार्पग्मनिष्क्रयेण न्याय्या मयामोचयितु भवत्तः II. 56 VII Ditto पूजा निकुम्भस्य कर्तव्या । 489. पूजनीयो निकुम्भश्च पिशोचाधिपतिर्वली। 677. पिशाचानां च दातव्या वलयश्च सुसस्कृताः। 678 VIII Ditto अश्वयुज्यां निकुम्मस्तु नित्यमायाति कश्यप। 483. पूजार्थ तस्य कर्त्तव्या कौमुदीं तां निवोधत। 484 पूजनीया च सुरभिः गोमद्भिः पुरुषैस्तथा 1490. निकुम्भस्यानुयायिनः... आविशन्ति नरान् (499, 500,) यश्च एवं कुरुने तस्य गच्छन्ति ..

·32 47. For Dartand or tho sun associated with Kashyapa (see N. II. 1189, IS. For numerous sites sacred to Kurera in Kashmir see N. M. El. ladu appendix E. P. 15, also our (N. M.-1198). for appellation of 'Bhawan given to sacred sites in Kashmir (seo Stein, R. T. II, 339. 340 with note on Martand or Matsya Bhawan. 49. For Iliranyapura -- modern Ranyil, in Kashmir, see, Stein R.T. II. 106, which readzam At the south foot of the ridgo which descends to the opening of the Sindh Valley, we find the village of Ranyil, the ancient Hiran.yapura... It scems to have been once a place of importance since its figures in a fairy tale of the Katha Sarit Sagara as the capital of Kashmir. A spring, a little to the south of the village, is visited by the pilgrims to the Haramukuta Gangā, also seer K. S. S. p. 3-10: अस्तीह हिमवत् कुक्षी देशः पृथ्वी शिरोमणिः । कश्मीर इति विद्यानां धर्मस्य च निकेतनम् ॥ 214 तत्राधिष्ठानमभवद् हिरण्यपुरनामकम् । कनकाक्ष इति ख्यातस्तस्मिन् राजा बभूव च ।। 215 50. For tradition of elopement of women by demons in Kashmir, see, for oxample, the famous legend of Sadangula Nāga in N. M. 1134 मनुष्याणां स दारांश्च हरत्य हरहः पुरः। 50 a b & c. For the Darad country, see, Stein R. T. VIII 2509 13n. as the abode of Pisachas or denions, see, Grierson's 'Pisachalanguages'. 51. For Sachi Tirtha and Sakravatara (Sak.) see N. M. 1166, 1169. The Ganga of the Sachi Tirtha must be a Kashmir Ganga शचीतीर्थ बन्दमानायाः सख्यास्ले हस्ताद्गङ्गास्रोतसि परिभ्रष्टं Sak. VI. 52. For Soma Tirtha, a place of pilgrimage in Kashmir, a site sacred to Siva, where Kalidasa, a Saivite, as usual, takes us, see N. ll. 1567, 1566; H.C.C. pp. 106 v. 259 (Soma Tirtha near Vijayeshvara?) Kalhana R.T; VIII. 3360 (modern Somayar in Srinagar) Stein R. T. II. 450; Soma Tirtha of Kalidasa is in Kashinir, (for reasons, see, note 34a) and not Prabhāsa in Kathiawara, or one round Kurukshetra (N. L. Dey; P.P.) 53. For the Apsaras Tirtha in Kashmir, see, N. M. 1254 supra et sag: अप्सरोभियुतीयत्र तीर्थमप्सरसा हितत् ॥ तीर्थमसरसों पुण्यं ब्रह्मणः परमेष्ठिनः ।। 1460 whe ·For its exact location on the high mountains of Kashmir and its important mention in the Drama of Sakuntala, see, note 34a 64 For Sapta Rısı tirtha, see, N N 1467- तीर्थ सप्तकरं नाम सर्वकाम फलप्रदम् । 55. For Brahma Sara (RV 13C0), see Ni 1225, 1397-98 also see, for its exact site, Stein RT. 11-408 56 For the Kumuda Naga (R V XVI-76), see N M 1089 67 For the Gouri Sıhhara (K S V, 7) compare N M 11-18, 49 . Nalmat Kamar a Sambhava (a) Its lates निनाय सात्यन्तहिमोत्किरानिला: सहस्यरात्रीरुदयास तत्परा K.S.V.26 (a) Its lakes रजाविनिर्मलं प्राप्य स्नात्वा मुन्येत किल्बिषै. 1417. तस्यां देवीउमास्नात्वाप्रथमंतुरजावती। दृष्ट्वा च गौरी शिखरं चन्द्रलोकमवाप्नुयात् 1448 (6) Lotus-like face, change in complexion, due to penances, a contrast तथातितप्तसवितुर्गभस्तिभि- मुखतदीय कमलश्रियदधौ। अपाङ्गयो विलमस्यदीर्घयोः शने शनैः श्यामिकया कृतं पदम् ॥ K.S 5.21. (3) Ditto पूर्वमासीदुमाराजन् नीलोत्पल समप्रभा। सातत्र तपसालेभे गौरवर्णमनोहरम् ॥ 1449 . 58 The Sıva Purana story of Kumara's birth, mentioning the Gauri Sıhhara, is based on the Kumara Sambhava of Kalıdısa and is a close summary of it (see, note 117) The Valını in the original story of the Blahabharıtta appear to be a river of the plains within the range of Dushy anta's hunting-ground that is not a mountainous region (see MBH Adı Par a) and is not associated with the Himalayas as 11: tlic Drama of Kalidasa (Sah VI 7) According to come, Valmı denotes the (Payasvina) Paisam of the Clutrahuth running, in the vicinity of Hastanapura, (the capital of Dushyantal, (Fale's Sak), according to others, it is a branch S IFer ·84 fifty miles above Ayodhya, the Erineses of Megasthenes etc. (N. L. Dey's Ancient Geog.) But the Malini of Kalidasa is a river of the Himalayas, it can not denote any of these rivers, possibly denoted by the Mâlini of the Mahabharata. The Mālini of Kalidasa being a proper name (see pp. 12) does not denote the Gangā either. It may therefore denote the Mālini in Kashmir for which, see, N. M. 1535, 1537. 59. The Sindhu-विनीताध्वश्रमास्तस्य सिन्धुतीरविचेष्टनैः । दुधुवुर्वाजिनःस्कन्धाल्लंग्नकुङ्कमकेसरान् ॥ For Sindhu as the Krsna ganga in Kashmir, see, Stein R. T. note on VIII 2507,... which reads, -'Sindhu', 'the river as a designation of the Krsna Ganga is found not only in VIII 2492, but also used generally in the Sāradā Mähātmya.. the side of Krsna Ganga. This designation is evidently taken from the mouth of the people who as I ascertained on my visit to the Sarada Tirtha know the river only as the Sind i. e. 'the river." 60. For larger cultivation of saffron in ancient Kashmir, see, Law. rence, Valley of Kashmir, p. 343:- 'No one has ever confirmed the statement that the soil of the saffron fields was dug up from the Jhelum river, whereas many attest the fact that saffron has been grown on other Karewas. Even Abul Fazl in his times notes in the Ain Akbari—'There are 10,000 or 12,000 bighas of land covered with saffron which afford a prospect that would enchant those who are most difficult to please'. 61. For the route from the west into Kashmir, see, Stein R.T. II. 361- "The easiest route to Kashmir from the West leads through the central portion of Hazara....across the Krishna Ganga ..., to Muzzafarabad;'.... also, see, Ibid, Bk. V. 217n: The route has always been considered the easiest line of communication between Kashmir and the regions to the West. It may therefore safely be, assumed to have been used also by the Kashmir army on its return from the Indus'. "The direct route from Kashmir into Hazara at present crosses the Krsna Ganga river above its junction with the Vitastã at Muzaffarabad'; also cf. Ibid BK. VII 586n. 61 ८ मन्दाकिन्याः सलिलशिशिरैः सेव्यमानामरुद्भि- मन्दाराणामनुनटरुहां छाययावारितोष्णाः । अन्वेष्टव्यैः कनकसिकतामुष्टिनिपेक्षगूढः संक्रीडन्ते मणिभिरमः प्रार्थिता यत्र कन्या:॥ M.D.U. 4. The Mandakini with its gold may be identified with the Kashmirian Krsna Gangã. For gold of the Krsna Gangan, see, Stein, R. T. II. 287–The notice of gold being found in ·as уу the river clearly applies to the Krishna Ganga which drains mountain-region known auiferous to the present day, cf foi the gold-dust of Krishna Ganga, Bates Gazetteer p 19, for washing of gold, in the Krishna Gangi Talley, see, Jona Raja's Rajatrangini 885 sag But the Nandakini in the above verse denotes the popula1 Kasha mir Ganga that flows past the home of Kalidas? (ee note 66) The associations of gold with the Mandalını or Krishna Ganga of Kashmir are lurking in the mind of Kalidasa which come out in the idealized description of Ins home and the Mandakını or the popular Kashmir Gang, at his home, in Kashmir The term Mandalini 18 applied by Kalidasa to every Ganga Bhaguathi, ( RV XIII, 48) Godavarı ( MMI) and others ( VV IV, KSI 16, III 65) For the popular Kashmir Gunga at home of Kalidasa, known as Mandakını, vide, description of Kashmı by the Kashmirian Bilhana, who writes in his retiring mood, V DC XVIII 105 मन्दाकिन्याः पवन चटुलोत्तालवीची दुकूले कूलोत्सङ्गे विरचितवतां योगनिद्राभियोगम् । शेपाः केपामपिपरिणतो वासरा पुण्यभाजाम् शान्तस्वान्तस्थितगिरिसुता वल्लभानां प्रयान्ति ॥ Also compare description of the same river- हरमुकुटत. स्त्रस्तया नाकनद्या bid 55 62 For home of Kalıdasa, identified with Mayagrama on the bank of the popular Kashmir Ganga, see, note 190 63 भूर्जेपु मर्मरी भूताः सीवकध्वनि हेतव । गङ्गाशीकरिणो मार्गे मरुतस्त तिपेविरे ॥ R. V. IV.73 The same Krishna Gangă noted by s., of its en Sindhu, in R V IV 67, is in the course the former noted by its other name, Ganga, in cui 72 verse 77- athritatati qataifa marks out the battle between the Pat na temat tribes, which to bu condition of the Gangā or the button out by Stein's note R T II 2004 bede ist $ DE disturbed condition of the market man different periods of Kaina disposition of the turbam.com compare, R T Book 1: special praise on Dediom. temat + T seems ސަޑެވެ. މި ޚުތުރާކ ތަސ. ޝީ هللاin that difficult co ·S6 Tor the Krishna Gangi, simply called Gangā (or Sindhu) in the Siraci mahatmya, see, Stein R. T. Book I. 371. 6:4. Tho Ganga of the Vasistha Asrama - Tratara faec TET Ugafati R.V. II. 26. identified with the Kashinir Ganga with its traditional sources on the Haramnukuta Mt.; for the site of Vasistha Asrama on the Haramukuti, sco, note 23. I'or the confluence of the Kanakit valiini with the Sindhu or popular Gangå of Kaslınir, sce, Stein R. T. II 189. For Sindhu as the famous Ganga of Kashmir, sce, Ibid II, 335. For the famous Gangi of Kashmir as Sindhu, see Stein R, T. II 363. Book III, 223, Ibid, Bk. -1.5712. Tor the confusion of the meaning of Sindhu and Gangå in Kashmir, see, Ibid, II. 18, +1.9. For traditional sources of Kashmir Ganga on the Haramukuta Mt. See Stein R. T. II 273, Ibid Bk. For pilgrimage to the Haramukuta Gangi, see, Ibid, II. 407, II 189. 65. Gangå in the K. S. 154:- गङ्गाप्रवाही क्षित देवदारु' प्रस्थ हिमाद्रमृगनाभिगन्धि , sources 012 round the 'Bhutapateråspadam' or the Bhutesh, identified with the Kashmir Ganga, with its traditional the Haramukuta, or the Haramukuta Gangå whose waters carried by the Kanaka Vahini to the popular Sindhu- Ganga. See notes 64, 66. are The Ganga in the M. D. 63– तस्योत्लङ्गप्रणयिन इव स्त्रस्तगङ्गादुकूलाम्- denotes the Sindhu or the famous Kashmir Ganga, see, Stein R. T. Bk. I. 571.—Under the name Ganga, Sindhu is referred to. "The Sindhu river which drains the mountain-ranges to the North of the Valley from Dras.to the Haramukuta is distinctly, identified with Ganga by the Nilmat-Feyafasan The source of the Sindhu Ganga is placed by ancient tradition in the sacred Ganga lake, below the N. E. glaciers of the Haramukuta Peaks. For white waves of Ganga, see, R. T. Bk. 3.365. The Mánasa lake on the Kailasa in M. D. 62.-- - हेमाम्भोजप्रसवि सलिलं मानसस्याददानः ।

·का denotes the Uttara Manasa lake in Kashmir, by which 18 meant the sacred Ganga lake, situated below the E glaciers of the mountain, Haramnuhuta, and popularly known as Gangabal and supposed to be the source of the Kashmir Ganga. The same designation is given to this lake in H. C. C IV 87 sqq. The name is found also in the Nılmat. (see Stein R. T. Bk, Ill, 448n.. also of. V. DO XVIII 55, 3. Inhaling the smoke at the nuptial ceremony. वधूमुखक्लान्तययावतंसं प्राचारधूमग्रहणाद्वभूव । K. S. VII, 82. वधूमुखं पाटलगण्डलेख आचारधूमग्रहणाद्वभूव । R.V. VII. 27. The commentators on the above do not refer the practice to any definite authority, Mallınath indefinitely says, लाजाजलि विसृज्य धूमान जिदिति प्रयोगवृत्तिकारः । also, अन्ये वृद्धाचाराद् धूमग्रहणमित्याहुः (K_S. VII 82 notes ed. Kale.) Sumativijaya also indefinitely observes on R V. 7, 27 लाजालिविज्यधूमसमाजिब्रोदितिगृह्यसूत्रां, अनादि परम्परासिद्धोव्यवहार आचार इत्यन्ये. But Vallabha definitely considers it a local custom. अजलिनावधूवू ममाजिघ्रतीति लोकाचारः। 9 For the Kashmirian Jangala Malā Vidhi, compare- साचूर्णगौरं रघुनन्दनस्य धात्री कराभ्यां करभोपमोरूः । आसज्जयामास यथाप्रदेशं कराठे गुणं मूर्तमिवानुरागम् ॥ R.V. VI. 83. तया सजा मङ्गलपुण्यमय्या "Ibid 84. Just as in the Ragbuvansa, the offering of the garland- Mangalapushpa Malā, stands as a symbol of the 'Kanyadána; similarly, in Kashmir, the Mangala Mala Vidhi is connected w.th the Kanyadāna. ceremony. 3. Offering of tret-rnce on a 'Vedit' as local custom. - क्लप्तोपचारांचतुरस्रवेदी तावत्य पश्चात् कनकासनस्थौ। जायापती लौकिकमेपणीयमातितारोपणमन्वभूताम्॥ (K. S. VII. 88cf. R. V.I 28.)

·88 In Kaslımir, the bride and the bridegroom, before their departure to home, are taken to a 'velika' (Kashmiri 'requ') where ullerings are made-in Kashinir they always use wet-rice for such purjose; but the veyu, nowadays, is said tủ be circular and not quadrangular in shape. 71. Dramatic performances, by women, in Kalidasa :- तोसन्धिपु व्यजितवृत्तिभेदं रसान्तरेपु प्रतिवद्धरागम् । अपश्यतामप्सरसा मुहूर्त प्रयोगमा ललितांगहारम् ॥ K.S. VII. 91. also note dramatic accompliments of Malavika in M.M., musical accomplishments of Yaksha's wife in the Meghaduta (U. 23.) For dramatic art in ancient Kashinir, compare, N. .M. 543, 569, 6-19 cte: its excellence and performance by women in Kashmir described by the Kashmirian Bilhana (V. D. C. XVIII, 23, 29) :- रामारामानुकरणविधौ यत्र नाट्य प्रयोगे। योगस्थानामपि स पुलकं गात्रमासूत्रयन्ति ॥ 23 दृष्ट्वायस्मिन्नभिनयकलाकौशलं नाटकेपु स्मेराक्षीणां मसृणकरणासङ्ग दत्तांगहारम् । रम्भास्तम्भं भजति लभते चित्रलेखा नरेखां नूनं नाटये भवति च चिरं नोर्वशी गर्वशीला ॥29॥ 72. Bilingual recitation in Sanskrit and Prakrit, by women in Kalidasa:- द्विधाप्रयुक्तेन च वाड्मयेन सरस्वती तन् मिथुनं निनाय। K.S. VII. 90. Compare, Bilhana's description of Kashmir, for the same; ब्रूमः सारस्वत कुलभुवः किं निधेःकौतुकानां तस्यानेकाद्भुतकथा कीर्णकर्णामृतस्य । यत्रस्त्रीणामपि किमपरं जन्मभाषावदेव प्रत्यावासं विलसतिवचः संस्कृतं प्राकृतं च ॥ V.D.C. XVIII. 6 73. For drinking on Siva's marriage (K. S. VIII, 27) also (M.D.U. S. आसेवत्त मधु...) of. drinking permitted on festive occasions in Kashmir (N. M. 563, 644) ·......... ...... For wine distilled from flowers, पुप्पासवामोदिसुगन्धिवस्त्र:-R S 4. 12 पुष्पासयाधुणितनेत्रशोभिथियामुसं किंपुरुपश्चुचुम्बे। Ks3 38 cf. इरापुप्पसमायुक्तं पान पेय विशेषवत् । N I. 798, for use of wine in winter, सुखासवामोदितवपत्रपङ्कजा R S (sisna b) cf. नवं तु मद्यं पातव्यं मद्यपैः पतिते हिमे । N I 584 74 Dasah (R V VIII 73)-- for difference of opinion among commentators regarding its meaning see, (R V ed Nandargihar, on the above) 75 (Fisherman's scene) (Sak VI) Fisherman summoned-(अरे कुम्भीरक.. पाटचर सूचक' ...) धीवर:-अहं शक्रावताराभ्यन्तरवासीधीवर:-जालोद्गालादिभिर्मत्स्यवन्धनो -पायैः कुटुम्बभरणकरोमि । श्याल:-विशुद्ध इदानी माजीवः । धीवरः-सहज किल यद्विनिन्दितं न खलुतत्कर्म विवर्जनीयम् । पशुमारण कर्मदोरुणोऽनुकम्पामृदुरेवथोत्रियः। 76 Compare the fisherman's abovo defence of his customary profession with the defence of Custom as a recognized authority in the Pratyablujna philosophy of Kaslımır -प्रसिद्धिरवगीता हि सत्यावागेश्वरीमता। तयेतियत्र हि यदा यत् तद् ग्राह्यमशकितैः (Is P1. II. pp 84) Illustration of the above (Is Pr II 8in) साचप्रसिद्धि शास्त्रनिवद्धा वा लोकमुस्नपारम्पर्य- -प्रतिष्टितावा लोकेऽपिमुखाम्नायमानागता, काचित् न्यायानुसृताभवति, यथा काश्मीरे धीवरस्थ परिहारः प्रसिद्धः "तस्य-जीवितस्य मत्स्यमारणाभ्यासेन पापिष्ठत्वात् , न्यायाननुसृता यथावा, दक्षिणापथे मातुल दुहितुः पाणिग्रहणमिति ॥ 78 For Sakravatara and Sachi Tirtha as real sites in Kashmir, see, note 51, their association with the fisherman- शक्रावताराभ्यन्तरवासी धीवरः-शचीतीर्थ वन्दमानया। Sak. 79 Saving the life of fish, an act of piety in V V III, says Vidusaha छिन्नहस्तो मत्स्ये पलायिते निर्विलो धीवरो भगति धमां मे भविष्याति ·90 SO. See notu 77. I am told by my friend P. Shankar Lal Kaul Jl. 1. of Srinagar, that to this day in Kashmir, calling uumes 10 a woman, they say—a fishericoman, a boat cven WOM:11. $1. For the silk and the wool, compare, waira (Sak. I. 31) with thu use of ituturing in ancient Kashmir N. M. 436, for the voulen' SAIT (K. S. III 25.) used every where in India, comparu tho corrupt form of the word in the Kashmirian language-Nurcuned, used for a similar purpose. Silk and the Wool as omblom of marriage--cf. ne qaſi ulagrat (L. J. V.) without wearing which, Malavika was not accepted is wilo (2 t) by the King in M.M. Silk is used everywhere, but Patrorna, ils ani emblem of inarriage, is limited to Kashmir only. Nonior Williams is wrong in translating the word 97) as lent of silk, it can only incan ‘leaf of wool (99 5) or a fine and ancione variety of 'shawl', which was not only a famous und unique industry of Kashmir, but which still has an important social iso among Kashmiris, for without wearing the woolen Patrorna, which is preferably white in colour (cf. the white colour of the garments presented to Sakuntala by the sylvan deitics Sak. VII o) and which in the Kashmirian language is known as 'pánbur, no Koshmiri girl-like Malavika, (A1.1.) can be married. The Patrorna known to Kalidasa is not an ordinary woolen stutt, it must be a fine sheet of wool (cf. स्नानीय वस्त्रक्रियया पत्रोणं चोपयुज्यते । M. M. V. 12. a product of Kashmir only, whose essential use (as Pānbur) at the occasion of giving away of a bride, as in the Dalavikagni Dlitra, exists only in Kashmir. Thus Kalidasa, unlike other Sanskrit writers outside · Kashmir, not only mentions such specialities of Kashmir as the living saffron plant, but also the living industry of shawl' or some ancient design of it known to known to Kashmir only, as well as Shawl as the special use of the the Panbul the wedding-sheet of a Kashmiri girl, known to Kashmiris only. Kalidasa who mentions all this must be a Kashmiri. Deleted. For icy waters-आनन्दशीतामिववाष्पवृष्टिं हिमस्त्रुति #qat AJ, R.V; XVI. 44. gutefà K. S. I. 6 cf. Kalhana's chara3teristic description of Kashmir with the icy. waters. विद्यावेश्मानितुङ्गानि कुकुम सहिमपयः। द्राक्षेतियत्र सामान्यमस्तित्रिदिव-दुर्लभम् ॥ R. T. 1. 42. Or ·- 83 The special remark about the closing of the windors in sinteza farrarataqafugt (R. S 52) applies with special force 1 a cold country, like Kashmir, where If anybody happers to open a window during the winter, it is said that he was opened the Bhairava gala (see Rahnumai Kashmir by Mohd Din Fauq p 21) for 'Bhairava gala' or the considerable hill. pass of Bhairava in Kaslımır, see, Srivara Raja Tarangını IV 529, 589 and Stein RT II 398) For the special mentron of the Vatāyanas', playing an important part in 2013 buildings of Kashmir, see Bilhana उत्तुङ्गानां मणिगृहभुवां यत्रवातायनेषु V.D.C. XVIII. 4. also cf. गर्जयातायनविततयः शास्त्रगोष्ठीवरिष्ठैः Ibud 25. also तीरद्वन्द्वप्रणयिभवनवातवातानस्थ' *Ibid 9. Compare with Kalidasa-पश्य तामुनिद्रामवनिशयनां सोधवातायनस्थ: I. I. U. 25. 84 Heavy clothing of women suggested in the following lines does not apply to Bengal where, it is said, women did not weir the upper garment, it may mark the impressions of a country where cold, during winter, is excessive - विमुच्यवासांसि गुरूणि साम्प्रतम्....."प्रमदाः स यौवनाः R.S.I. 7. For the Kusumblia-dyed garment of women कुसुम्भरागारुणितैर्दुकूलैः नितम्य विम्बानि विलासिनीनां । रक्तांशुकैःसुङ्कमरागगोरै रलंक्रियन्ते स्तनमण्डलानि U R.S. VI. . compare its special mention in the Nılmat of Kashmir. -अनर्काभ्युदिते काले, खियःकोसम्भवाससः । (S02). 85 The characteristic ethnic description of the lips of women, in Kalıdasa, favourably compares with the women of Kishur, who are said to possess red and fleshy hps- -पकविम्वाधरोष्ठी (AI D. U. 19) उमामुखेविम्बफलाधरोष्ठे (K.S. III. 67.) विम्बाधरंस्पृशसि चेत् । (Sak VI) निषिक्त विम्वाधरचारु पल्लवा (R.S. II. 12.), and fair complexion, which Kalidasa always his m hisi असंस्कार पाटलोष्ट पुट मुखम् (Sak. VII 23) कनककमलकान्त. "वदन विम्वैः (R.S.V. 13.) स्तनेषु गौरेषु (कुदमाक) R.S.V.I. 18.) ताम्ररुचाकरण (K. S. III 36.) and चरणौ ......"पद्मतामो (Sak. III. 19.) .........

·SO. See note 77. I am told by my friend P. Shankar Lal Kaul M. A. of Srinagar, that to this day in Kashmir, calling names to a woman, they say-a fisherwoman, a boat even topian. 81. For the silk and the wool, compare, 17€ (Sak. I. 31) with the use of atatti in ancient Kashmir N. M. 436, for the 'woolen' sofaa (K. S. III 25.) used every where in India, comparo the corrupt form of the word in the Kashmirian language-'Narvand,' used for a similar purpose. Silk and the Wool as emblem of marriage-cf. कौशेय पत्रोणं शोघ्रमुपानय (DI. J. V.) without wearing which, Malavika was not accepted as wife (eat) by the King in M.M. Silk is used everywhere, but Patrorna, as an emblem of marriage, is limited to Kashmir only. Nonier Williams is wrong in translating the word 97 as leaf of silk, it can only mean 'leaf of wool (99 5W) or a fine and ancient variety of fshawl, which was not only a famous and unique industry of Kashmir, but which but which still has an important social use among Kashmiris, for without wearing the woolen Patrorna, which is preferably white in colour (cf. the white colour of the garments presented to Sakuntala by the sylvan deities Sak. VII 5) and which in the Kashmirian language is known as "pānbur, no Kashmiri girl-like Malavika, (M.M.) can be married. The Patrorna known to Kalidasa is not an ordinary woolen stuff, it must be a fine sheet of wool fcf. स्नानीय वस्त्रक्रियया पत्रोण वोपयुज्यते । M. M. V. 12.. a product of Kashmir only, whose essential use (as Pānbur) at the occasion of giving away of a bride, as in the Malavikagni Mitra, exists only in Kashmir. Thus Kalidasa, unlike other Sanskrit writers outside · Kashmir, not only mentions such specialities of Kashmir as the living saffron plant, but also the living industry of shawl' or some ancient design of it known to Kashmir only, as well as the Panbul the the special use of the 'Shawl as wedding-sheet of a Kashmiri girl, known to Kashmiris only. Kalidasa who mentions all this must be a Kashmiri. 81a. Deleted. 82. For icy waters—3777&starfhqarqefe fehefa Aqai FEST, R.V;XVI. 44. garrafa K. S. I. 6 cf. Kalhana's characteristic description of Kashmir with the icy. waters. विद्यावेश्मानितुङ्गानि कुङ्कुम सहिमपयः। द्राक्षेतियत्र सामान्यमस्तित्रिदिव-दुर्लभम् ॥ R. T. 1. 42. or ·83 The special remark about the closing of the windows in winterfacrargagafeitat (R. S52) applies with special force to a cold country, like Kashmir, viele if anybody happens to open a window during the winter, it is said that he has opened the Bhairava gala (see Rahnumar Kashmir by Mohd Din Fauq p. 21) for 'Bhairava gala' or the considerable hillpass of Bhairaya in Kashmir, see, Srivara Raja Tarangını IV 629, 689 and Stein R T II 398) For the special mention of the "Vatāyanas, playing an important part in the buildings of Kaslımır, see Billana उत्तुहाना माणगृहभुवां यत्रवातायनेषु V.D C. XVIII. 4. also cf. magatarqatgau: starigrafty: Ibid 25. also तीरद्वन्द्वप्रणयिभवनवातवातानस्थ" ***Ibid 9. Compare with Kalidasa_-979 ngarafahat etgarataan: a. M. U. 25. 84. Heavy clothing of women suggested in the following lmes does not apply to Bengal where, it is said, women did not wear the upper garment, it may marh the impressions of a country where cold, during winter, is excessive - fageaite gafor sima... SAET: F itaar: R.S.I. 7. For the Kusumblia-dyed garment of women कुसुम्भरागारुणितैर्दुकूलैः नितम्ब बिम्बानि विलासिनीनां । रकांशुकै कुनामरागगौरै रक्रियन्ते स्तनमण्डलानि U R.S. VI. b. compare its special mention in the Nılmat of Kashmır. -अनम्युिदिते काले, खियाकोसम्भवाससः। (862). The characteristic ethnic description of the lips of women, in Kalıdasa, favourably compares with the women of Kashmir, who are said to possess red and heshy lips Cefalutei (DL, D. U. 19) Ainafarraciag (K.S. III. 67.) विश्वाधरंस्पृशसि चेत् । (Sak.VI.) fálait faraturate renal (R.S. II. 12.); and fair complexion, which Kalidasa always has in his mind- DETIT Ste qe qan (Sak. VII 23) कनककमलकान्तै...... aan farf: (R.S.V. 18.) ang artig (*) R.S.V.I. 13.) 196aFITOT (K. S. III. 36.) and prout ..... Halat (Sak. III. 19.)

·. 86. The saffron paint of women मनोहरैः कुकमरागरस्तैस्तुपार कुन्देन्दुनिभैश्च हारैः । विलासिनीनां स्तनशालिनीना मलं क्रियन्ते स्तनमण्डलानि || R.S. IV.2. पयोधरैः कुकमरागपिञ्जरैः ॥ R. S. V. 9. रक्तांशुकैः कुकमरागगौरै रलं क्रियन्ते स्तनमण्डलानि ॥ R.S. VI. 5. प्रियङ्घकालीयककुङ्कमात्त स्तनेषु गौरेपु विलासिनीभिः ॥ R.S. VI. 18. 37. Compare with the above, the real practice of saffron paint in Kashmir mentioned by Bilhana (V. D. C. XVIII 10,31.) स्नानक्रीडाव्यसन समये कुकर्म कामिनीनां यत्रोत्तार्यस्तनपरिसराद् गृह्णतोकान्तमङ्के । ईर्ष्यामादिवनिरव चिहस्तैर्वितस्ता कर्पत्यासांप्रतिकलमलिश्यामलान् केशपाशान् ॥ (10) यास्त्रीणांमसृणधुस्मृणालेप नोप्णाकुचश्री- स्ताकस्तूरी परिमल मुच. पट्टिकाराङ्कवाणाम् । नौपृष्ट स्थाःशिशिर समये ते विस्ताजलान्तः स्नानावासाः प्रचुरमपि च स्वर्गसौख्यं दिशन्ति ॥ (31.) SS. For saffrou paint as a prerogative, see, R. T. Bk. VIII 1897. 89. For saffron as pomado, see, R. T. Bk. VI. 120. 90. For the home of saffron in Kashmir, see, R.T.I. 42, also Bilhana- सहोदराः कुकम सराणां भवन्ति नूनं कविताविलासाः । न शारदादेशमपास्य दृष्टस्तेषां यदन्यत्र मयाप्ररोहः ॥ V.D.C. 1.21. 91. For saffron of finest shade exported from Kashmir, see, Bilhana V. D. C. XVIII 16.--- काव्यंयेभ्यः प्रकृतिसुभगं निर्गतं कुमं च च्छायोत्कर्षाद् भवतिजगतां वल्लभं दुर्लभं च । The Kashmirian saffron which is noted for its red tinge seems to reflect itself in Kalidasa in the line-~~-अङ्गुमरागरक्तैः (R. S. IV. 2). compare, काश्मीर देशजे क्षेो कुङ्कुमं यत् भवेद्धितत् । सूक्ष्मकेशरमारक्तं पद्मगन्धि तदुत्तमम् ॥ बाह्रीकदेशसंजातं कुङ्कभं पाण्डुरं भवेत् । केतकी गन्धयुक्त तत् मध्यमं सूक्ष्मकेशरम् ॥ " ·+ The ripe Sali gro105 with the Lariksd telc33 to the cust. 262 alone the Lrxlhra groTo It indicates the rice erop ou lhe mountaisos . * A 93 कुडमं पारसी के मृटुगन्धितदीरितम् । ईपत् पाण्डुवर्ण तद्धमं स्थूलकेशरम् ।। (Quoted in Bhava Prakash, S P D) Thus the saffron of Kalidasa comes from Kashmir Kalidasa not only paints the breasts of his ladies with saffron but also other objects (see R S IV, note 86) as they do in Kashmir, (see, note 88, 89, 92) where saffron is so common 92. For saffron as the pomade of Kashmir or काश्मौरागराग: f. काश्मीरकाङ्गरागण यः कायस्तववर्धितः । स एव दाते सद्यश्चिताहुतवहार्चिषा | see H.C.C. 26. 79. 93 For the plantation and liarvest of saffron crop in Kashmir, see, Lawrence, Valley of Kashmir P 343-344 94 For cultivation of saffron in ancient Kashmir in areas other than the jhelum valley, see, note 60, also see note 216 b 95. Sali described by Kalidasa. RITU SAMHĂRA-SARADA काशांशुका विकच पद्ममनोशवक्त्रा सोन्मादहंसरवनूपुरनाद रम्या । आपकशालिरुचिरा तनुगात्र यष्टिः प्राप्ताशरनववधूरिवरूपरम्या | RS III. 1. आकम्पयन फलभरानतशालिजालान् आनर्तयंस्तरुवरान कुसुमावनम्रोन् । उत्फुल्लपङ्कजधनांनलिनीविधुन्वन् यूनां मनश्चलयति प्रसभंनभस्वान RS.III 10 सम्पन्नशालिनिचयावृतभूतलानि स्वस्थस्थितप्रचुरगोकुल शोभितानि । हंसःससारस कुलैःप्रतिनादितानिसीमान्तराणिजनयन्तिनृणां प्रमोदम् RS III 16 HEΛIANTA नवप्रयालोद्गमसस्यरम्यः प्रफुल्ललोध्रःपरिपक्कशालि। विलीनपाः प्रपतत्तुपारो हेमन्तकालः समुपागतोऽयम् ॥ R. S. IV. 1. प्रभूतशालिप्रसवैश्चितानि मृगाङ्गनायूथ विभूषितानि । मनोहरक्रौञ्च निनादितानि सीमान्तराण्युत्सुकयन्ति चेतः ॥ R. S. IV. 8. बहुगुणरमणीयों योषितां चित्तहारी परिणतवहुशालिन्याकुलग्रामसोमा। सततमतिमनोश.क्रौञ्चमालापरीतः प्रदिशतुहिमयुक्ताकालएवः सुखंवः RS LT 19 SISIRA. प्रहदशात्यंशुचयैर्मनोहरं कचितितक्रौञ्चनिनादराजितं । प्रकामकामं प्रमदा जनप्रियं वरोरुकालं शिशिराहयंत्रणु ॥ R.S. V. 1. *Kalidasa is the youth. where there is plenly of Lodbra.

·A प्रचुरगुडविकारः स्वादुशालीच रम्यः प्रबलसुरतकेलिर्जातकंदर्पदपः । *प्रियजनरहितानां चित्तसंतापहेतुः शिशिरसमय एव श्रेयसे वोऽस्तु नित्यम् R. S. 5. 16. 96. For rice-crop in Bengal, see, Hunter's Gazeteer Vol IV, 487; throughout Bengal, there are two main harvests of rice in the year. (1) The Aus or early crop, sown on comparatively high lands, during the spring showers and reaped between July and September. (2) The Aman or winter crop sown in low-lying lands from June to August and reaped from November to January. 97. For winter crop in R. S., see, above note 95, for winter crop of rice in different parts of India, see, Hunter's gazetter Vol. IV, for early crop of rice in Bengal, see, note 96. 98. For the Kalama species of rice, see, R. V., 4:37 and K. S. 47. 99. For the sugar cane in the rice-fields, see, R. V. 4:20. It is said that the rice crop with sugar cane was also cultivated at Dumel or Muzaffarabad in Kashmir. 100. For antumn crop of rice in Kalidasa, see note 95; also see R. V. 4. 20. 101. For similes based on rice plants in Kalidasa.--- तस्थुस्तेऽवाङ्मुखाःसर्वे फलिताइव शालयः । R. V. XV. 78, गर्भशालीसधर्माणस्तस्यगूढविपेचिरे । Ibid XVII. 53. आपादपद्मप्रणताः कलमा इवते रघुम् । Ibid 4, 37. उपेक्षते यः श्लथलम्बिनीर्जदाःकपोलदेशेकलमाग्रपिङ्गलो. K.S. 5. 47. 102. For rice as staple food of Kalidasa, see, R. S. 5'16., note 95. 103. For rice producing tracts in India, see, Hunter's gazetter Vol. IV. 104. For saffron plant, see, R. V. 4; 67, 105. For sāli in Kashmir, see, N.-M. 33, -शालिमालाकुलंस्फीतम्। कश्मीर मण्डलं पुण्यम् ॥ Compare the scenery of the rice fields (R. S. III, IV) with the one in Kashmir, also described in N. M. 32 and 44. 107. For rice as agreeable food mentioned by Kalidasa, see, (R. $ 5:16, note 95.) 108. For rice, its large cultivation, and as staple food in Kashmir see, Lawrance, Valley of Kashmir, pp. 325-330. 109. For the sun-cult in India, see, Dr. Bhandarkar's Vaisnavism and other religions pp. 155. 106. Kalidasa describing the winter-crop of Bengal (?) is away from home in Kashmir.

·95 110 Sun-worship in Kalidasa - साहं तपः सूर्यनिविष्टदृष्टिः । R. V. 14, 66. अनन्य दृष्टिः सवितारमेक्षत ! K. S 5, 20 यत्रस्थागुरिवाचलोमुनिरसावभ्यर्कविम्वस्थितः। Sah 7, 11 अप्सरोवारपर्यायेण इह भगवतः सूयस्यपादमूलोपस्थानं वतते । VV,IV. 111 For the Gauri Sikhara (KS 6 7) of Gauri Sikhar in Kashmir N M 1418, 1149 112 For the Kashyapa Swami Martand, see, N N 1189 113 For the famous sun temples in India, see, Bhandarkar-Vaisna vism etc pp 155 114 The Meghaduta denotes worship of Sıva and great prediliction for the de.ty The K S II 58 exalts Siva over Brahma and Visnu, Brahmã saying- सहिदेवः परं ज्योतिः तप. पारे व्यवस्थितम् । परिच्छिन्नप्रभावर्द्धिन मया न च विष्णुना ॥ The opening verse of the R V prays Siva and Parvati as parents of the world 115 The V V begins with prayer to Siva under the 'Sthanu,' while the M. M and the Sal pray to Siva as अष्टमूर्तिः। 116 For prayer to Brahmā, see, K S II, 4-15 For Visnu, see, RV X, 16-33 117 Compare the prayer to Brahma in the Kumara Sambhava with the prayer to Brahma in the Kashmir tradition of the Nilmat name, prayer to Nilmat 1.63 Prayer to Brahma Prayer to Brahma Kumara Sambhaca II नमत्रिमूर्तयेतुभ्यं प्राकसृष्टे.केवलात्मने । नमस्तेदेवदेवेशजगत्कारणकारण । गुणत्रयविभागाय पश्चादमुपायुपे ॥४॥औलोक्यनाथसर्वशसर्वेश्वरनमोस्तुते1260 थदमोघमपामन्तरुप्तं बीजमजत्वया। शब्दयोनिस्तथाकाशं जगद्धारयतेप्रभो । अतश्चराचरं विश्वं प्रभवस्तस्यगोयसे वीर्यणतेमहाभागत्वंचप्रोक्तस्तथापरः तिसृभिस्त्वमवस्वाभिमहिमानमुदीरयन् । त्वयासर्वमिव्याप्त त्रैलोक्यसचराचरम् ॥ प्रलयस्थितिसर्गाणानेक कारणांगत: स्रपात्तमस्यसर्वस्य संहर्तापालकस्तथाies स्त्रीपुसावात्मभागातेभिन्नमूर्ते सिसृक्षयाभूमिधृताधारयतेत्ययेदंसचराचरम् | 1284 प्रसूतिभाज.सर्गस्यतापितरास्मृतौ त्वयाताधारयन्ति तथवापोऽखिलजगत् स्वकालपरिमाणेनव्यस्तरात्रिदिवस्यते । यदुन्मीलयसिनेगे गेलोक्यस्योद्भवस्तदा । यौतुस्थानावयोधोतोभूतानांप्रलयोदयो भवतीहजगन्नाथ यदास्वपिमि चैतदा 1104 तदेदखिलदेवीलोफ्य 7 ·JU Nilmat.--contd. T Prayer to Brahmā Prayer to Brahma Kumar'a Sambhavn II.--contd. जगद्योनिरयोनिस्त्वं जगदन्तोनिरन्तकः। जगदादिरनादिस्त्वं जगदीशोनिरीश्वरः९ आत्मानमात्मनावेत्सिसृजस्यात्मनमात्मना त्वत्तोन्यं नैव पश्यामि आत्मनाकृतिनाचत्वमात्मन्येवप्रलीयसे १० जगतोऽस्येह कारगाम् 1261 द्रवःसंघातकठिनः स्थूल सूक्ष्मोलधुर्मुरुः । त्वंवुद्धिस्त्वंतथैवात्मासर्वस्यास्यप्रकीर्तितः व्यक्तोव्यक्ततरश्चासिप्राकाम्यतेविभृतिषुर अव्यक्तःपुरुषश्चैवरजःसत्यंतमस्तथा1266 उद्धातःप्रणवोयासां न्यायस्त्रिभिरुदीरणम् कर्मयज्ञःफलस्वर्गस्तासांत्वंप्रभवोगिराम्१२ (ज्ञाताशेय) त्वासामनन्तिप्रकृतिपुरुषार्थप्रवर्तिनीम् । तद्दर्शिनमुदसीनत्वामेव पुरुषंविदुः॥ १३ (क्षेत्रक्षेत्रज्ञ) त्वंपितृणामपिपितादेवानामपिदेवता। इन्द्रियाणीन्द्रियर्थाश्वभूततन्मात्रसंशकः । परतोऽपिपरश्चासिविधातावेवसामपि१४ ज्ञाताज्ञेयं तथा क्षेत्रक्षेत्रज्ञःपरमेश्वरः 1267 त्वमेवहव्यहोताच भोज्यंभोक्ताचशाश्वतः। ध्याताध्येयंतथाध्यानयज्ञाश्चविविधास्तथा वेखंचवेदिताचापिध्याताध्येयंचयत्परम् १५/सर्वमेतत्त्वमेवै कस्त्वत्तःकिमपरंप्रभो ॥1200 12 13 14 In both the works, Brahmā refers the gods, to Siva. सहिदेवः परं ज्योतिः स एव भगवान् शम्भुः तमापारे व्यवस्थितम् । नाहं अस्यतुतद्रूपंनिरुपयितुमजसा" 'परिच्छिन्नप्रभावधि- यथाऽहं तस्यश्रीविष्णुःपरस्यपरमात्मनः नमया न च विष्णुना K.S. II,58. परंतत्वंनजानामि सतथास्थजगत्पतेः॥ N. M. 1277. Indeed, the whole version of the story of Kumara Sambhava of Kalidasa appears to the based on an ancient Kashmirian version of it, for it agrees on vital points, such as that of the restoration of Kama, with another Kashmirian version of the story in the H. C.C., and disagrees on the same vital point with the Siva purana which otherwise appears to be a close paraphrase of the Kumar Sambhava of Kalidasa just as the Padma purana version of the story of Sakuntala is a summary of the drama of Kalidasa. Points of agreement between the K. S. and the H. C. C., may be noted, as below:- (a) Compare the name of Parvati. इमेतिमात्रातपसोनिषिद्धा K. S. 1,26. - ·97 उमा मृदुशरीरात्वं तपः क्लेशावहं कुरु । H. C. C. 69. (6) Weapon of Kaina named Sammohana संमोहनं नाम च पुष्पधन्वा K. S. 3. 66. मार्गणं परमेशायसंदग्धे मोहनाभिधम् H. C. C. 55, (c) Himavãn brings back his daughter दुहितरमनुकम्प्यामदिरादायदोh K.S 476. तामानिनायशैलेन्द्रस्तदानींनिजकन्यकाम् । H. C. C. 64, (d) Restoration of Kama to life परिणेष्यति पार्वती यदा तपसा तत् प्रवणीकृतोहरः । उपलब्धसुखस्तदा स्मरं वपुपास्वेननियोजयिष्यति ॥ K.S. 4, 42. अथ गौरीमुखाम्बोज दर्शनोत्सुक मानसः । ससर्ज मदनंदेवो गिरिशो निजयेच्छया ॥ H. C. C. 154. But the Sıva purana reproduces verses after verses from Kalidasaeven the local custom of offerings of roet-rice in Kalidasa (see note 70) appears as a general ceremony in the Siva purana (अक्षतारोपणंतत्र त्रियश्चकुस्तदाशया; the significant आर्द्र is omitted here, see note Fo) Regarding the incident of rejuvenation of Kama, departing from the original source, namely Kumara Sambhava, Sıva purana produces a breach in the main story and shows later influences of the Krishna-Gopi cult not found in the works of Kalidad, and writes thus अनंगस्तावदेवस्याद् याचशरुक्मिणी पतिः। द्वारकायां स्वयंस्थित्वा पुत्रानुत्पादयिष्यति । तनाकृष्णस्तु रुक्मिण्यां काममुत्पादयिष्यति ॥ S. P. II, 24, 25. Thus Siva purana is distinctly a later palner.on than tha work of Kalidasa' The Nilmat purana of Kashmir whapa all gods .. goddesses has a distinct leaning fu- SET and Food Sita as the highest deity The Pujnapa of Kashmir, calling Siva as deity. for worship of other gods and guia संभवन्ति हि मायागर्भाधिकारियोविनुचिरवायाः। I-P:..::- For prayer to Brahma in thase-11 For prayer to Visnu neXT.IELZa: 1419--1433. The N. AI 1278, 19, - --- Brahma saying यथाऽहं तस्य धीवितुः परत्व पटना परं तत्वं न विजानानिमसरः। स एप विजमनायोग्रcr. 118 -- ·08 . The N. 1. also worships Siva as regras नमस्तेदेवदेवेश मायाधृतजगतत्रय । यजमानोमहीखञ्च तोयाग्नीन्द्वर्कवायवः || N. M. 183. घामार्धदयितास्थानं कथं जातं तवप्रभो।' समाधिनिरतोनित्यं ब्रह्मचार्य........."भवान् ॥ 1288. Compare the above with M. M. I. कान्तासंमिश्रदेहोप्यविषयमनसां यःपुरस्ताद्यतीनाम् । 119. Monistic Saivism in Kalidasa: Siva. is described as the Asta murti, the whole creation forms a part of his being; He being the universe as well as the ruler of the universe. For Siva and Parvati as one individual creating the Drama of this world, sco, M. M. I. 4.--see, notes 114, 115. 120. For sober practices of Kashmir-Saivism as distinguished from the ghastly type of Saivism outside Kashmir, see, Bhandarkar Vaisnavism etc. p. 128, 129. 121. For Pratyabhijna Darsana of Kashmir, see, Sarva Darsan Sangrah ed. Cowell pp. 128 sqq. and Bhandarkar's Vaisnavism etc. under 'Kashmir Saivism' p. 129 sqq. 122. Temple's Word of Lalla. p. 111. 122a. For some and not all Agamas, dualistic, see, J. C. Chatterjee Kashmir Saivism p. 8, 9, 123. For Monistic Saivism in the Nilmat representing the central doctrines of the Pratyabhijna philosophy, see, the following N. M. 1269 sqg; cf. note 117, Brahma's reply to Indra's prayer. एवमुक्तस्तुशक्रेण ब्रह्मावचनमब्रवीत् । मामाशकवदेदेवं अभिज्ञातोऽसिपुत्रका एष सर्वेश्वरः शक्र एप कारणकारणम् ॥ 1270 एषचाचिन्त्यमहिमा, एष ब्रह्मसनातनम् । स एष सर्व कर्ता च सर्वज्ञश्च महेश्वरः ॥ 1271 यदिच्छ्या जगदिदं वर्वतिसचराचरम् । यस्यशक्तिलता सेऽयंसूर्यचन्द्रात्मनःप्रभोः ॥ 1272. पुष्पिताऽखिलमेवेदं जगद्भासयते भवात्। त्वमहं चापियस्यैव शासने समवस्थितौ ॥ 1273 Indra's Prayer to Siva शक्र उवाच-नमस्तेदेवदेवेशमायाधृतजगत्त्रय । यजमानोमहीखं च तोयाग्नीन्दर्कवायवः॥ 1283.

·99 तनवस्तेविनिर्दिष्टा याभिव्याप्त जगत्त्रयम् । ब्राह्मींतनुसमास्थाय राजसीत्वं जगद्गुरो | 1284 लोकानसूजसिभूतात्मन् तवकार्य न विद्यते । पौरुषींतनुमास्थाय सात्विको त्वं महेश्वर ॥ 1286. पालयस्यखिलदेवत्रैलोक्यं साक्षिवस्थितः । कालाख्यांतामसी कृत्वा जगत्सहरसितथा ॥ 1286. क्षमस्व मम देवेश यन्मयासि न पूजितः ॥ 1293, तवैव मायया पूर्व मोहितेनजगत्प्रभो । प्रसन्नोऽसि ध्रुव शमायेनज्ञातोऽसिवैमया ॥ 1294. सुप्रन्नोऽसिदेवेश प्रणतोऽस्मिमहेश्वर ॥ 1295. The above is a fair description of the tenets of the Pratyabhijna philosophy Indra must recognize-- अभिज्ञात ) Siva as the only supreme deity, Cause of all causes-कारण कारणम् (1270) who by his free will or at creates the universe by his own Sahtıcreeper,' which manifests itself as the universe, which is but a reflection (भासयते) of Siva's own Sakti (1272 1273) The eight forms of Siva (अष्टमूति) constitute the changing universe and yet Siva unchanging (तवकार्य न विद्यते) Sive 18 the eternal witness, the person who creates Moha or Delusion is produced by Sivas own Saktı or Maya which sustains the universe, hence he is not knoren (नपूजित) Next, Sıva is approached (Avatf) with the humility of Dasa, which produces his प्रसाद His Prasid or Anugraha 13 followed by the recognition or realization of the Deits अभिज्ञातोऽसिवमया (1294) Siva 'Sasana'(शासन) in the above rer-e 127 may suggest the existence of ancient treatises--2017 'Siva Sasana,' (ef शिवशासनोपदिष्टेन Pr II pp 131 शिवशासन the Pratyabhijna philosophy or the very name of the Prst? bhijna philosophy in ancient Kashmir, ef उछिन्नभिवशासवे 102 -- For the date of Nilmat about the 6th or the 7th cent. 1 Buhler's report on search of Sanskrit manuscript in bassom 41 also see (our appendix A.) For the shetch of Saivism in behuir that follon Saivism by JC Chatterjee, Part I, and Iran Vol I, II Ed P Padhusuda. Fiul. ति On the sources of the Pratyabhijaa pizo za Dadhusudan Kaul in huo nuodatuz to ISTAR? तरं "There might hare been one पम्, which he collected the pa erali Info तन pratyabhayna. But sucsacred Trum IS a 124 125 126 ·100 Mr. Chatterji in his Kashmir-Saivism describing the Agama Sastras as revelations and as the sources of the Pratyabhijna Sastra, writes, that most of the Agamas existed long before the appearance or reappearance of the Trika and that some of them were dualistic in their teaching, implying thereby that some were monistic. We have shown in our note 123 that Monistic Saivism of tho Pratyabhijna type is already known to the Nilmat in the 6th cent. A. D., and it is strange that it has escaped the notice of Dir. Madhu Sudan and Chatterji both. The authors of the Pratyabhijna themselves in the 8th cent. record the previous existence of the philosophy in Kashmir- श्रीत्रयम्बकसदंशमध्यमुक्तामयस्थितेः। श्रीसोमानन्दनाथस्य विज्ञानप्रतिविम्वकम् ॥ Is. Pr. 2. Again the tradition records, प्रथममेव ईशानः ....... चतुष्पष्टितन्त्राणि शैवदर्शनानि जशिरे । तानि कलिकालुण्यात्......."विछिन्नसंचाराणि विछिन्नसंचाराणि व्यनश्यन् । इत्थं व्युछिन्ने शिवशासने कदाचित् कैलासगिरौ परिभ्रमन् श्रीकण्ठमूर्तिःशिवो निखिल शैवशास्त्रोपनिषत्सारभूतस्य त्रिकमतविज्ञानस्य प्रचारार्थ दुर्वाससं (see pp. 73) मुनिमजशपत् । स मुनिः मानसान सिद्धान्..."सत्संप्रदायमार्ग प्रचारयितुंन्ययुद्ध तेषु मतेषु प्रशस्तं अद्वयार्थविषयकं त्रिकाण्यमतं तैयम्बक संप्रदायकं सर्वश्रेष्ठं प्रशस्यते (Tantraloka Quoted Chat P.P.6.) 127. I have freely drawn on Mr. Chatterji's book, Kashmir Saivism P. I for this sketch of the Pratyabhijna philosophy, and I also add below appropriate quotations from original works on the Pratyabhijna, in its support. 127. (a) One Existence—Mahesvara; Unity of Siya and Sakti चैतन्यमात्मा (S. S. I. 1.) इहहिसर्वत्राप्रतिहतशक्तिः परमेश्वर एव तथा बभूषुः तथाभवति नत्यन्यः कश्चित्परमार्थतोऽस्ति इत्यसकृदुक्तम् Is. Pr. vi. II 223. स्वात्मैवसर्वभूतानां एक एव महेश्वरः। Is. Pr. 4. 1. 1. चिदेवभगवती तत्तद्जगद्आत्मना स्फुरति (Pr. Hrid. P. 3.) (6) Transcendent and immanent aspects of the Reality. पराशक्तिरूपा चितिरेवभगवती"शिवभट्टारकाभिना । (Ibid P.2.) न शिवः शक्तिरहितो न शक्तिर्व्यतिरेकिणी Sh. Dr. iii 2, 3. (c) Unity, compared with the unity of word and meaning- चितिःप्रत्यवमर्शात्मा, परावाक्स्वरसोदिता ।स्वातन्यमेतन् मुख्यंतद् ऐश्वर्य परमात्मनः ॥ अनेदंतात्पर्यम्-अभिन्नवाच्या आद्यावागेषा . नित्यचित् ·101 . . स्वरूपत्वेनानाद्यन्ता परतन्त्रभावान्तरानपेक्षं शुद्धमेतत् स्वातन्त्र्यं ऐश्वर्य संशमिति । Is Pr. Vol I, 1, 5, 13 see note 170 (a) Siva and Sakti described- शक्तयश्च असख्येयः-मुख्याभिः पञ्चभिः शक्तिभिर्युक्तोऽपि इच्छाशानक्रिया शक्तियुक्तः शिवरूप, प्रकाशरूपताचित् शक्तिः, स्वातन्त्र्यं आनन्दशक्तिः, तचमत्कार इच्छाशक्तिः, आमात्मकताज्ञानशक्तिः, सर्वकारयोगित्व क्रिया शक्तिः । (Tan Sar.) सैपासारतयाप्रोक्ता हृदयंपरमेष्ठिन Is. Pr Vol , 1, 5, 14. शिव शक्तस्तथाभावान्इच्छयाकर्तुमीहते, शक्ति-शक्तिमतोमैदः शैवेजातु न वय॑ते । S1 Dr 11 2, 3 (e) World an emanation of Siva- एपाप्रकृतिःकार्यकारणतया पुरुपस्य परमेश्वरस्यइच्छ्याभोग्यतयाप्रवृत्ता, प्रकाशःपुन स्वचमत्कारसारःस्वेच्छयास्वात्मभित्तौ अभेदेन परामृशन् स्वसविदुपादानमेव विश्वमाभासयति ( P S.) World an expression of Divine Free will तस्मात् अनपन्हवीयः प्रकाशविमर्शात्मा सवित्स्वभावः परमशिवोभगवान् स्वातन्त्र्यादेव,अनतिरिक्तयापि अतिरिक्तयेव स्वरूपानाच्छादिकयासवित स्वरूपानन्तरीयक स्वातन्त्र्यमहिन्ना प्रकाशते । Pr. vi vi) (1) The Abhasa. vada-- आदर्शमलरहिते यद्वद्वद विभाति तद्वदयम् । शिवशक्तिपातविमले धीतत्वे भातिभारूपः॥ (PS.) चेतनो हि स्वात्मदर्पणे भावान् प्रतिविम्बवदाभासायति। Is. Pr. Appearances, aspects of the Ultimate Reality. वर्तमानावभासानां भावानामयभासनं । अन्त.स्थितवतामेव घटते बहिरात्मना ॥ Is. Pl. 32. उन्मोलनम् अवस्थितस्यैव प्रकटीकरणम् (Pl. Hr 6.) (७) Objections to Virarta and to Paranāma-Vada विवर्तोहि असत्यरूपनिभासात्माइत्युक्तं, निर्भासते च असत्यं च इति कथम इति न चिन्तितम् । परिणामतुरूपान्तरं तिरोभवति रूपान्तरं प्रादुर्भवतीत्युकम्;प्रकाशस्य तुरूपान्तराभावात् . नि अप्रकाशश्चमादुर्भवन् नैवप्रकाशेत ५० ·102 - पर्यालोचितम् । प्रतिविम्ववादे च स्वच्छतामानं संवेदनस्य न स्वातन्त्र्यं इति सत्समर्पकवस्त्वन्तरपर्यपणाकर्तव्या। अविद्या अनिर्वाच्या वैचित्र्यं च आधत्ते इति व्याहतम् । पारमेश्वरी शक्तिरेव इयमिति हृदयावर्जकः क्रमः ॥ (apparent livision, as it were, a strength to unity.) तस्मात् अनपन्हवीयः प्रकाशविमर्शात्मासंवित्स्वाभावः परमशिवोभगवान् स्वातन्त्र्यादेव अनतिरिक्तयापि अतिरिक्तयेव स्वरूपानामिछदकया संवित स्वरूपानन्तरीयकस्वातन्त्र्य महिम्ना प्रकाशते इत्ययं स्वातन्त्र्यवादः प्रोन्मीलितः । (Pr. vi. vi.) (1) Crvation a Nogation of the Subjectivo Unity- विश्वस्यप्रमातृप्रमेयरूपस्य पराहन्ताचमत्कारसारस्यापि स्वस्वरूपापोह. नात्माख्यातिमयी निषेधव्यापारस्पायापारमेश्वरी शक्तिः। P.S. 4. (i Siva becomes the jival- शिव एव गृहीतपशुभावः । (P. S.) (j) Influence: of the Creative power, named Alaya Saktithe Power of Vecessity. परमं यत् स्वातन्ध्यं दुर्घट संपादनं महेशस्य देवीमायाशक्तिः स्वात्मावरणं शिवस्यैतत्, न पुनः ब्रह्मवादिनामिब काचित्मायाउपपद्यते (P.S.) तिरोधानकरीमायाभिधापुनः (Is. Pr:.) मायाविमोहिनीनान-मोहः आवरणं, तस्यवशोविच्युतिः, तया च शक्ति मान्आझिम्यते । न खलु (अनिर्वाच्याकारः कश्चिद् विद्यात्मामोहः नापि सांख्यदृशिइव रजस्तमोवृत्तिमोहः-परमेश्वर स्वातन्त्र्यमेव मोहयतीत्याशयः । (Pr. vi. vi. vol. I. 35.) K) Anugraha aspect of Sakti- प्रकाशाप्रकाशरूपे अनुग्रहतिरोधान शकी द्वे एव । (P. S.) (?) Pratyabhijna, the only way to Realization- ये केनापि आशयवशेनशापादिना वा मूढाः सन्तोऽपि प्रागभ्यस्त स्वात्म ज्ञानवालना प्रबोधानुगृहीताः स्वात्मस्थितिं च लभन्ते । सर्वे स्वात्ममहेश्वर प्रत्यभिज्ञानात् तन्मया भवन्ति । (Com. Y. R. on P. S. 82.) तस्य महेश्वरस्य प्रत्यभिज्ञा-प्रतीपमात्माभिमुख्येन ज्ञानं प्रकाशः त्यभिज्ञा। स्मरणानुभवारूढा सामानिधकरण्यधीः । संस्कारेन्द्रियजन्या च प्रत्याभिशाप्रकीर्तिता ॥ मायाख्य *Cf. 34a, origin of curse (170) in the Drama of Sakuntala.

·103 आत्मनि सततं भात्यपि मोहादावृते इव पुनराभिमुण्पेन ज्ञानं (प्रत्यभिज्ञान) इति । Is. Pr. 1, 20. (m) Means of securing Recognition- एकवारं प्रमाणेन शास्त्राद्वा गुरुवाक्यतः । शाते शिवत्वे सर्वस्थ प्रतिपत्यादृढात्मना | Siva Dr.) शास्त्रगुरुस्वप्रत्ययसिद्धोऽयमर्थः। (Com. Is. Pr. II. 4, 21.) (n) Attainment of Realization, gradual or abrupt- तथाप्रत्यभिज्ञातात्मस्वरूपस्य' देहे परमेश्वरतैव अभ्यासमाव ना चलेन तु शिवशासनोपदिष्टेन इहैवशगैरे पारमेश्चर्याशधर्मोद्गमः । यस्य तु व्यवहारसाधनेहेतुकलापेऽपि असिद्धाभिमानः, तस्य तत्रापि व्यवहार साधनैरेव व्यामोहोऽपसार्यः यस्यतु सर्वथानापसरति, तत्रैश्वरशक्तिवलान् मूढतैव, तस्यापि कर्णपथगमनात् संस्कारपाकेनावश्यं कदाचिद्भविष्यत्येव स्वरूपालाभः। (Pr. vi. II. 2, 3, 17.) Experience abides, see, note 146 infra. एवमात्मानमेतस्य, सम्यग्ज्ञानक्रि तथा । जानन् यथेप्सितान् पश्यन् जानाति चाकरोति । Is. Pr. II. 4. 1. 15 (o) Service of Humanity enjoined. कथंचिदासाद्यमहेश्वरस्य दास्यं जनस्याप्युपकारमिच्छन् । समस्तसम्पत्समवाप्तिहेतु तत्प्रत्याभिशामुपपादयामि ।। (Is.Pr. i. 1.1.) Com.- दीयते अस्मै स्वामिना सर्व यथाभिलपितं इतिदासः-तस्यभावः, जनस्येति यः कश्चिजायमानः तस्य इत्यनेन अधिकारविषयो नारकश्चि नियम इति दर्शयति-जनस्य अनवरतजननमरण पीडितस्य इत्यनेन कृतास्पदतया उपकरणीयत्वमाह-नहि अयं देवशापः* स्वार्थ एव प्रयोजनं न परार्थ इति ॥ (cf. जानाति च करोति च see n.) 128. Siva as Dancer पश्चादुचः..... नृत्यारम्भे हर पशुपतेः (AI. D. 36.) Siva and Parvati in one person creating the wholo Drama of life.- देवानामिदमामनन्ति मुनयःकान्तंऋतु चाक्षुपं । रुद्रणेदमुमाकृतव्यनिकर स्वारे विभक्तं द्विधा। "Ethical ground of the curse of Duila a to Sakuntala 1a the Dr ·101 त्रैगुण्योद्भवमत्रलोकचरितं नानारसंदृश्यते , नाट्यभिन्नरुवेर्जनस्यवहुधाप्येक समाराधनम् ॥ M. M. I. 4. Compare with the Pratyabhijna doctrine- नर्तक आत्मा, रङ्गोऽन्तरात्मा, प्रेक्षकाणीन्द्रियाणि (S.S. III. 9, 11. संसारनाट्यप्रवर्तयिता...."एक एव परमेश्वरः (Is. Pr.) 129. Love-metaphor in the Pratyabhijna- ननुप्रमातृविश्रान्तिसारार्थक्रिया प्रत्यभिज्ञानेन विना न दृष्टा, सतितुदृष्टा; सतितत्रदृष्टा इतिक एतदुपलब्धम् इत्याशङ्कयाह-तैस्तैरप्युपयाचितैरुपन तस्तन्व्या:स्थितोऽप्यन्तिके, कान्तालोकसमान एवमपरिशातो न रन्तु यथा । लोकस्यैप तथा न वेक्षितगुणाः स्वात्मापिविश्वेश्वरो, नैवाल निजवैभवाय दिय तत् प्रत्यभिशोदिता । (Is. Pr. 4, 22.) Commentary, यदानायकगुणसंश्रवणप्रवृद्धा नुरागा कामिनी तदर्शनमेव परमुपादेय माकांक्षन्ती दिवानिशमवशहदया देवतोपयाचितानिदूतीसंप्रेषणानि मदनलेखकद्वारकामावस्थानिवेदनानि कुर्वाणा विरहक्षामी भवद्गात्रलतिकातिष्ठति, तदातदुपयाचितवशादशङ्कितमेव सविधवर्तिनि प्रियतमेऽवलोकिते तैस्तै रुक विशेषैःपरामर्शपदवीमगच्छद्भिर्जनसाधारण तामापादितेसंपन्नमपितत्मियतमावलोकनं न हृदयं पूर्णीकरोति, तथा स्वात्मनि विश्वेश्वरे सततं निर्भासमानेऽपि तन्निर्भासनं न हृदयस्थ पूर्णतामाधत्ते; यतः सोऽप्यात्मा विश्वज्ञत्वकर्तृत्वाद्यप्रतिहतस्वशक्तिलक्षण पॉरमेश्वोत्कर्षयोगेन न परामृष्टः, इति भासमानघटादितुल्यवृत्तान्तो जातः । यदा तु दूतीवचनाद्वातल्लक्षणाभिज्ञानाद्वोपायान्तरादा तानु कान्हृदयंगमीकरणेनामृशति, तदातत्क्षणमद्भुतफुल्लन्यायेनैव तावत् कापि पूर्णतामभ्येति, परिभोगाभ्यासरसे तु विश्रान्त्य न्तराण्यपि लभते; तद्वदात्मनि गुरुवचनाज्ञानक्रियालक्षणशक्तव्य भिज्ञानादेवा यदा पारमेश्वोत्कर्षहृदयंगमीभावो जायते, तदा तत्क्षणमेव पूर्णतात्मिका जीवन्मुक्तिः, समावेशाभ्यासरसे तु विभूति लाभः, --इति तस्य प्रत्यभिज्ञैव परापरसिद्धिप्रदायिनी भवति । 130. The frequent and appropriate use of the term Pratyabhijna which may be interpreted philosophically- *C'f the metaphor sustaiued throughout syith a little adaptation, in the Sak. ti. भावेकरसंमनः of Parvati in tine Kumara Sambhava, ·105 - किन्तुप्रत्यभिज्ञानाभरणदर्शनेन शोपोनिवर्तिप्यते 1 (Sak IV.) सखि, यदि नाम स राजाप्रत्यभिज्ञानमन्धरोभवेत् । (Ibad ) अपनेष्यामि तावत् तेऽवगुण्ठनम्-ततस्त्वांभभिज्ञास्यति (Ibid.) अथवाईदशोनुरागोऽभिज्ञानमपेक्षते कथमिवैतत् । (Sak. VI.) त्वयाप्रत्यभिज्ञातमात्मानं पश्यामि (Sak. VII.) (a) The curse of forgetfulness of the power of self, Atma-Sakti, can be got over by the ring of recognition. (6) The curse or necessity of manifold creation retards recognition of Unity (c) The Veil of Saki (अवगुठभम) Identical with the technical पिधाम or delusion can not really be removed till the charge of creation or course of evolution is over and experience through recognition is gained (d) Realization of love (अनुराग) that 1s God's power or Sakti, in gained through recognition only (e) Recognition leads to selfrealization--of the exact teaching of the Pratyabbijna - ये, केनापि शापादिना..."मूढाःसन्तोऽपि, प्रागभ्यस्तस्वात्मज्ञानवासना प्रयोधानुगृहीताः स्वात्मस्थिति च लभन्ते । सर्वेस्वात्ममहेश्वरप्रत्यभि. शानात् तन्मया भवन्ति । (P. S.) 131 With Kalidasa, as with the Pratyabhujna philosophy, universe is the expression of the Divine Love, or Siva-Parvati cf the various stages of the developinent of the Drama of Sakuntala expression of Love or myrriage between Dushyanta and Sakuntala, and her conception, joy of Love or their Lovemeetings, anguish of love or their separation, non-remembrance of love or Dushyanta's refusal to admit Sakuntala as his w fo, and recognition of love or their reunion, with the five thrityas' of the Pratyabhijna philosophy- -सृष्टिस्थिति सहार पिधानानुग्रह नक्षणानि पञ्चकृत्यानि । तत्र पिधानं नाम सस्कारमात्रतया स्थितस्यापि विगीनीकरणम् । अनुग्रहः स्वातन्य तादात्म्यतयावस्थापनमिति (Is- P1. Vi. vi) 132 Sakti, the heart of Siva,- सा स्फुरत्ता महासत्ता देशकालाविशेपिणी । सैपा सारतयाप्रोका हृदयं परमेष्ठिनः ॥ (Is Pl. I. 6, 14.) 133. For स्वातन्त्र्यमहिम्नाप्रकाशते, see, note 127a. 184 Creation, a sport of Siva- एष एव च भगवाशिवः स्वातन्याभोक्तभोग्यलक्षणं प्रमातृप्रमेय युगलकं क्रीडनकमिवसमुत्थापयति यदपेक्षयाभेदप्रधानो व्यवहारः। -VIz N ys.b.)

·100 .- 136. 135. For fão Tattgreifeti, sec, note 127h, Fur fruta, sce, notu 131, for crcative Sakti as Maya, sec,: 127 j. 137. For the technical tenugraha, see, note 131, also ef.- प्रकाशाप्रकाशरूपे अनुग्रह तिरोधानशक्ति छे एव (P. S.) ते मोक्षबन्ध'...."अचिभागहेतू (Y. R. comm. on P. S. 5. 9.) For the means of recognition, sce, note 127 m. The means of recognition, commensurate with 'Anugrahu'. परमार्थमार्गमेनं झटित्तियदागुरुमुखात् समभ्येति । अतितीव्र शक्तिपातात् तदेव निर्विघ्नमेव शिवः (P.S.96.) (Com अतिशयेनतीवः अनुग्रहाख्यायाः पारमेश्वर्याः शक्तपातः । अयमी परमेश्वरानुग्रहोपाय एव स्थात्म. शानलाभः इति न अवनियतिशक्तिसमुत्थं जपध्यानयज्ञादिकं उपायतया मते।) Tralidasa has also- यःस्थाणुःस्थिरभक्तियोगसुलभः । (V.V.I. 1.) 138. Recognition, tho only way to realization of Love. अथवाईदृशोनुरागोऽभिज्ञानमपेक्षते, कथमिवैतत् (Sak. VI. Sanumati.) cf. 127 1 and 129. 139. The Abhasa vaca- आदर्शमलरहिते यद्वद्वदनं विभाति तद्वद् अयम् । शिवशक्ति पातविमले धीतत्वे भाति भारूपः ॥ P. S. 9. Com. शिवस्यस्वात्मनो या असो अनुग्रहाख्या शक्तिः तस्याः पातः स्वकिरण विस्फारः, तेन संमार्जितेप्रतिभामुकुरे आणचमायीय कार्ममलवासना प्रक्षयाद् विशदीकृते भारूपः स्वात्मा अवभासते । केषांचिदेव परमेश्वर तिरोधानशक्तया अण्णवमाथीय कार्ममलसमाच्छादिते वुद्धितत्वे भारूपोऽपि आत्मा मालिन्यात् भातोऽपि अभातकल्पः ॥ अन्येऽपि उभयशक्तियोगात् प्रमातार आरुरुक्षवः ॥ ...इत्थं शक्तिपात वैचित्र सर्वत्रापि ऊह्यम् ॥ अत्र न मायान्तःपातिनियतिशक्तिसमुत्थम् अश्वमेधादिकं जपध्यानादि वा अन्यत्यत्किंचित् कर्ममोचन हेतुः आत्मनः, तस्य हि मायातः समुत्तीर्ण त्वात्, भेदप्रधानं चस्तु तत्साधनाय न कल्पते, तस्मादेकमेव अत्न परमेश्वर नुग्रह कारण अकृत्रिमम् भव्यबुद्धीनाम् ॥ यदुक्तम् ·140a 10 ईशितुःशक्तिपातांशे ख्यापयित्री स्वतन्त्रताम् । धीः कारपकलाप्राता नैव किंचिदपेक्षते ॥ 140 Siva, the Karti. कतरिक्षातरि स्वात्मन्यादिसिद्धमहेश्वरे। अजडात्मा निषेधं वा सिद्धि का विदधीत कः । Is. P1. 1, 1.2. Sıva maintains both the states तस्मादेतदेव परमेश्वरस्य स्वातत्र्यं निरतिशयम् यत् पूर्णस्वरूपतापरि त्यागे भोक्तृभोग्यस्वभावं पशुभावमापन्नोऽपि सर्वप्रमातॄणां अनुमवित. तया स्वात्मनि प्रस्फुरन् चिदानन्दैकधनः शिव एव (P.S. com.) 141. Shastra or Guru or ones own Pratyaya, as means of recognition In the case of Dushyanta it is his own 'Pratyaya' in the form of the ring that brings recognition, एप प्रमाता मायान्धः संसारी कर्मवन्धनः । विद्याभिज्ञापितैश्वर्यश्चियनोमुक्तउच्यते || Is. Pr. II. 3, 2, 2. शास्त्रगुरुंखप्रत्ययसिद्धोऽयमर्थ. । Is. Pr. II. 4, 2, 1. See, note 129 142a. सहिपूर्वानुभूतार्थापलब्धापरतोऽपिसन् । विमृशन स इति स्वैरी स्मरतीत्युपदिश्यते ॥ (Is. Pr I. 4, 1.) Kalıdasa agrecs with the Pratyabhajna philosophy in considering memory as the essential power of soul. 143. Recognition leads to realization- साँचीर्णरूप सोपानपदक्रमेण संश्रयतः । परतत्वरूढिलाभे पर्यन्तेशिवमयीभावः ॥ P S. 97. also see, 1271. इत्थं सकलविकल्पान् प्रतिबुद्धो भावनासमीरणतः। आत्मज्योतिषि दीप्ते जुहज्ज्योतिर्मयो भवति ॥ P.S. 68. स्त्र च परमात्ममहा-भेरवाशवदेवतां स्वशक्तियुताम् आत्मामर्शनविमलद्रव्ये परिपूजयन्नास्ते। P.S. T. इति जन्मनाशहीनंपरमार्थमहेश्वराख्यमुपलभ्य । उपलब्धृताप्रकाशात् कृतकृत्यस्तष्ठति यथेएम् P. S. SI. 112 .

·108 आणवमायीयकोर्ममलवासनाप्रक्षयाभारूपः स्वात्मा अवभासते (see, note 139.) देवादीनां च सर्वेषां, भविनां त्रिविधंमलं, तत्रापि कार्ममेवैक मुख्यं संसारकारणम् (Is. Pr. 3, 2, 10.) Realization of Sakti, in the case of Dushyanta is gradual (सोपान पदकमेल). His Bhavana is strong and he occupies himself with the thought of Sakuntala by drawing her picture etc. (परिपूजयनारते) till the 'Mala' is destroyed by doing service to gods and by fighting against the enemies of Indra (self), and thus union with Sakuntala or realization (upalabdhi) of Sakti takes place. 144. Anugraha, an aspect of Sakti; see, note 131, 137– परमेश्वरानुग्रहोपाय एव स्वात्मज्ञानलाभ: इति न अब नियति- शक्तिसमुत्थजपध्यानयज्ञादिकं उपायतया क्रमते, अनुग्रहशक्तिविद्धहृदयस्य तु हठादेव अक्रमंदेवतामुखाम्नायरहस्यं हृदयं आवर्जयाति तेन झटिति एव परमेश्वरीभावं याति। P. S. 96 com. The anugraha of Kashyapa, is described in the Sak., as above the ordinary law of cause and effect- निमित्तनैमित्तकयोरयंक्रमातव प्रसादस्य पुरस्तुसंपदः । Sak. VII. 30 like the anugraha in the Pratyabhijna philosophy that is also अक्रम and not bound by नियति or cansation, see, note 139 अत्रनमायान्त:' 145. Note the Abhasa doctrine: - शापादसिप्रतिहतास्मृतिरोधरूक्षे । भर्तर्यपेततमसि प्रभुतातवैव । छाया न मूर्छति मलोपहतप्रसादे शुद्धतुदर्पणतले सुलभावकाशः ॥ Sak. VII 32. of. अप्रत्यभिज्ञातात्मपरमार्थानां समलोव्यवहारः । अन्वेषां स एव निर्मलः। Is. P. 1, 7, 14 com. and see, note 127f, 139, and infra 159. 146. 'Apparent division' or 'Experience a source of strength to the Divine Unity, (see -127g, 129) of. Kalidasa एष विवाद एव प्रत्याययति | Sak. VII. see, pp. 34, Sak. VII.22 प्रियेक्रौर्यमपि मे त्वयि प्रयुक्तमनुकूलपरिणमासंवृत्तम् ; यदहमिदानीं त्वया प्रत्यभिज्ञातमात्मानं पश्यामि । Sak. VII).

·109 एतस्मान् मा कुशलिनमभिज्ञानदानाद्विदित्वा मोकोलीनाचकितनयने मद्यविश्वासिनीभू। स्नेहानाहाकिमपिविरहव्यापदस्तेह्यभोग्या दृष्टे वस्तुन्युपचितरसा प्रेमराशीभवन्ति ॥ M D. utt. 49. अद्यप्रभृत्यवनतानि तवास्मिदासः कीतस्तपोभिरिति वादिनिचन्द्रमौली । अन्हाय सा नियम लममुत्ससर्ज लेशः फलेन हि पुनर्नवतां विधत्ते ॥ K.S V 86 रथाङ्गनाम्नोरिव भावबन्धनम् बभूव यत् प्रेमपरस्पराश्रयम् । विभक्कमप्येक सुतेन तत्तयोः परस्परस्योपरिपर्यचीयत ।। R V. III 24. For the Pratyabhijna doctrine, see, note 1279– स्वातन्य महिम्ना प्रकाशते । also see, note 129-- देयताप्रार्थना दूतीप्रेषणात्मावस्थानिवेदनाभिः तन्ध्या इति विरहकशाया प्रत्यभिज्ञानमानादानन्दलाभः परिशीलनात् तु संभोगसहस्रप्राप्ति ॥ also cf for the necessity of experience in the Pratyabhijna - ईश्वरप्रत्यभिज्ञाच शकचारिकरण द्वारेण, सा च शक्तिनिक्रियारूपा शक्तयाविष्कार स्वरूपप्रत्यभिज्ञासिद्धा। (Is. Pr viI 1.6 11.) Thus experience of creation enriches life, and is a necessity for purposes of joy of recognition The Abhasa vada teaches, experience abides खातन्यमहिन्नाप्रकाभते (note 127gy also seer note 159 For service of Humanity, as the object-lesson of the Pratyabhijna, see, note 127 (0) and 127 (n)-जानाति च करोति च Kalidasa must have watched much more carefully the workning influence of Buddhısın on the society at his homy in Kashmir, about which it is said, प्राज्ये राज्यक्षणेतेषां प्रायः कश्मीर मण्डलं । भोज्यमास्तेस्म बौद्धानां प्रव्रज्योर्जित तेजसा ॥ (R. T. 1, 171) Tho Pratyabhijna philosophy does not teach renunciation liko Buddhism, on the contrary, it teaches expansion of physical, mental, and spiritual powers of man as necessary for realization of self-- -~ज्ञानक्रियाशक्याविष्कार स्वरूपप्रत्यभिज्ञा सिद्धा (see, note 115) It is in this spirit that Parvati is asked by to regulate her ponances 147 148 ·110 , शरीरमाद्य ग्वल धर्म साधने (R. S.) though her penances are in no way an end in themselves as *physical tortures'— they are subservient to her burning devotion-- भावैकरसंमनः (K. S.) 149. For worship of Siva as Asta murti in Kashmir, see, N. M. 1283. 150. The Curse of Dirunsa. विचिन्तयन्तीयमनन्यमनसा, तपोधनवेत्सि न मामुपस्थित ! स्मरिष्यति त्वां न स बाधितोऽपिसन् कथाप्रमत्तःप्रथमं कृतामिव | Sak. IV, I. .Its modification. किन्तुअभिज्ञानोभरणादर्शनेन सापोनिवर्तिष्यत इति । The curse may be explained in the light of the Pratyabhijna 'as below. We notice in the Drama, that Sakuntala, as she has met Dushyanta, is already big with child before the curse comes to stand in the way of her living in company with Dushyanta at his capital. In the Pratyabhijna, 'Niyati' or Necessity for the curse of separation arises as the Sakti is employed in the work of creation of the many out of the one, which negatives the subjective inity- निषेधण्यापारा पारमेश्वरी शक्तिः । note 135. The curse stands for daya the 'Mohini' Salti of Siva (1277) Niyati, which makes creation possible (P. S. 16) the Pidhana (note 137) which obscures 'memory'. It is withdrawn in order to give room to the Anugraha Sakti of Siva (note 127k, 131, 137) which restores memory by means of recognition (note 127d, 129, 14.1) Alemory, thus, is the power of Siya himself, (which is obscured and lighted up, under the Pidhana or -Anugraha Sakti) -of. सहिपूर्वानुभूतार्थोंपलब्धापरतोऽपिसन् । विमृशन् स इति स्वैरीस्मरतीत्युपदिश्यते ||Is. Pr I. 1, 4, 1. स एव परमेश्वर: स्मरति । Pr vi. I. P. 119. स्मरणशक्तिरेव हि परमं स्वातन्त्र्यम् Pr. vi. 116. Now memory works in the following manner:- पूर्वानुभवसंस्कारगत् स्मृतिसंभवः । Ibid 1, 2, 5. पूर्वानुभूतस्य अर्थस्य य उपब्धाअन्तर्मुखोबोधः स स्मृतिकालेऽपिअस्त्येव ॥ Ibid 1, 41, Com, But मायापरिग्रहवशाद् बोधोमलिनः, पुमान् पशुर्भवति । कालकलानियतिवशाद् खगाविद्यावशेनसंबद्धः ॥ P.S. 16.

·111 , "Thus follows the obscaration of memory, or अनुभूतस्यविषयस्य प्रमापः, - कश्चितकालमध्येमुषितस्येच नपूर्णः प्रमोपोऽपहारः, पुनःप्रकाशनेनलाभादिति स्मृते. मुख्य रूपं । Is. Pr. vi. pp. 100. Recognition restores memory- किन्तुमोहवशादस्मिन् दृष्टेऽप्यनुपलक्षिते । शक्तयाविष्करणेनेयं प्रत्यभिज्ञोपदश्यते । Ibad, 1, 1, 3. Means of recognition - एकचारं प्रमाणेन शास्त्राद् वा गुरुवाक्यत.। ज्ञानेशिवत्वे सर्वस्थ प्रतिपत्यादृढात्मना || S. D. शास्त्रगुरुस्वप्रत्ययसिद्धोऽयमर्थः-Is Pr. vi. Recognition the only way to Realization- येऽपिशापादिना वा मूढाः सन्तोऽपि प्रागभ्यस्तस्वात्मज्ञानवासना प्रयोधा नुगृहीताः स्वात्मस्थितिं लभन्ते । सर्वेस्चात्ममहेश्वर प्रत्यभिज्ञानात् तन्मया भवन्ति । (see, note 127 2.) Recognition synchronous with Anugraha नचैतदप्रसस्नेन शङ्करणोपदिश्यते । कथंचिदुपलध्धेऽपि वासना न प्रजायते ॥ वासनामात्रलामेऽपियोऽप्रमत्तो न जायते । तमनित्येषु भोगेपु योजयन्तिविनायकाः ॥ Is. Pl. VI VI. vol II. 272 परमेश्वरानुग्रहोपाय एव स्वात्मशानलाभः इति (P.S. Com 96) (cf Anugraha of Kashyapa in Sak VII) The above tenet of the Pratyabhijna may be distinguished from the Vedantic school of philosophy To the Vedanta, Atina is knowledge itself 79 844, but to tho Pratyabhijna, Jnana or knowledge 18 the Sahtı of Siva or Atina, and Smriti too is the porter of eelf which gets obscured under the influence of Pidhana. Helico, arises the need of recognition which restores the impaired memory Thus the teaching of Kalıdada 13 quite in Leeping with the Pratyablujna plulosophy The curso has distinctly & philosophical bearing, here, as well as in other worhs of Kalidasa, which will be described later on (see, note 165-16S). "The memory of Dushyanta can not bo iconsidered as obliterated by a meaningless curse in the Drama of the great Kalidasa. Thus the Pracy " ·112 न च ध्वंसन्ताम् इति भवदीष्टशापमात्रात् ते स्मरणमया व्यवहार विध्वंसन्ते प्रकाशन्ते (Is. Pr. V. I. p. 106.) (अस्मदभिमतप्रकारेणविना विधेरपि अश्क्यसमर्थनम् Ibid.) Tho curse of Durvasa. is real and philosophical indeed! 150a. Kalidasa at the very outset of the Drama compares Dushyant with Siva- कृष्णसारेददचक्षुस्त्वयिचाधिज्यकार्मुके । मृगानुसारिणंसाक्षात् पश्यामीवपिनाकिनम् ॥ Sak. I. 6. 151. The unity of Jnana and Kriya according to the Pratyabhijna: एवमन्तर्वहिर्वृत्तिःक्रियाकालक्रमानुगा । मातुरेवतदन्योन्यावियुक्तज्ञानकर्मणी ॥ Is. P. II. 3, 1, 1. भगवत एव परमशिवस्यज्ञानक्रियायोगः। मानविमर्शानुप्राणितं, विमर्श एव च क्रिया इति न च ज्ञानशक्तिविहीनस्य क्रियायोगः। Ibid II. pp. 190. The plural form_in अहंतां प्रायसर: might suggest the various Budhist Arhats who worked as missionaries under the leadership, of Nagarjuna in Kashmir whose famous residence is noted ian historry as षडहवन or modern Harvan in Kashmir: (Stein R. T. II. 455.) Does Kalidasa advise the Cloud to avoid the Budhist missionaries, who were spread in the country in Kashmir and outside:- दिङ्नागानां पथिपरिहरन् स्थूलहस्तावलेपान् । (M. D. 14.) The suggestion gains ground, if we. interpret the fasta of the Meghaduta (see, note 166) in its philosophical sense, which is preached by Kalidasa in all his works, and which might have been controverted by the followers of the Budhist Nagarjuna. For the spread of Budhism in Kashmir, see, R. T. I. 171–184. सचनागार्जुनः श्रीमानषडर्हद्वनसंश्रयः, तस्मिन्नवसरेबौद्धादेशेप्रबलतांययु, नागार्जुनेन सुधियावोधिसत्वेनपालिताः । see, R. T. I. 171--184. 1510. Here Sakuntala is not accepted as (सहधर्मचारिणौ) The Veil of forgetfulness-however Gautami may have tried to remove it (अवगंठनम्) at this stage, when Sakuntala has not yet delivered herself of a child; can not be removed till the charge of creation is over and experience is gained or the pidhana aspect of Sakti has given room to the Anugraha, which makes recognition possible. 152. Com. उपरिहिमस्याच्छादकस्य शापस्थानीयत्वात् त्यागाभावः , विभातेइत्युक्तेतदनन्तरं रविकिरणैर्हिमेनीते मकरन्दभोगोऽवश्यः ।

·एवमिहापि, अभिज्ञानदर्शनेन शापेगते तत्स्वीकारोऽवश्य इति द्योतयन्त्योपमया रतेः स्थायित्वदाय ध्वनितम् । पतेन संशयनामकं भूषणमुपक्षिप्तम् । (Sak. V. 19. .Com. of Raghava Bhatta. cf. definition of Smriti in the Pratyabhijna Sastra- अनुभूतस्य विषयस्य असंप्रमोपः कश्चित्कालंमध्ये मुपितस्येव , नपूर्णः प्रमोपोऽपहारः पुनः पकाशनेन लाभादिति ॥Pr. vi. vi. pp. 100. 1524. A. case of gradual 'Realization through recognition, cf. अनुग्रहश्चक्रमिकः अऋमिकश्च (Is.Pr. vi. vi. pp. 204) also see,127n 1526. Mala' an impediment to self-realization- देवादीनां च सर्वेषां भविनां त्रिविधंमल। तत्रापिकार्ममेवैकं मुख्यं संसार कारणं ॥ Is. Pr. II. 3, 2, 10. मोहावरणात सिद्धिर्भवति नतु तत्वप्रकाशः, विगलितमोहस्यतु धारणा- दिभिरपि परतत्वसमावेश एव भवति । (S. S. 6.) 162c. For singleness of devotion to God, see, note 143. 168. Creation not futile, see, note 146, 127g. 153a. See, note 153, also compare, अलविवादेनयथाश्रुतस्त्वया तथाविधस्तावदशेपमस्तुसः । ममात्रभावकरसंमनः स्थितं न कामवृत्तिर्वचनीयमोक्षते ॥ K.S.V.82. 164. Aparajita, a name of Siya in a pratyabhijna treatise- सजयत्यपराजितः । (S. C. 2.) Aparajită, & medicinal herb - Clitoria; a talisman fastened round the neck of children to ward off demons; cf. و دیر اس۔ اپراجتاس شاخهائی این درگردن اطفال طرق کردن - دافع آسیب محيط إظم صفحه ۱۸ مطبع نظامی ۱۳۰۳ 155. For Sammoha, see, note 127j. 156. For joy of recognition, see, note 129, 146. 167. For Anugraha. as above the order (कम) of law of causatist (नियतिः) see, note 144. 168. जगत् चित्रम् (S.C. 9) चित्रमितिनियतिरूपत्वात् Is.Pr.V.I.pp.11 विश्ववैचित्र्यचित्रस्य, समभित्तितलोपमे। विश्वाभावसंस्पर्श, परमार्थसतीश्वरे ॥ (Is. Pr. II.2.3 ·-- 114 । 15Sa. Freedom of Siva tunaffected-खातम्बयमहिम्नाप्रकाशते । (note 1270) also sce, note 140a. 159. शापादसि प्रतिहतास्मृतिरोधरुक्षे भतर्यपेततमसि प्रभुता तवैव छाया न मूर्छति मलोपहत प्रसादे शुद्धेतु दर्पणतले सुलभावकाशः। (Sak. VAI. 32.) Compare the above with the Abhas vada of the Pratyabhijna philosophy; note 127f, 139. The following is its interpretation in the light of the Pratyabhijna Shastras. First line:- शाप or curse, (see, note 150, 127].) as usual, stands for निषेधंव्यापारापारमेश्वरीशक्तिः (note 127h) known as तिरोधानकरीमायाभिधा । (Is. Pr. II. 3, 1, 7.) स्मृतिः-स्मृतिशक्तिश्चपरमेश्वरस्यैव-आमृशति, अनुभवतिस्मरति चेति । (Pr. vi I. p. 146.) स्मरणशक्तिरेव हि परमस्वातन्त्र्यम् Ibid pp.116. आंगामिकाः स्मरणमेवमन्त्रादि प्राणितं (शुद्धविद्यापरामर्श प्राणितं) मन्यन्ते Ibid pp. 120. रोध-तिरोधानकरीमाया। पिधानं नाम संस्कारमात्रतया स्थितस्यापि विलीनीकरण (note 131) also see, note 137.... Second line:—Haf stands for शिवभट्टारकः, the term frequently used in the Pratyabhijna for Isvara, e. g; यः प्रकाशः, स भर्तुः अन्तराभासान् विभ्रतः, बहिः सृष्टिं च पुष्णतः ईश्वरस्यैव इच्छया । (Is. P. I. pp. 334.) तमेस्-मोहस्तमो वरणका प्रकाशाभावयोगतः (Tantral. Ahn. 9.) क्रमेण सुःखदुःखमोहलक्षणानि प्रकाशक्रियानियमनशीलानि सत्वरज स्तमांसि (Is. Pr.) We are told in the Pratyabhijna that~ चेतनो हि स्वात्मदर्पणेभावान् प्रतिबिम्बवदाभासयति (Is. Pr.) and स (भावः) तमसेव आच्छाद्य अवस्थापितः संस्कारशब्दवाच्यः तस्य तमाच्छांदकं अपहस्तयति, तत्र अपहस्तिते स पूर्ववदाभाति (Is. Pr.) एवं च स परमेश्वर स्मरति (Is. Pr.) thus, अनुभव संस्कारात स्मृतौ विषयप्रकाशः। (Is. Pr.), hence, स्मरणानुभवयोर्मेलनात्मकं प्रत्यभिज्ञानम् । Is..P. stat-The Pratyabhijna leads to cessation of world and the ultimate Unity, when Sakti is said to have her hold on Siva- .

·115 विश्वस्य हि स्फुटत्वं बाह्य मुन्मेपणं, निमेषणं तु अस्फुटत्यापादन, तत्र अस्फुरत्वे इच्छाशक्तिरीश्वरस्य व्याप्रियते, स्फुटत्वे ज्ञानशक्तिः । (Is. Pr.) 3rd line--TTT stands for fafa; or memorycompare-अन्यत्र अनुभवतरि स्मर्ता अन्यो न उपपद्यते, इत्यनया च्छायया स्मृत्या प्रमातृसिद्धिः (Is. Pr. 299) again-यैव बहिः पूर्वानुभूतार्थपरामर्शमयी सैवान्तारूपा विमर्शशकि स्वभावा स्मृतिः, इत्युच्यते (Is. Pr.) विमर्शवलादेवभेदाभेद- व्यवस्था-आमालविमर्शयोरन्योन्यम् अश्यिोगात् (Is. Pr) Memory of the identity of self or Recognition does not take place, as long as 'Mala' obstructs the serenity of reflection. मल-देवादीनां च सर्वेपां भविनां त्रिविधं मलं । तत्रापि कार्ममेवैकं मुख्यं संसार कारणम् ॥ (Is. Pr II. 3, 2, 10.) अप्रत्यभिज्ञातात्मपरमार्थानां समलोन्यवहारः अन्येषां स एव निर्मलः (Is. Pr. vi I. p. 316.) स व्यवहारः स्वपरमात्मनि मलशोधनवोधनकघनत्वात् विमल एवं युक्तः I. Pr. vi. vi. p. 312. प्रसादः-or अनुग्रह शक्तिः that remains suspended, as long as the Mala is there. The finally leads to Realization अनुग्रहः स्वात्मतादात्म्यतयावस्थापनमिति (note 131.) 4th line gei-stands for 9974 or light of knowlege. cf. आदर्शमलरहिते यद्वद्घदनं विभाति तद्वदयम् । शिवशक्तिपातविमले धीतत्वे भाति भारूपः॥ (P.S. 9.) also अन्तर्विभाति सकलं जगदात्मनोह यविचित्ररचना मकुरान्तराले । योधःपुनर्निजविमर्शनसारयुक्तया विश्वं परामृशति नो मकुरस्तथातु ॥ (विवृतिविमर्शिनी) प्रकाशःस्वचमत्कार सारः स्वेच्छया स्वात्मभित्तीअभेदेन परामशन संविदु- पादानमेव विश्वं प्राभासयति । (P.S. Com.9.) दर्पणतले-stands for Samvid. संघिदेव विश्वमात्मनिभासयति-शक्तिवैचित्र्यात् (Pr. vi. 1.11.)

·116 एवंसममेव स्वात्मनि विमलमकुरस्थानीये यद् युगलकं स्वस्मात् प्रकाश रूपाव्यतिरिक्त अवभासयति परमेश्वरः, तदेव एतद्भगवतोशानकर्तुत्वं स्मरण कर्तृत्वं (Pr. vi. 149.) ज्ञानं विमर्शानुप्राणितं (विमर्शशक्तिः स्वभावास्मृतिः) साहिशक्तिरन्तरव- भासमानाज्ञानशक्तिबहिवरूपेगक्रियाशक्तिरितिउच्यते Is.Pr.II.189-190 यदेतदाभासनंयासाविच्छा साक्रिया,अस्यभगवतो निर्मातृत्वम् । (Ibid 136) अवकाश-stands for clear भाभास or विश्रान्तिः । सैव (स्फुरत्ता) प्रकाशस्य विमर्शाव्यतिरेकत्वात् विमर्शात्मकचमत्काररूपा सती क्रियाशक्ति रुच्यते, परोन्मुख्यत्यागेन स्वात्मविश्रान्तिरूपत्वाचसैव अानन्दः, तदेवं भगवतश्चिदात्मतयैवेयद्पता| Is.Pr. II. p. 257. भगवत एव परमशिवस्यज्ञानक्रियायोगः । (Ibid 189.) Thus, Kashyapa expounds the Abhasa vada of the Pratyabhijna philosophy of Kashmir. 160. Experience synthetically related to the experiencer, see, note 146. As God's Anugraha brings salvation to man, so man must show his 'anugraha' to his fellow-men, for Service to humanity the object lesson of the Pratyabhijna, see, note 127 (o). The Trika of the Pratyabhijna philosophy (the trinity (नर शक्ति शिवात्मकम् ) may also be noted in the concluding line of the Drama ममापि चक्षपयतु नीललोहितः पुनर्भवं परिगतशक्तिरात्मभूः- signifying the unity of the emancipated soul of Kalidasa (90) and Siva Sakti, in one person, (afstaaf:) Atma-Bhuh. 162. See note 131. 162a. For unity of Kriya and Jnana, see, note 151. 1626. For invention of 'curse' in the drama by Kalidasa, see, note 1348. Kalidasa who has a problem of recognition (or Pratyabhijna) to solve beneath the love-slory of Sakuntala used the 'curse' in its philosophical sense, and not as mere imprecation- -cf. नचध्वंसन्ताम् इति भवदभीष्टशापमात्रात् (स्मरणभयाव्यवहाराः) धचंसन्ते प्रकाशन्ते. 'अस्मदभिमतप्रकारेण विना विधेरपि अशक्य समर्थनम् । (Is. Pr. I. pp. 106.) 'Curse' known to the pratyabhijna works- --cf. येऽपि ....'शोपादिना मूढाःसन्तः प्रागभ्यस्तस्वात्मशानवासना - ·117 प्रयोधानुगृहीता, स्वात्मस्थितिलभन्ते । सर्वेस्वात्ममहेश्वर प्रत्यभिज्ञानात् afhet Hafia (Y R. Cam. on P. S. 82.) For the Philosophical meaning of curse in other works of Kalıdasa, see, note 165-168 163 "Agamas' should be learnt from a Guru- स्वतोऽपि गुरुतः शास्त्राविमर्शनिविधः स्मृतः, स्वप्रत्ययस्यसिद्ध स्यापि गुरुपरम्परोपदेश उपोद्वलकोवक्तव्यः... ' तस्माद्गुरुकमायातं दिशन्नेति पर शिवम् । गुरुर्वा पारमेश्वरी आनुमाहिकाशक्ति (Is P1 VI. V1. 4, 2, 1) TTEITA: (S S.) Dushyanta who gets recognition of Sakuntala through his own Pratyaya, the finger-ring, has to wait upon Kashyapa—visit to whose Asrama serves as an 'Upāya' to the attainment of Sakuntala,-whose Anugraha, in the words of Dushyanta loads to the greatest joy of his life (97 1994) or meeting with Sakuntala, and who expounds to him the Pratyabhijna doctrine of Abhasa, that explains the riddle of life 164 Love-metaphor, used, to explain the secret of recognition of God's power in man, by the teachers of the Pratyabhujna philosophy and Kalidasa both; see, nate 129 161a Seo note 148, for the conception of Maya as different from that of the Vedanta philosophy, see, 127 (g) (1) 165 In five out of his seven works, Kalidasa is busy in solving the various problems of the Pratyabhijna, see, notes 165-168 With each of his succeeding works (MM, MD, VU, KS Sak) his knowledge of details of the philosophy grows in depth and exactness, which in the Sakuntala, reai hes its perfection, so that Kalidasa is low ready to pray for himself- ममापि च शपयतु नीललोहित. पुनर्भधं । But the 'Agama Vriddha' of Raghuvansa (VI 41) who has no more to write on his favourite theme of lifo, is spared a few more years to pray his favourito deity in terms of his philosophy (वागर्थाविषसंपृक्ती) जगत. पितरौवन्दे पार्वती परमेश्वरो। cf. note 170. The 'Recognitive system of Kashmir was so indelibly rooted in the unind of Knlidasa - hether in huis adventurous diny of youth or in declining old ago, whether he is in a hot county or cold that he always clung to it Through the powers of his art, he managed to preach tho wisdom of that Ka-huirian philosophy which gito wings to his poetry For the Pratz abluijna in the Jalasıbagni Mitra, read मालविका (आत्मगतं), किं नु खलु साम्प्रत भाभणति।

·118 राजा-प्रेष्य 'भावेन नामयं देवीशब्दतमासती । नानीयवस्त्र क्रियया पत्रोणं वोपयुज्यते ॥ M. M. 3, 12. धारणी-भगवति त्वयाभिजनघती मालविकां अनाचक्षाणयाऽसांप्रतम्कृतम् परिवाजकः-इयं पितरि जीवति केनापि सिद्धादेशेन साधुनामत्समक्षादिष्टा संवत्सर मात्र प्रेप्यभारमनुभूय ततः सदृशम गामिनी भविष्यात तदवश्य भाविनं आदेशंअस्या स्त्वत्पादशुश्रूषया परिणमन्तमवेक्ष्य कालप्रतीक्षया मया तत् साधु कृतमिति पश्यामि । राजा-युक्तोपेक्षा। देवी-इदानी आर्यपुत्रःप्रतीच्छतु । राजा-देवि त्वत् शासनाद प्रत्युत्तरावयं। परिवा०-हन्त प्रतिगृहीता। राजा-त्वं मे प्रसाद सुमुखि भव चण्डिनित्य एतावदेव मृगये प्रतिपक्ष हेतोः । M. M. V. 20. Here the 'Siddha Adesha' of the Sadhu stands fo the 'curse' of separation' which brings about ‘non-recognition of Malavika as princess (see note 160). Union as in Sak. (mark Sanumati's spcecli- तद्युक्त मेतत् कालं प्रतिपालयितुम् ।) takes place at a fixed period only after the 'curse' is over and Malavika is pointed out as the princess of Vidarbha (see note 129.) The King is ultimately favoured by the Prasada or Anugraha aspect of Sakti (सुमुखि) whose terrible aspect of obstruction चंडि in the path of union is now exhausted. (of. निषेध व्यापारा शक्तिः 127h.)" In Kalidasa, 'Sumukhi,' here, as well as in Sak. VII 22 (ngê fezatfe À Tafe) stands for the Anugraha aspect of Sakti, while sfs here as well as in (DL. D. U. 41,) stands for the Pidhana (see note, 137.) 166. Pratyabhijna in the Meghaduta:- (1) शापेनास्तंगमितमहिमा । M. D. 1, (2) एतस्मान् मां कुशलिनमभिज्ञानदानाद्विदित्वा माकोलीनाञ्चकितनयने मय्यविश्वासिनी भूः । स्नेहानाहुः किमपिविरहध्यापदस्तेह्यभोग्या दृष्टे वस्तुन्युपक्तिरसाःप्रेमराशी भवन्ति ॥ M. D. U. 49. (8) साभिज्ञान प्रहित कुशलस्तवचोभिर्ममापि प्रातःकुन्दप्रसवशिथिलं जीवितं धारयेथाः ॥ M. D. U. 5a.

·..... - 4. शापान्तोऽमे" शेपानमासान् गमय"लोवनमोलयित्वा rbid 47. Compare with the pratyabhijna. cf. (1) विशुद्धःस्वभावाशवात्मा मायापदेतु संकुचितस्वभावः पशुः । Is. Pr. II. 39. (21 Faith in existence of reality, is instructed-qulacagatan: for the period of 'curse' or separation is bound to be over and as it is said in the V. U.; Anugraha form of Sakti is certain to bring reunion, - अवश्यं किमपि अनुग्रहनिमित्तं भूयोऽपिसमागमकारणं भविष्यति । of. note 131. (8) दूतीप्रेपणारमावस्थानिवेदनाभिः तन्व्या इति विरहकशायाः प्रत्य- भिज्ञानमात्रादानन्दलाभः परिशीलनात् तु संभोगसहस्रप्राप्तिः तथा स्वात्मनि विश्वेश्वरे I see, note 129. (4) Reunion takes place after the fixed period of 'curse' is over, see, note 150. 167. For the Pratyabhijna. in the vikrama Urvasi, read-- चित्र०--ततोभतुरनुनयं अप्रतिपद्यमाना गुरु शाप संमूढ हृदया स्त्रीजन परिहरणीयं कुमारवनं प्रविष्टा । प्रवेशानन्तरं च कारणान्तर परिवर्तिना लताभावेन परिणतं अस्यारूपम् ।। (V.V. IV.) सह०-नास्ति विधेरलंघनीयम्। तस्यानुरागस्य अयं नाम एकपद ईदशोऽनर्थः ॥ सह०--अवश्य किमपिअनुग्रहनिमित्तंभूयोऽपि समागम कारणं भविष्यति (नेपथ्य) वत्स गृह्यतां । संगमनीय इति मणिः | V. V. IV. शैलसुता चरणरागयोनि रयम, आवहति धार्यमाणः संगममं अचिरात् प्रियजनेन ! IV. 36. राजा--(कर्णदत्वा) कोनुखलुमा एवं अनुशास्ति । अये अनुकम्पते मां कश्चिन् मृगचारीमुनिभगवान् ।भगवन् अनुगृहीतोस्म्यहम् उपदेशात् ............... भवतः। राजा-कथं सत्यमेवप्रियतमा। उर्व०-(वाप्पं विसृज्य) जयतु जयतु महाराजः । राजा -स्ववियोगोद्भवे तन्यि मया तमसि मजिता। दिष्टया प्रत्युपलब्धासिचेतनेव गतासुना ॥ IV. 40. *ct. पथवा ईमोऽनुरागोऽमिशाममपेक्षते-Saaumati Sak. VI. t.l. मा मग्यमिवासिनी भूः...."भेषान् मासान् गमय--11. D, ·120 -- राजा-कल्याणि नतावदहं प्रसादयितव्यः। त्वदर्शनादेवप्रसन्नबाह्यान्तः- करणोन्तरात्मा। कथय, कथं इयन्तं कालं अवस्थिता मयाविनाभवती। उर्व०-शृणोतु महाराजः । भगवता कुमारेण कृतश्चैष विधिः, या एतं प्रदेश स्त्री प्रवेक्ष्यति ला लता भावेन परिणस्यति, गौरीचरण संभवं मणिविना ततोनमोक्ष्यत इति-सा हं गुरुशापसमूढहृदया देवतासमयं विस्मृत्यअगृहीतानुनया कुमारवनं प्रविष्टा । प्रवेशानन्तरमेव वासन्ती लता संवृत्ता। राजो- सर्वमुपपन्नम् इदं तद् यथा कथितं, त्वत् संगमनिमित्तं मुनेरुपलभ्य मणिप्रभावादासादिता त्वं अस्माभिः । उर्व०–अहो संगमनीयः। अतःखलु महाराजेन आलिङ्गिलमात्रैव प्रकृतिस्थास्मि संवृत्ता॥ Thus the curse transforms Urvasi into a creeper,—the gat is very well understood by the students of Saivism, to signify शक्तिलता or the power that creeps out, the creative power of God, compare, N. M. 127 यदिच्छयाजगदिदंवर्वतिं सचराचरं यस्यशक्तिलतासेऽयं, सूर्यचन्द्रात्मनः प्रभोः Urvasi, the ufhaat, creeps away and Vainshes out of sight of Vikrama. "Separation' takes place under 'curse', an inviolable necessity-a Vidhi that can not be transgressed. But the hope is held out for the manifestation of 'anugraha' and reunion by some means under it. A certain Muni shows his anugraha to Vikrama, gives him upadesh, and points out the Sangamaniyamani, which serves as a mean of recognition like the Chintamani of the Agama writers- ध्यानादि भावं स्मृतिरेव लब्ध्वा चिन्तामणिस्त्वद् विभवंव्यनक्ति। (Is. Pr. I. quoted p. 120.) y and brings upalabdhi or reunion with its joy (note 133). Urvasi accounts for the whole phenomenon of change by attributing it to forget-fulness cr vismriti of her divine nature under the influence of the inevitable curse , of her preceptor' (गुरुशाप संमूढ़ हृदया विस्मृत्य) Recovery of the original state of union was brought about by the potency of the Sangaminya - AFTAUTATIT The 'son is further united with the parents-The joy of experience is thus narrated-दिष्ट्वा पुत्रस्य युवराजश्रियाभत्रविरहेण वधसे The permanent union with (Sakti) Urvasi, as Vikrama (the brave soul) destroys the enemies of Indra (or Self), -namely the impurities of action aina that stands in the vay of realization of Sakti or God's power. is secured, .

·141 For the Pratyabhijna doctrine, applied to above, see, our notes relating to it 168 Pratyabhijna in the Kumara Sambhava Parvatı sets aside all testing arguments of, Siva in disguise, by the singleness of her devotion- ममात्र भावैकरसंमनः स्थितम् (RS V 82) which leads to His recognition- स्वरूपमास्थाय च तां कृतस्मित समाललम्वेवृषराजकेतन 184 which brings the surpreme joy शैलाधिराजतनया न ययो न तस्थौ । 85 puts an end to all suffering- क्लेश फलेन हि पुनर्नवतां विधत्ते । and ends in reunion or self-realization, when Saktı holds supreme- 31997Raqarşaaiffrera: I see note 169 169 Bagutaratfxaafagia. R. S V. 86 Haaafa yaidat 1 (Sak VII 32) indicate hold of Saktı on Siva, when union by recognition has taken place, cf विश्वस्य हि स्फुटत्वं बाह्यमुन्मेपण, निमेषण तु अस्फुटत्वापादन, तत्र स्फुटत्वे इच्छाशक्ति रीश्वरस्य व्याप्रियते । (Is Pr) Objective reality was an unfoldment of Iccha Saktı- इच्छा शक्तिरेव इत्थविजृम्भते (PS Com Y R) who hating performed her charge of creation reverts to Siva, and in her subjective stato of union with Siva, reigns supreme also see Stein RTI 122n -The worship of the 'mothers which is identical with that of the Sahtis plays a great part in tho Tantra ritual flourishing in Kashmir from ancient times, cf worshipful description of the 'mothers, and of Kalı m KS VIII 38, 39-aatart 170 For the inseparable union of 'Vah' and 'Artha' as Sıva and Parvati, and the philosophic conception of Paravak-Pashyantı etc see, Is Pr I 238 sqq SC com K R. pp 5 also Kuhmir Sauvism by Mr Chatterji pp 4, 5-'All transcending Word (TTTT creating the objective universe, forms a 'vision' (179m 177) which wien difforentiated as 'thig' or 'that' (U9T ITF) leads to tho spoken word or वाक, that 14, thought and experience haft See note 143 and of the pratyabhuijt & teaching-T26970x977 5f51c HITAT prirura., sulfarasti', 775041f4qufa 1 ·122 expressed by means of the vocal organ, for the attainment of which Kalidasa is praying (वागर्थ प्रति पत्तये) to Siva-parvati who are united as one in the transcendental state as ametfangat Thought and experience before they reached the Vaikhari stage, (at which Kalidasa is going to attempt) existed in the form of the Madhyamā vāk of Siva, whence they were taken and recorded as Shiva Sastras; and previous to it they existed in the Pasyanti form--the Avyakta, and ultimately existed in the Paravak, the transcendental unity of Siva and Parvati. 171. Meaning of Dāga in the Pratyabhijna- कथंचिदासाद्य महेश्वरस्य दात्यं जनस्याप्युपकारमिच्छन् । Is. Pr. I. 1,1. Com. महेश्वरस्तस्यदास्यम्-दीयतेऽस्मैस्वामिना सर्व यथाभिलषितं इति दासः तस्यभावः। Kāli a designation of Sakti in the Pratyabhijna- श्रयेत् स्वातन्यशक्तिस्वां साकालीपराकला। स्वातन्त्र्यशक्तिः कलयति पराम- शति,-क्षिपति विसृजति,-गणयतिजानीते च इति-काली, विश्वस्य अन्तर्वहीरूपतया पालनपूरणात्मकत्वात् परा इति । quoted in S.V. 13 The name Kalidasa is significant-as it designates the great · faith of our poet which marks his whole poetry, as the name Vyasadasa is significant in the case of Kshemendra who did the work of a Vyasa in writing an abridged Mahabharata- महाभारत मखरी 171a. Saivism of Kalidasa is marked with the worship of Sakti which form of Saivism, is current in Kashmir from the days of Nilmat to the present-times and to which form of Saivism, according to the Kashmirian tradition, the great Sankaracharya, who lived in the 8th cent. A. D. was also converted when he visited Kashmir, cf. in Kalidasa - जगतः पितरौ वन्दे पार्वतीपरमेश्वरी। the name Kalidasa itself; Siva's address to Paryati अद्यप्रभृत्यवनताङ्गितवास्मिदासः। the old Kashyapa's message to Sakuntala- भर्तर्यपेततमसि प्रभुता तवैव । the general behaviour of the heroes towards their heroines- प्रसादमाकाङ्क्षतियस्तवोत्सुकः स किं त्वयादासजन: प्रसाद्यते । V.U. III. 13. आत्मानं तेचरणपतितं यावदिच्छामिकर्तुम् (M. D. U. 42.) ............. इति पादयोः पतति', all follow from the Pratyabhijna doctrine of Sakti as - ·172 123 हृदयं परमेष्ठिना, इच्छाशकि:व्याप्रियते । see, note 169, 127d The verses reveal the poet's own mood at the time, in that connection verse 44 is important- त्वामालिख्यमणयकुपितां धातुरागै.शिलायां आन्मान ने चरणपतित यावदिच्छामि कतु । अस्पैस्तावन मुहुरुपचित्तैदृष्टिरालुप्यते मे यूरस्तस्मिन्नपि न सहते संगम नौ कृतान्तः ॥ MD. U. 42. गामाकाशप्रणिहितभुजं निर्दयामलेपहेतो लब्धायास्ते कथमपि मया स्वप्नसंदर्शनेषु । पश्यन्तीनां न खलु बहुशो न स्थलीदेवतानां मुक्तास्थूलास्तरुकिसलयेवभुलेशाम्पतन्ति ॥ AM. D. U. 43 भिस्वासद्यःकिसलयपुटान्देवदारुगुमाणां येतत्क्षीरसुतिसुरभयो दक्षिणेन प्रवृत्ताः। आलिङ्गयने गुणधति मया ते तुपाराद्रिवाता: पूर्व स्पृष्ट यदिकिल भवेदनमभिस्तवेति | AM D. U. 44 For Wilson's remark, see Wilson's Meghaduta For the home sick condition of mind and the home in the Himalayas, see, note 172 The breezes fragrant with the juice of the Deva daru trees on the Himalayas, touching the of the Yakshas' wife (enjoyed by Kalidasa at home in company with his wife) are remembered with a fine delicacy and described with a real pathos also marked by the concluding line of the Meghaduta- मा भूदेव क्षणमपि च ते विद्युता विप्रयोग ॥ The Yaksha of Kalidasa is on all points the same as the one bnown to the Kashmirian tradition only Note the double-character of Yahshas in Kashmir, as in the Meghaduta, zemi-divine and human as attendants of tho mythical Kuvera, their worship current in Kashmir, known to the Kashmirian tradition as troublesome at Alakı cf Thun yagfagit (Bilhana, V DC XVIII 16) note for further mythical dis. cription of the Yahshas by the Kashmirian rriter Bulhana V DC XVIII 55 धृत्वा काक्षित् कनक कपिशाः कौतुकायतकन्याः । प्रत्यागच्छन् धनपतिपुगदुत्तरं मानस यः॥ 178 174 176 ·124 As human beings, Yakshas are said to be the sons of Kashyapa, the founder of Kashmir यताश्चराक्षसाश्चैव खसायास्तनया:स्मृताः । N. M. 72. Ancient Kashmir, was occupied by the Yakshas, R. T, BKI. 184. Yaksha--modern 'yachha', a popular family-name in Kashmir that is still current-the 'Raja Pandit' of the late Maharaja of Kashmir belonged to the Yaksha-Yachha family. Numerous sites of Yakshas are scattered in Kashmir. For some of their known residences in Kashmir, note, Yachha-gram or 4974 in Kashmir, Yaksha-dara (R. T. V. 87), the residence of Yaksha at the ancient site of Pravarapura (R.T. III 49), the happy families of Yaksha and Yakshis, known to the Kashmirian tradition- EFEITOTTATOTTTT FRIES HIFTI AR K. S. S. 66, 10, 20. Yaksha, without a wife, living in a rock in Kashmir- यक्षः शिलायां बलवान् ब्रह्मचार्यत्र तिष्ठति । Yakshas' cleft or Yachha-dara already noted, Stein II 403, 420. Yakshas gave trouble in ancient Kashmir and they were driven out: the ancient Kashmirian tradition is recorded by Kalhana thus: आयेनचन्द्रदेवेन शमितो यक्षविप्लवः । द्वितीयेन तु देशेऽस्मिन् दुःसहोभिक्षुविप्लवः ॥ R. T. 1, 184. Thus the identity of the Yaksha of Kalidasa with the typical Yaksha of Kashmir is complete. 176. For the Haramukut Mt. see note 22, 34, also see Stein R.T. II, 407 Tę the East of the Dudakhut pass, rising to close on 17000ft. we reach the mountain mass of the Haramuk peaks whose ancient name is Haramukuta or Siva's diadem. This is explained by a legend related in the Haracharit Chintamani (H. C. C. IV 62 sqq.) Their height is supposed to be Siva's favourite residence. Hence Kashmirian tradition stoutly maintains that human feet can not reach the peak's summit. Note below the Kashmirian legend in the H.C.C., of Siva's visit to the Haramukuta, adopted as his permanent place of residence by Siva with his attendants and their chief Nandi and with the Ganga. The mountain henceforth designated as the Kailasa; compare this and the Nilmat legend (1231 sqq.) with the Clouds' journey to the Kailasa in the Meghaduta. (Siva addresses Parvati.) तस्मात् त्वत् संनिधानेन कश्मीराः पवनीकृताः । संस्पर्धते न सोमीभिर्ब्रह्मलोकोऽपिसुन्दरि ॥ H. C. C. 4,28.

·125 - एवं विधेषु कश्मीरेवेप तिष्ठति वीरकः। तदेहि देविगच्छावस्तदालोकन वाञ्छ्या ॥ 29. इत्युक्त्वा सह पार्वत्या जगाम परमेश्वरः। वीरकालोकनोत्कण्ठानिर्भरो नन्दिपर्वतम् ॥ 30. अथ नन्दुिसमीपं प्रेप्सुर्दैवीमभापत । अस्मत्प्रवेशान्मार्गोऽसावुत्तरोऽस्तुमहापथः 433. अस्मिन् गिरौत्वयादेवि मदर्थिन्यातप कृतं । श्यामं वपुः परित्यज्य गौरीमूर्तिश्च निर्मिता ॥ 40. इत्युक्ते शंभुना देवी प्रत्युवाच सविस्मया । इदानीमपि न प्राप्ता क्यं यत्र स वीरकः ।। 66. उवाच स विभुर्देवि क्लान्तासि विसृजश्रमम् । इह प्रविश्य तन्मार्गमहमालोकयेऽग्रतः ॥ 57. अथ गन्छन् पुरोदेवः पर्वतं वृद्धिगामिनं । क्रोधेन मुण्डितं चक्रे वामपादेन शंकरः ।।59. एतद्हरस्य मुकुट मिति विश्वत्र विश्रुतः। 69. इत्युक्तवति देवेशे नन्दीसानन्दमानसः जलमध्यगत शम्भु प्रगिपत्रेद मब्रवीत् ।। 77-78. इदंभगवन् याचे लोकानुग्रहकाम्यया । इदैनन्धुदकतीर्थ सर्वत्रैव प्रसिद्धधतु ॥ 81. तेऽपि भूतगणा देव भूयासुर्भवदाज्ञया । *भूतेश्चरा भिधानेन, तेषां चस्यामह पतिः ॥ 85 मया यत्र तपस् तप्तं तत् कैलास समं कुरु ! 86 पतन् महत् सरः शर्व भूयादुत्तरमानसम् ।। 87 यस्पर्शादमालोक्यं पापिनोऽपित्वदाया। तवमूर्धच्युतागंगा स्थितामुफुटपर्वते ॥ 88 सा जगत् पापशमनी मामोतृत्तरमानसम् । ये ये पिवन्ति तद्वारि तेतेयान्तु परांगतिम् ।। 89. इतितस्याभिलापं धूर्जटिः प्रत्यपद्यत ।। 900 *For identification of the Bhuteshvara' padain in the KS, co note 22 ·126 177. For the climate of Kashmir, its mountain - barriers . of clonds from the South, see Stein R. T. II 426. Lawrence p. 24 SI. Note Alberuni's statenient-When the heavy clouds reach the mountains which enclose Kashmir on the south, the mountain sides strike against them and the clouds are pressed like olives 'or grapes'. In consequence, 'the rain pours down and the rains never pass beyond the mountains'. Hence, a different route for the Cloud in the Meghaduta. 178. For Siva's journey to Kashmir see N. M. 1231 sqq. Also compare, H.C.C. version of Sivas's journey to the Kashmirian Kailasa or Haramukuta, note 176. For Brahmāvarta Kurukshetra M. D. verse 48, compare, Naimish Kurukshetra N. M. 1238. For Kanakhal or Ganga Dvara M. D. 50. cf. Ganga Dvara N. M. 1238. For Visnu pada, Hansadvara M. D. 57. cf. Visnupada N.M. 1239, Hansadvara 1256. For Manas lake M. D. 62 cf. Manas N.M. 1320.. 4 179. Note the incident in the M. D. 54 that is pointed as taking place immediately before the Cloud reaches the Hansadvara on its way to the Kailasa. ये संरम्भोत्पनरभसोः स्वाङ्ग भङ्गाय तस्मिन् . मुक्तावानंसाद शरभा लड़धयेयुर्भवन्तम्। तान्कुर्वीथा स्तुमुलकरकावृष्टिपातावकीर्णान् के वा नस्युः परिभवपदं निष्फलारम्भयत्नाः ॥ and compare it with the incident in the N. M. (1246—1247) that took place immediately before Siva reached the Hansadavara on his way to the Kashmirian Kailasa. आरुरोह यदाशैलं तथा देवो महेश्वरः । तदा वृद्धिमगात् शैलो महती भूरि दक्षिणः ॥ वर्धमानंतु तं ज्ञात्वा श्रान्त्वा क्रद्धो महेश्वरः । रूपं कृत्वामहद्घोरं तदा मूर्धन्यताडयत् ॥ तदा प्रभृतिशैलोऽसौ मुण्डपृष्ठः प्रकीर्तितः ॥ also compare H. C. C. (59) for which, see, note 176. Sarabha is the name of a demon in the H. C. C. VII, who was killed by Siva's power given to Visnu. Visnu prays to Siva, भगवन् बाधते देवान् शरभो नाम दानवः (29) Siva helps Visntu, 'who kills the demon.

·127 तस्थाभीष्ट सनिष्पाद्य महादेवस्तिरोधे। हरिश्चक्रेण शरभं जघान च महाबलम् ॥ The Clond is charged with pouter by Kalidasa, the worshipper of Siva to do the same-if it meets the Sarabhas. 180. Parvati could not climb up the hill---- हित्वा तस्मिन् भुजगवलयं शंभुनादत्तहस्ता । क्रीडो शैले यदिचधिचरेत् पादचारेणगौरी। भङ्गी भक्तयो विरचितवपुः स्तम्भितान्तर्जलौधः। सोपानत्वं कुरु मणितटारोहणायाप्रयायी ॥ M. D. 60 of. Nilmat. पतान् सर्वानतिक्रम्य प्रययौ भरतं गिरि। तस्यभूलं अथासाद्य देव्यैवचनमब्रवीत् । इहैवतिष्ठ तावतत्वमह यास्याम्यतः परं॥ 1241. यथा त्वं समर्थासि सकुमारासिदेवियत् । अरोदुं तेन यास्येऽहं एक एवाधसत्वरः ॥ 1243 वृषेण सहितो देघि पर्वतेस्मिन् हि यः पथा । करोत्यारोहणं तस्य महत् पुण्य फलं स्मृतम् ॥ 1242. also compare H. C. C. 66, 57, note 178. 181 Haramukuta blessed by Siva by his residence and named Kailasa. (tiote 176.) मया यत्र तपस्तप्तं तत् कैलास समं कुरु । H. C. C. 86. इति तस्याभिलापं धूर्जटिः प्रत्यपद्यत ॥ 90. Haramukuta or Siva's daidem is supposed to be Siva's favourite residence. Kashmirian tradition stoutly maintains that human feet can not reach the peak's summit, see, Steins interesting personal note on it, Stein R. T. Vol. II 107. 12n. 182. For Manasa lake on the Kailasa Mt.- हेमाम्भोज प्रसविसलिल मानसस्याददानः M. D. 621. see note 176:- एतन महत् सरः शर्व भूयादुत्तरमानसम् ॥ यत्स्पर्शात् रुद्रसालोक्यं पापिनोऽपित्वदाया। तव मूर्धपुतागङ्गा स्थितामुकुटपर्वते॥ साजगत् पापशमनी प्रामोतूत्तरमानसम् । ये ये पिवन्ति तदारिते ते यान्तु परांगति ।

·इति तस्याभिलाषं धूर्जदिः प्रत्यपद्यत ॥ H. C. C. (87---90) Bilhana also writes (V. D. C. XVIII 55) उत्तरमानसं ", दत्ताश्लपहरमुकुटतात्रस्तयानाकनद्याः । हेमाजानाम कृतवसति मानसादाहतानां । For Uttaramanasa lake on the Haramukuta or Kashmirian Kivilasa, see, R.T.BK. III 448 and Stein's note on this, which in agreement with the above note of H.C.C.. and Bilhana, identifies, it with the sacred Ganga lake of the Haramukuta, see our noto 67. Uttaramanas as situated on the Haramukuta is also inentioned in the Nilmata, 1320, a plunge in its waters is recommended (N. M. 145+); like the Cloud, Siva takes his bath thore (N. DI. 1314), Like the manas lake of the MI. D. the Kashmirian manas lake is also noted for its golden lotuses. As the Kailasa of the Meghaduta is the Haramukuta of Kashmir, its danasa lake is the Uttara-Manasa of the Haramukuta, with its golden lotuses, identified with the Haramukuta Ganga lake, in whose sacred waters the Cloud is asked to take a plunge, as Siva did in the Nilmat. 183. For Alakaa as the ideal town of beauty, see, R. P. XVI 10- स्वौकसारामभिभूयसाई..। . ܝ Kalhana also compares Kashmir with Alaka R. T. I, 30, see, pp. 44. Bilhana also sends king Ananta to Alaka कर्तु की सिलकमलकागोपुराणांगतेन । V. D. C. XVIII. 35. Alaka is thus the ideal name of the native city of Kalidasa Yaksha in 1E.D. 184. For characteristics of ancient Kashmirian towns - Lofty houses with Vātāyanas, gardens, springs, and ridges, see Kalhena:-- विद्या वेश्मानितुंगानि कुङ्कुमं सहिमपयः । R. 'T. 1, 42, ते तत्रालिहासौधा यानद्यारुह्यदृश्यते । वृष्ठिस्निग्धं निदाधान्ते चैत्रेचोकुसुमं जगत् ॥ R. T. III. 359. दृष्टः क्रीडानगोन्यत्र न मध्ये नगरं क्वचित् । यतः सर्वोकसां लक्ष्मीः संलक्ष्या ग्रुपथादिव ॥ R. T. III. 361. also see, Bilhana's description cf Kashmir उत्तुंगानां मणिग्रहभुवां यत्रा वातायनेषु ॥ V.D.C. XVIII. 4.

·129 यस्मिन् किंचिन्नत दुपवनं यत्र नो केलि वापी नेपावापी न विषमधनुष्कार्मणां यत्र रामाः । नासौ रामा मनसिज कथा घात भग्ना युवानः कामं यस्यां न निविडतर प्रेमवन्धेपतन्ति | Ibid. 20. compare the above description of Kashmir with the description of Alaka in the Meghaduta, note, यावः काले बहतिसलिलोद्गरमुच्चैर्विमानाः। M. D. 63. मणिमयभुवस्तुंगमभ्रंलिहाग्राः, प्रासादायत्र । MD. U.1. पश्य, सौधवातायनस्थः। M. O. U. 26 वैभ्राजाख्यं विवुधवनिताचारमुख्या सहाया। वद्धालापा बहिरुपवनं कामिनो निर्विशन्ति ॥ Ibad. 8. वापी चास्मिन् मरक्तशिला वद्धसोपानमार्गा। Ibid 13, तस्यास्तीरे रचितशिखर: पेशल रिन्द्रनीलैः॥ क्रीडाशैलः Ibid 14 185. Description of the Kailasa in the M D. गत्वाचोर्ध्व दशमुखभुजोच्छ्वासित प्रस्थसंधे, कैलासस्य त्रिदशवनिता दर्पणस्यातिथिःस्याः । शृङ्गोच्छ्रायः कुमुदविशयों वितत्यस्थितः खं । राशी भूतः प्रतिदिनमिव इयम्वकस्याट्टहासः ॥ AL. D. 8. सद्यः कृत्त द्विरद दशनच्छेद गौरस्य तस्य । M. D. 59. The first line suggests the summits of the mountain parcelled as at uere, the second line describes the summits as tho abode of gods, and suggests that no human feet can tread them, the third line points out that the peaks are very lofty, and tho fourth line and the following line suggest that the peaks aro always covered with snow. The description of tho lower hills of the Kailasa not only shors its surface as of dark blue colour (vide aboys 11 DU. 14) रचितशिखरः पेशेलरिन्द्रनीलैः॥ but 18 also based on the Kashmirian tradition of ores of indianu tho Haramukuta the Kashmirian Kailasa, see, Lawrenco p. 14. Now M. D 60 describes tho Kailasa, whero Siva and Parvatı go out for a tirp हित्यातस्मिन् भुजगवलयं शंभुनादचहस्ता। क्रीडाशैले यदि च विचरेत् ५ । . on or ·130 and which has a Janas lake over it- हेमाम्भोजप्रसविसलिलं मानसस्याददानः । 11. D. 62 On the lap of the mountain is spreading the Ganga. तस्योत्सङ्गे प्रणयिन इव उत्तगङ्गादुकूला ॥1. D. 63. The abore description of Kailasa agrees with the Haramukuta \ſt. which as residence of Sira (NI. 1231 sqq.) is notad as Kailasa--anatos, in the Kashmirian legend of the H.C. C. (see note 176). Stein's description of the Haramukia mountain agreeing with the description of the Kailasa in the 1. D. is noted below: To the East of the Dud: khnt pass, the summits of the range gradually jise hiyher and higher until we reach the great inountain mass of the Haramukura peaks. Rising to close on 170GO pi. surrounded by glaciers of considerable size these peaks dominate the view topards che north from a great part of the Kashmir Falley. Sacred legends hare clustered round them from early times. The ancient name of the peaks is Haramukuia or Siva's diadem. This is explained by a legend related in the Haracharit chintamani. Their height is supposed to be Siva's farourite residence. Hence, Kashmirian tradition stourly nonntains that human feei can noi reach the peak's Simmii. The lake which lies at the foot of the X. E. glacier at a level of over Over 13CCO feet is looked upon 23 the true source of the Kashmir Gange 0Sint riter and is bence known as Ctrara Ganga (or the Irira llansa lake, see note 67). Stein's abore description or the Šaranakuta mountain egrees with the description of Kailasa in 1. D.-ike the Kailasa, the Haramakuta has loity peaks that are never montonous and are raried in size (see Lawrence p.14) and parcelled as it rere (Teigtaatio Heat:) and corered with snow, where no human .teet can reach as Sira and Parvati live there. For Sira's journey with Parvaii and cheir siey on the Haramukuta mount blessed with the name of Kailasa, see, our Lote 176, legend of H. C. C. and ci. N.-J. 1231 sqq. For the identification of the Titara Ganga with the Uttara Vanas labe see R.T. BR. 3:18 viih Stein's note, and V.I. 1320 1314 1151 and onr note 132. The Ganga thich according to tradition has its sources in the Uttara Gange or the Haramukura Ganga actually dots past the lower ridges-357" of the Haramukut Vt. see Stein R. T. Bk. I. 57n.--The Sindh or the Kashmir Ganga drains the mountain ranges to the north of the ralles from Dras to the Haramakut.) Again the hills of the Kailasa are described in the Veghaduta, ias-being studded with satira, ·131 तस्यास्तीरे रचितशिखरः पेशलैरिन्द्र नीलः, क्रीडा शैलः 1 1 DU 14 No doubt, mountains in Kashmir are popularly known as having plenty of sapphire ores but in this connection it would be interesting to note the description of the Indra Nila stone on the summit of a hill of the Kailasa mount and compare it with the popular Kashmirian belief which puts Indra miaka on the Haramukuta mountain or the Kashmirian Kailasa Seo Lawrence p. 14 - 'Haramukuta-the grim mount, which guards the Valley of the Sindh, on it the legend says the snow only ceases to fall for one week in july, and men believe that the gleam from the zein of green emerald (pagatax) in the sunmit of the mount, (note trqafuer. in the Meghaduta) renders all poisonous snakes harmless 186 Compare agaidlas affaaynar framUTA..... ***M D. 47 with M D U 10- मत्वादेव धनपतिसखं यत्र साक्षाद् वसन्तं । प्रायश्चापं न घहतिभयाद् मन्मथ पट्पदज्यं ॥ Of the two descriptions, it is the latter that seems to give a clue to the home of Kalıdasa, for it indicates married-love at homo that is free from báma 186a } तत्रागारंधनपतिगृहादुत्तरणास्मदीयं । 187 दूरालक्ष्य सुरपति धनुश्वारुणा तोरणेन ॥ H D U 12. The Toranas so as to be seen at a distance, bearing tho shape of Indra's rainbow constitute the style of building in ancient Kashmir The house ef Yaksha is situated at a short distance-397497 Tah) from the temple of Kuveri, sec, noto 190-192 For bold trefoiled' arches enclosed in highpitched pediments see Arch Sur of Ind (1915-16) Prom muhumedan monuments of Kashmir, by Daya Ram Sahm For the imposing structure of the gatey 23 of the Kashmirian buildings see, Lawrence Ch VI The Kashmirian architecture with its lofty pediments and it elegant trofoild archways may be classed as a distinct tylo -Bate's Gazetcer,'also sec, Fergusson on Kashmirian architec ture For resemblance of the lofty trefoiled arches of Kashmir with rainbow, also seo, pp 15 189 Paprs in Kashmir वापी चास्मिन् मरफतशिला वद्धसोपानमार्गा। हेमेश्छन्ना विकचकमले। See PP 3 p 49, 53 .....................

·Bilhana, writes of Kashmir:- यस्मिन् किंचिन्नतदुपयनं यन नोकेलिवापी | V. D. C. 20. Abundance of pink ļilies in lakes of Kashmir is well-known, The Vāpi in the M.D. is said to be at the foot of a hill सस्यास्तीरे रचितशिखर, क्रीडाशैल: 1 M. D. U. 14. The most charming lake with its pink țilies and clear water screened behind a mountain is the Manas Bala in Kashmir. But the Vāpi or the spring in question, we shall identify later. 189. Alaka with the Sankha and the Padma: द्वारोपान्ते लिखितवपुषौ शहपझौचदृष्ट्वा । M. D. U. 17 note, Kashmir with the Sankha and the Padma, compared with Alaka by Kalhanam शङ्खपप्रमुखैन गर्नानारत्नावभासिभिः । नगरं धनदस्येव निधिभिर्यनिषेव्यते ॥ R. T, I, 30. 1902 For the topographical sign-pasts of Alaka in the M. D., compare the following topographical description of Manigam in Kashmir, by Stein. - Cf. the Kailasa, M. Kailasa, M. D. 58 with the Haramukuta; the manas lake M. D. 62 with the Haramukuta-Ganga-lake, also see note 182; of. Alaka on the bank of Ganga M. D. 63. with Mayagram on the bank of Ganga noted below; cf. Siva's residence and Kuvera's temple round Alaka M. D. U. 10, 12, with Bhutesh in the vioinity of Manigam and the ruins of a temple round it, cf. the spring in Alaka M. D. U. 13, and the situation of the spring at the foot of a hill, with the Vutasan Nag at the foot of a high alp round Manigam. For Mayagrama see Stein R.T. Vol. II: 489:- District of Lahara— comprises the whole of the Valleys drained by the Sind Kashmir Ganga) and its tributaries as well as the alluvial tract on the right bank of that river after its entry into the great Kashmir plain. It is probable that the great trade-oute to Ladakh into central Asia, which passes through the district added already in old times to its zealth and importace of. Alaka's fourishing condition in M. D.) In the midst of the vide water-logged tract of the Sindh Delta we find the ancierit Tirtha of Tula Mulya....tho large spring of Pula Mulya is sacred to Maharajni, a form of Durga, and is still held in great veneration. ... About two and half miles to the east of Tula Vulya lies the village of Dugdhasramą on the main branch of the Sindh (Ganga) which here beoomes first navigable... 191. JAYAGRAV4-Ascending the valley we come to the larga village of Manigam (Hayagrama) situated at a short distance from the right bank of the river (Ganga) 74° 52' long. 34°17' lat.

·133 (cf. TETESI II.D 63, note 187) It is the Vay igrima of Kalhania s chronicle mentioned in coniiection with a campaign of Blukshachura in Labara (R T VIII 729) In the time of King Sangrama raj? (4 D 1003 28, Mayagrim? gave its name to a separate fund (FUTİT 13 ) which Queen Su lelho had established evidently with the recenu assigned from this village (R. T VII 126) Manigam-Nayagrama still ons a luige area of excellent rice fields (see pp2+) The village itself contains no ancient remains But a short distance abovo it, at the foot of the spui (cf. JETTET STERIS. I MI. D. 14 note 185 ) which leads up to a high alp known as Mohand Harg, there is an ancient stone lined tank (cf arnafha74991awin. I J D. U 13, note 188) filled by a fine spi ing known as Vutasan Nag This is visited as a Thitha by the Brahmans of the neighbourhood and 1> also mentioned under the name of Uecache sana Vaya in the Haramuluta and several other Mahatmyas About a mile above the idla je the high road leading up the Valley pisses & shapeless mound af large slabs which undoubtedly belonged to au ancient temple (cf. Jamie Tagfare Tip II. DU. 12 see note 186a 187) About four miles above Vanigrm, a small branch of the Kanala vahını river flows into the Sindh (Ganga) The Kanaha Vahini (cf tafakarai HighTT I SAK. VII) * This is explained by the cooden architecture in Kashmir see, Stein IT, 44 "The city of Kalhana s own time still bozteel of 'mansions which reached to the clouds,' (cf with Kalidas 1, our note 181) (saffini, sra festa1 FIATE of Alaka, J1.D 63. JIDU 1) built uo doubt mostly of wood just as tho may or privato houses in nodern Srinagar Both Virza Hauler und Abal Faza) spaah admiringly of the many lofty honsey, of bringar built of pine wood This material was used then as nov, as being cheip and moro sucuro against carth qush According to Unza Huder, 'Iost of thic e llou-c4 nro at lea. five storics high and cach story contuny apartments lo gallerlts and tower ce Tarhh i llisauds P 12) Ik. miss of prate altellingu in Srinagar 24 already in con files constructed of sood 19 shoes by Rajat VIII b 1 ·1341 / is a sacred river as it carries down the waters of the holy Ganga lake below the Haramukrta (cf. the Kailasa of the D.D. and the Manas lake, note 185)... .Onr survey has alreadly taken as to the sacred sites of Bhuteshvara (cf. मत्वादेवंधनपतिसखं यत्रसादावसालं । M. D. U. 10.) marked by the rnined temples high up in the Kanaka Vahini Valley. They are closely connected with the Tirthas of Nandikslietra below the lluramukite glaciers. (cf. & TITTESSILI K. S. note 22. ) The village of Vangath, which is the highest permanently inliabited place in this Valley, lies about tio miles below Bhutesvala. It is named Vasistha asrama in the Mahatmyas and believed (cf. FINIH R. V.1 za 7914eqaf il note 25.) to mark the residence of the Risi Vasistha. Allusions in the Raja Turangini and the Nilmat show that this legendary location is of old dato. 192. In the Kashinirian tradition (H.C.C. 13) Maya appears as a firm devotee of Siva (aufruttaa: who worships "Siva linga' at his residenoe- (यस्यवेश्मनि माहेशं लिङ्गं.सन्निहितं सदा) which was demolished by the Daityas who praotised Buddhism (मचार्चितं च तल्लिङ्गमानीय कचनस्थले। अक्षिपन् क्रूरकर्माणः शिववैमुख्यशंसिनः ॥) with the above compare, Mayagra ma, with the relics of a temple (can there be one of Siva ?) noted by Stein; Mayagrama already identified by us with Alaka of M.D. about which it is said मत्वा देवं धनपतिसखं यत्रसालाद्वसन्तम् । For Maya as architect known to MBH., see Dowson's Dictionary of Hindu mythology pp. 207. Yakshas noted as great builders in Kashmir, cf. स हि कारयितु यौर्यततेस्म स्वभण्डले । दीनिश्ममयान् सेतू स्तोयविप्लवशान्तये ॥ R. T. I. 159. 1192a. For Hiranyapura, ancient capital of Kashmir, see, note 49. 193. For Alaka, the characteristic Kashmirian town, and occupations of-its people.cf., Bilhana's description of Kashmir, see, Appendix C. also Kalhana's desoription of Kashmir, see, Appendix B.-- also.cf. the Nilmat description of Kashmir appendix A. vy. 33 sqq. For drinking in ancient Kashmir cf. note 73, for happy life of Yakshas.in ancient Kashmir, see note 175., for buildings, gardens,.ridgeş, springs, see, note 184.

·135 ............... 194. Poem addressed to his wife (fa) by Kalidasa:- निदाधकालोऽपमुपागतः प्रिये, धनागमः कामिजनप्रियः प्रिये। वरोरुकालं शिशिसिहयशृणु, वसन्तयोद्धासमुपागतः प्रिये ॥ 195! Blessings of the summer at-R. S. I. 28. बजतुतवनिदायः कामिनीभिः समेतो । निशिसुललितगीतहर्म्यपृष्ठे सुखेन । suggest that, Kalidasa when living in the hot country is away from home. during the summer; as well as in winter cf. R V.16. Allusions to husbands and vives separated from each other that constantly occur in the R. S. reveal the poet's own state of mind- तुदन्तिचेतः प्रसभंप्रवासिनां । R. S. 2. 4. स्थिता निराशाः प्रमदाः प्रवासिनाम् ॥ R. S 2. 12. हरन्ति वेतो युगपत् प्रवासिनाम् | R. S. 219. अपहृतमिव वेतस्तोवदैःसेन्द्रचापैः। पधिकजनवधूनां तद्वियोगाकुलानां। 2.22. परिहरति नभस्वान् प्रोपिताना मनांसि 2.29. चमाश्चचारुकमलावृतभूमिभागाः । प्रोत्कण्ठयन्ति न मनोभुविकस्ययूनः ॥ 3, b. पत्युर्वियोगविपदिग्धशरक्षतानां चन्द्रोदहत्यतितरां तनुमङ्गनानां । 9 यूनां मनश्चलयति प्रसभं नभस्वान् ॥ 3. 9. उकएठयंन्ति सहसा हृदयं ससंसि । ३. 11. प्रोत्कण्ठयत्युपवनानिमनासि साम् ॥ 3. 14. कल्हारपद्म कुमुदानिमुहुर्विधुन्वन् । उत्कण्ठयत्यतितरां पवनः प्रभाते 23. 16. कुमुदमपिगतेस्तं लीयते चन्द्रविन्वे । दसितमिववधूनां प्रोपितेपुप्रियेपु ॥ 3. 23. अधररुचिरशोभा वन्धुजीवेप्रियायां। पथिकजन इदानी रोदितिनान्तचिचः ॥ 3. 21. मार्गसमीदयातिनिरस्तनीर प्रयासपिन्नं पतिमहन्त्यः।

·136 कनककमलकान्तैः सद्यएवाम्बुधौतैः श्रवणतटविविक्तैः पाटलोपान्तनेऔः । उपसि वदनविम्बैरंससंसक्तकेशैः श्रियइवगृहमध्येसंस्थितायोपितोऽद्य ॥ 5. 13. कान्तामुख द्युतिनुषामपिचोद्गतानां । शोभांपरां कुरबक द्रुममञ्जरीणां । दृष्ट्वा प्रिये सहदयस्य भवेन्नकस्य । कंदर्पवाणपतनव्यथितं हि चेतः ॥ 6. 19. नेत्रे निमीलयति रोदिति याति शोकं । नाणं करण विरुद्ध विरौतिचोच्चः॥ कान्तावियोगपरिखेदित चित्त वृत्तिः । दृष्ट्वाध्वगः कुसुमितान् सहकारवृक्षान् ॥ 6. 27, अभिमुखमभिवीक्ष्य क्षामदेहोऽपिमार्गे। मदनशरनिघातै महिमेति प्रवासी ॥ 6. 29, 196. We observe in note 195 that the R. Si describes objects · which fill the poet's mind with anxious desire.-उत्सुकयन्तिचेत;, and that there are certain objects of no extraordinary beauty which excite longing-उठकण्ठयन्ति, in the mind of Kalidasa: might it not specially be due to the home-associations of the objects such as lotuses (37) lakes (3:11) gardens (3•14) morning breezes fragrant with lilies (3:15) that are precisely the things so conspicuous in Kashmir? In the yerse 5:13 the poet recalls to his mind the practice which can be well:understood to be common only in an excessively cold country. Is the poet thinking thus of his own wife at home--रहमध्ये in Kashmir, and her lotus-like face. In the verse VI 19, 27, 29 the poet in confidence to his wife seems to relate the love-sick condition of his heart, when he is away form home, but, in vv. 27, 29, gives proof of his fidelity to her and thus supports her. 197. Blessings for enjoyments of gifts of seasons to husbands and wives at home are marked with & ring of private grief in Kalidasa though he is entirely free from jealousy. नजतुतवनिदाघः कामिनीभिः समेती निशि सुललितगीत हर्म्यपृष्ठेसुखेन । R. S. I. 28. प्रियजनरहितानां चित्तसंतापहेतुः । शिशिरसमय एवं श्रेयसे वोऽस्तुनित्यं ॥ V. 16, .

·137 198. Hot winds, dust, and excessive heat,-- असावातोद्धतरेणुमण्डला, प्रचण्डसूर्यातप तापितामही ॥ नशक्यतेद्रष्टुमपिप्रवासिभि, प्रियावियोगानलदग्धमानसः॥ RS. I. 10 Kalidasa never met these things at his home in Kashmir He considers himself a 'Pravasi' in a 'hot country'. 199 For the homesick condition of the poet's mind, see, note 195 (RSVI 19, 27, 29.) 200. Compare, श्यामालताः कुसुममारनतप्रवालाः । R. S. 3. 18. स्त्रीणां विहायवदनेषु शशाङ्कलक्ष्मीः ।। 25. भ्रूविभ्रमाश्चरुचिरास्तनुमिस्तरङ्गैः 17. with श्यामास्वतं, वक्तच्छायांशशिनि"."नदीवीचिपुन विलासान"" M. D.U.41, : -... ... 201. First appearance of Kalidasa on stage - मा तावत्" "प्रथितयशसां .'भाससौमिल्लकविपुत्रादीनां प्रयन्धानतिक्रम्य वर्तमानकः कालिदासस्य क्रियायां कथं परिपदोवहु मानः। पश्य ! पुराणमित्येवजसाधुसर्व नचापिकाव्यं नवमित्यवद्यम् । सन्त परीक्ष्योन्यतरद्भजन्ते मूढ परप्रत्ययनेयबुद्धिः ॥ IM 1.2 202. Composition of the RS took place when Kalidasa was living on the Vindhyas वनानि चैन्ध्यानि हरन्ति मानसं । R. S 2. 8. जलधरविनतानामाश्रयोऽस्माकमुचे रयमिति जलसेकै स्तोयदा स्तोयनम्राः अतिशयपरुपाभिग्रामवहः शिखाभिः । समुपजनिततापं हादयन्तीव चिन्भ्यम् ॥ R. S. 2. 27. This taken together with I 10, (note 198) clearly suggests that the Vindhya regions can not be the home of Kalida-a vho as a Pravāsı complains against their hot climate 203. M. V 1 shows familiarity with the gardens of Vidisa-- नयसि विदिशातीरोद्यानेपनङ्ग इबागवान् । and manners and dress of the Vidarbha country, Jalavala, the Vidarbha princess appears- अनतिलम्बिदुकूलनिवासिनो V. 1.

·139 201. For way from Kashmir to India and from India to Kashmir, cf note 61. "The direct route from Kashmir into Hazara at present crosses the Kishna Ganga river above its junction with the Vitasta at Muzaffarabad (Stein R. T. Bk. V. 217 n.) *The Krishna Gangn which on its route discussed in note V. 217 has to be crossed above the present Muzaffarabad in order to reach Urasa the modern Flazara" (lbid Bk. VII, 086n). 205. Reference to the Indus Valley- योसौ. मया"निरर्गलस्तुरगो विस्टा ससिन्धोदक्षिणरोधसि चरन. garai #aaa gifünt: I MDI. VII. 206. Buhler writing on the wandering life of the Pandits states that besides the courts of princes the most renowned places of pilgrimage are likewise visited (Introd. to V. D. C. P. 18). 207. For Ujjain as centre of political activity and the deputation of Matri Gupta as King of Kashmir, sec R. T. III 125 sqq.- Ujjain with its famous Mahakala temple known to Kashmirian waters (R. T. IV. 162), 205. Tijjain known as a floursling city in the legends of Kashmir scattered throughout the Katha Sarit Sagar. 209. For Kashmirian poets leaving Kashmir for India proper see, Stein R. T. Vol II. 360.- Kashmir has always had an over-production of intellect. Bilhana's classical examples amongst other evidence, shows that Kashmir scholars have been as ready in old days as at present to leave their homes for distant places, wherever their learning could secure for them a livelihood.' Tor above, also compare, Buhler- Introd. to the V. D. C. XVII ; also Indische Palaeographie P. 56). 210. For Bilhana's grand tour from Kashmir along the high-road from the north western into Central India and his visit to Mathura, Kanauj, Prayag, Benares, etc., see Buhler. Intr. to V. D. C. 175 sqq. 211. Union of Saraswati and Lakshmi in the country of Anga '. अयमङ्गनाथः faarifHATTETZÀ FETEST AFEFEET 2127 atfaata || R. V. VI. 26 211a. See note 49, 212. See PP. 11: 212a. Deleted. 213. cf. कामंनृपाः सन्तु सहस्रशोऽन्ये राजन्वतीमाहुरनेन भूमिम् । R..V. VI. 22 ·139 213a For Bengal, cf agterart atat R V IV 36, 37 Bengal is connected with the history of Kashmir (see references to it in the R T) and Kalidasa might huse derived his knowledge of Bengal and its characteristics at his home in Kashmir, before he actually visited Bengal For Kama Rupa, cf तमी, कामरूपागां. Ha ........R V IV 83, 84 ... . are als 111 214 Contrast the vigorous description of the Vindhya forests, its caves, and rivers in the Uttara Rama Charit with a tame refer ence to the Vindhyas in the R S 2 27 216 Kashmir known as the Sarada pıtha or abode of Saraswati - Compare (appendıx C) note, Bilhana V DC XVIII, 4, 6, 16, 23, 29, 103 Also Kalhana, fiat agafat .....R TI 42• For dramatic art ir Kushmır, see, NM 543 569 and cf Bilhana, note 71 Lawrence notes that the dramatic arts of Kashmir noted to this day Kashmir note I the home of the Saiva agamas, whose Abhinana Vada 18 preached by Kalıdza all huis works For knowledge of med.cine in Kalidasa, noto for example use of Aparijte (note 154) The University of Taxıla in the neighbourhood of Kashmir was noted for its medical studies Kashmir it. self 15 known as the birthplace of Charaha Kashmir 18 noted to this day for the study of Jyotish whose knowledge is displayed in his works by Kalidasa 216 For scrappy account and inaccurate dates of Kalkına s R T before tlie Karlota dynasty, sec, Stern's Introd, to RT 216a See note 91 2166 Somc writers suggest the reading 1. instead of fay at R V IV 67 But the readug , does not fit in, for the re140114 specified on pp 53 On the contrary, the Sindhu cunctis fits m with the context Tho Sudhu hicro docs not enote thic Inclus for it is not known a habitat of Hallrori it denotes the Krislina Ganga in Kashmir (40 notas ) ), 60) Thich is nown as habitat of saffron to the Kymrian triters as we shall see belois Tiu conqucets of Shitalitza the King of Kashmir as describesl by Kalhana cloruly rt in details of description and topogrwhy with this rongi Raghu the Northern Kashinir Thu Kashmir who is noted 19 COIL at 15 be supposed to draw his Darra'107 of as in ·140 history from an imaginary description of Raghu's exploits in Kalidasa and present them as real facts--though a certain amount of latitude is possible, for Kalhana is a poet too. In such cases of resemblance as this, Kalhana may be supposed to fall back upon ancient and popular legendary lore of Kashmir, which certainly formed a part of the sources of his history of Kashmir, and which might be used conventionally by other Kashmir writers. Thus the Kashmirian Bilhana, while describing the conquests of Ananta in Kashmir, enriches his narration by the capture of the beautiful Yakshis of Alaka (V. D. C. XVIII 55) whose knowlege in his case was in all probability derived from the popular Kashmirian legends, and not from the solitary Meghaduta of Kalidasa which also gives a description of the beautiful Yakshis of Alaka. Kalidasa like the Kashmirian Bilhana, for his description of the Yakshis may be supposed to draw on the common source, namely the legends of Kashmir. Similarly, as the conquests of Raghu described by Kalidasa agree with the conquests of Lalitaditya described by the Kashmirian Kalhana; the probability is that the latter namely the Kashmirian writer of the history of Kashmir did not borrow form the former, but both the writers drew from a common stock of Kashmirian legends known to them, which Kalidasa applied in the case of Raghu and Kalhana to the conquests of Lalitaditya. Let us compare. Raghuvansı IV. Rajotarangini IV. विनीताध्वश्रमास्तस्य काम्बोजानां वाजिशाला सिन्धुतीरविचेष्टनैः। जायन्तेस्मयोभिताः।। 165. दुधुवुर्वाजिनःस्कन्धा तस्यप्रतापो दरदा लँग्नकुडुमकेसरान् 67. न सेहेनारतंमधु। काम्बोजाः समरे सोडु दरीणामोषधिज्योतिः तस्यवीर्यमनीश्वराः । 69. प्रत्यूषार्क इवोदितः ॥ 169. ततो गौरीगुरु' शैल कस्तूरी मृगसंस्पर्शी मारुरोहाश्वसाधनः। 71. धूतकुमकेसरः। भूर्जेष्व मर्भरी भूताः-- सैन्य सीमन्तनीस्तस्य गङ्गाशीकारणोमार्ग मरुतस्तं लिषेविरे ॥73. संवस्कारोत्तरानिलः ॥ 170. विशश्रमुर्नमेरुणां छायास्वध्यास्य सैनिकाः । दृषदो वासितोत्सङ्गा निषममृगनाभिभिः ॥ 74. आसन्नोषधयोनेतु नक्तमस्नेहदीपिकाः। 75. .

·141 Raghuvansa IV. तत्र जन्यं रघोोरं पार्वतीयगरभूत् ॥ 77 चकम्पे तीर्णलोहित्ये affait arritfastsat: 1 तद्जालानतां प्राप्तः सहकालागुरुदुमै. 81. Rajatai angını IV शून्ये प्राग्ज्योतिपपुरे निर्जिहानंददर्शसः॥ धूपधूमं वनप्लुटात् कालागुरूवनात् परम् । In the Raghuvansa, the Kambojas and the Pragjyotishas are defeated before and after the defeat of the mountain-tribes qaatstid respectively, similarly in the Rajatarangını they are defeated before and after the defeat of the Daradas The mountain-tribes of Kalidasa 11 northern Kashmir are the Daradas of Kalbana Indeed, they denote the Daradas Raghu first halts at the Sindhu (67), (defeats the Huns and the Kambojas as ho meets them on either side) climbs up on houseback the high elevations of the Himalayas in the north, where he meets the birch the muskdoer, and the shining herbs, (71-72) continues his march along the line of the Ganga (73) evidently the same river Sindhu where he had first halted (for identification of Ganga, Sindhu and the Krishna Ganga, see, pp 18) and meets the mountain-tribes, with whom fier ce battle tales place Sımılırly, Lalıtaditya having defeated the Kambojas, starts for the Darada country in the north of Kashmir where he meets the northern breezes (Batifa ) fragrant with the musk (for nuush deer on the higher elevations of the Himalayas iu Kashmır, see, noto 27, 28) and the saffi on Thus Kalhana grows saffron in the Darada country The Dırada country we know is watered by tho Krishna Ganga (see Stein R T) which, 18 another namo of the Sindhu which grows suffron in the Raghuvansa For tho growth of saffron in Kashmir, seo, noto 60) Like tho ar afur R T) signifying the shaking of the stamina of tho saffron flowers by the wind, the lino guideT (R. V) should in agreement with the Kashınırıın usage bo taken to signify the sticking of the stamina of tho saffron flowers and not the sticking of the saffron flowers to tho manes of the horsey (R V IV 67 sco pp 23, 24). However, tho plantation of saftron along the line of the Sindhu.or Krishna whous upper stroum washes the Darada country, 19 Cstablished , Ancient Kashmir according to the contention il 40 of Kashmirian unters Thus tho Sindhu and not thic Vankshu: correct reading in thu R V For the identi al churacter o mountun-tribes of R V ---Fith the Darkdis living Valley of the upper Krishna Guga, in the north of E their-irar-like character, (cf irurit) ttr icarur ·1.12 of their country (cf. Wpisyk781477:) with its supply of hardy ponies, cf; Stein R: T. VIII 2507, 2709 sqq; ibid, 2519n VII 1171 sqq; (see note 63), for the musk deer and the birch on higher elevations of the Kashmirian Himalyas see ncte 27, 28; for shining herbs of Kashmir cf. note 39 (R. T. IV 169, VIII 2388) also cf. Kalidasa R. V. IV 75. K. S. VI 43; thus Kalidasa who is so familiar with the topography, political conditions, and legends local to Kashmir, must be a Kashmiri himsolf. 217. "Having glutted his vengeance on Hindu temples, Sikandar turned his attention to the people who had worshipped in theni and he offered them three choices, - death, conversion, or exile...... It is said that this thorough monarch burnt seven maunds of sacred threads of the murdered Brahmins. All books of Hindu learning which he could lay his hand on were sunk in the Dal lake and Sikandar flattered himself that he had extirpated Hinduism from the Valley." Lawrence p. 141. Of still later times, writes Lawrence, 'the Pathan rulers are now only remembered for their brutality and cruelty and it is said of them that they thought no more of cutting off heads than of plucking a flower.'-ibid p. 197. سر بریدن پوش این سنگ دلان گل چیدن است Writes a Kashmiri poet, پرسیدم از خرابی گلشن زباغبان فغان کشید و گفت که افغان خراب کرد *** 018. Kashmir, the home of poetry: सहोदराः कुङ्कुम केसराणां भवन्तिनूनं कविता विलासाः। a geça#97€T treenaamah ATE: # Bilhana V. D. C. I. 21 काव्यं येभ्यः प्रकृतिसुभगं निर्गतं कुङ्कुमं च । च्छायोत्कर्षाद् भवतिजगतां वल्लभं दुर्लभं च ॥ Ibid XVIII 16. My friend Pt. Jia Lal Kaul M.A. of Srinagar repeated to me a Kashmiri proverb which is used when a man is waxing eloquent in his speech. It is this you are playing the role of Kalidasa.' 219. Vasistha Asrama of the R. V., Bhutapateraspadam or Bhutesh of the K. S; Apsaras Tirtha located by N. M. above Mundaprastha of the Haramukuta) are all located on the Haramukuta Mt. which guards the Valley of the Sindh. In the upper part, of the Valley, in the district of Lahara, noted for its wealth and prosperity, under the shelter (3209) of the sacred Haramukuta with its Bhutesh and the Vasistha Asrama, in the neighbourhood of Ganga lies Mayagrama, modern Manigam, the wreck of an ancient glory ·143 APPENDIX A. NILMAT. The legendary History of Kashmir. our era A summary of such important passages from the Nılmat as bear relation to the works of Kalidasa is given below for easy reference, which shows how Kalidasa was brought up under the Nilmat tradition of Kashmir Regarding the date of the Nilmat, Buhler writes, 'the mention of Buddha as an incarnation of Vishnu and of his festivals shows that, in its present form the Nilmat can not be o der than the 6th or 7th century of Its great value lies therein that it is a real mine of information regarding the sacred places of Kashmir and their legends which are required in order to explain the Raja Tarangini' (I would add, to explain the poetio works of Kalidasa, L D) and that it shows how Ralhana' (or say, Kalıdısa, L D) 'used his sources' (vide Buhler's report on research of Sanskrit manuscipts in Kashmir pp 41 ) For recast of the Nilpiat in the days of Abhimanyu I cf R T Ch I 182—186, also Nılmat sloka 1012 The Nilmat in its original from may be of a still earlier date VV ......... यैपा देवी उमा सैय कश्मीरा नृप सत्तम । आसीत् सरः पूर्णजलं सुरम्यं सुमनोहरम् ॥ 31. अस्मिन् मन्वन्तरे जातं विषयंसुमनोहरम् 32 'शालिमालाकुलं स्फीतं सत्फलाद्यैः समन्वितम् । स्वाध्यायध्याननिरतै र्यशशीलैर्जनयुतम् ॥ 33. तपस्विभि रुपेतम्। ......... 1 For lahe origin of Kashmir cf Kalidasa Sak VII प्रमतादमिवावगाढीक्षि। 2 For the characteristics of Kashmir cf Kalidasa --for Sali, co p. 1-20, for penance-groves of the sages in Märcha Asrama ct Sal VII-utatua stasia947, for the fruits, and flowers and beautiful women see Sal VII 12 -- D U 2, for its pleasuregardens, musical accomplishments-Vina, joyous life and drinking cf Meghaduta, description of Alaka (in Kashmir), I DU 3, 8, 23, The Kashmirian lakes with golden lotuses mountains uch tho Harapukuta of Kashmir, Nagas such as the prouently in the works of Kalidasa.

·144 पृथिव्यांयानि तीर्थानि तानि तत्र नराधिप । ऋष्याश्रमसुसंवाधं शीतातपशुभंसुखम् ॥ 36. अदेवमातृकं पुण्यं रम्यं प्राण भृतां हितम् । सर्वसस्यगणोपेतमनातकं बहुप्रजम् ॥ 38. स्त्रीभिश्चसुकुमाराभिर्देवालयसमोश्रयम् । 39 ब्रह्मघोषधनुर्घोष नित्योत्सवसमाकुलम् । केलिपायजनाकीर्ण नित्यहृष्टवुधावृतम् ॥ 40. उद्यानारामसम्बाधं वीणा पटहनादितम् । नित्यशौण्डजनोपेतं सतां हृदयवल्लभम् ॥ 41. नानापुष्पफलोपेतं नानागुमलतोज्वलम् । नानामृगगणा कीर्ण सिद्धचारणसेवितम् ॥ 42. कशमीरमण्डलंपुण्यं सर्वतीर्थमरिन्दम । तत्र नागाःहूदाः पुण्यास्तत्रपुण्याः शिल्लोचयाः॥ 43 तत्रनद्यस्तथापुण्याः पुण्यान्यपि सरांसि च । देवालया:सुपुण्याश्च तेषांचैव तथाश्रमाः ॥ 44. तत्र दक्षी ददौ कन्याः कश्यपाय त्रयोदश। 69. मारीचाय' समाधत्स्व श्रोतु नामानि भूपते ॥ 70. अदितेस्तनया देवा दितेर्दैत्यास्तथैव च । 71. यक्षाश्च राक्षसाश्चैव खसायास्तनयाः स्मृताः ॥ 72. मुनिप्रसवउक्तश्चदिव्योहप्सरलांगणः। 73. कद्रौश्चतनया नागा विनतायास्तथासुतौ ॥ 74. तमाह भगवान् देवो वासुकि भयवितलम् । सती देशेऽत्रपुण्योदे सरस्यमर भूषिते ॥ 105. धर्मिष्ठैः सहितोनागै संस्वामितविक्रम । 106. 3. Mūricha Kashyapa, Father of Kashmir, noted with respect more than once by Kalidasa:-cf, Sak. VII 9, 27, 30. 4. For Yakshas, inhabitants of Kashmir cf. Meg:haduta, U. 3. यस्यां यक्षाः see note 175. 5. “For Nagas the inhabitants of Kashmir cf. the Nikumbha legend, note 46. है ·113 तीर्थ यात्रागतंश्रुत्वा कश्यपं पनगाधिपः । नीलोजगाम तं द्रष्टुं तीर्थे कनखले तथा ॥ 139. उपविएस्तदानागो व्यज्ञापयत कश्यपम् । पितरं तपसांस्थानं यत् तत् शृणु नराधिप । 142. इन्द्रमार्गः,सोमतीर्थ पुण्यमम्वुजनस्तथा । सुवर्णविन्दुस्तत्व हरस्यायतनं शुभम् ॥ 164 स्कन्दस्यायतनं तत्र सर्वपाप निपूदन ॥ 155 पुण्य हंस पदं प्रोक्तं ऋषिरूपं च मानद ॥ 157. सतीदेहरा सरसस्तीर्थ विष्णुपदं सरः। 185. क्रम सारेति विख्यातं सर्वक्रमप नाशनं 166- इत्युक्तः सतथेत्युक्त्वा नीलेन सहयायिना। जगाम तानि तीर्थानि ज्ञातानिपूर्वमेवतु ।। 167. दृष्ट्वा स मद्रविपयं शून्यं प्रोवाच पन्नगम् । किमर्थ नीलदेशोऽयं मद्राणां शुन्यतां गतः ॥ 177. नीलउवाच- भगवन् विदितं सर्व यथा पूर्व मया शिशुः । पालितः संग्रहसुतो दैत्यो नाम्ना जलोद्भवः ॥ 179. एतेवे मुख्यतस्तेन देशाः शून्यीकृताः प्रमो। 183. निग्रहे भगवन् तस्य कुरु वुद्धिं जगद्धिताम् ॥ 184. एवमुक्त च नोलेन, कश्यपः, आजगाम सतीदेशं विमलं तत् सरोवरम् । तत्रस्नात्वा च जप्त्वा च ध्यावा वे सनातनम् ॥ 188, आगच्छध्वमिति समाहय सुगन् सर्वान् स्तोरसाद उवाचदा 215 6 Kalidasa in M. D aotsa 22. * Hardwara M D 50 7 Vide Sak. 220 VI! - वपोषमभूमय. 8 Nila takes Kashya Kandasa takes Kanya of sxe Kaslımır) Sco note 34 9 Kashmir, see, note 10 Kalidasan ·146 नौवन्धन मथासाद्य स्थित्वा ते सुरसत्तमाः ॥ विचार निरता स्तस्थुः किं कार्यमिति चिन्तया । 213.. तन् मध्यशिखरे रुद्रो दक्षिणे शिखरे हरि: उत्तरे शिखरे ब्रह्मा तेपीमनुसुरासुराः 216. अथ जनार्दनः, अनन्तमोह, कुरुप्प लांगलेन त्वं विदार्याधहिमालयं ॥ इदं सरोवरंदिव्यं निष्तोयं शीघ्रमेवतु 1 218. विदारयामास स लांगलेन । हिमाचलं शैलवरं प्रथिव्याम् ॥ विदारिते पर्वत राजराजे। विनिर्ययो तज्जलमाशुवेगात् ॥ 221. हरिस्तत्र चक्रेण, चिच्छेद दैत्यस्य शिरः प्रसह्य, ब्रह्माततस्तोषमुपाजगाम । 227. . ब्रह्मा विष्णुश्च शम्भुश्च येषु शृंगेष्व वस्थिताः ॥ 228 तानेतान् शिखरान् पश्य ब्रह्मविष्णु महेश्वरान् । नौवन्ध शिखरं यत्तु स एव नृप शंकरः ॥ 231. एतान् हि दृष्ट्वा मुच्यन्ते येपिदुष्कृतिनो नराः। 232. योऽसौ विष्णुपदोनाम क्रमसारे प्रकीर्तितः ॥ तस्थोदगा श्रमं चक्रे ब्रह्मदेववरः स्वयम् । 233. पश्चा) चाश्चमं चक्र कश्यपो भगवान् ऋषिः ॥ यस्मिन् देशे स्थितो विष्णु विजय प्राप्तवास्तदा । 284. आत्मनश्वाश्रमं चक्रे- अन्ये च देवाः ससिवितोयेऽथ पृथक् पृथक् ॥ 238. गन्धर्वाप्सरसोयक्षाः शैलेन्द्राश्च सगुह्यकाः । 240. देवर्षि नागमुख्यध्वधिष्ठितेवथ कश्यपः ।। उवाच वरदं विष्णु हस्तौ बद्ध्वापुरस्थितः ॥ 260. सांप्रतं वापिभगवन् देशोऽयं देवसानुषैः । वस्तव्यो रमणीयश्च पुण्यश्च भविता तथा ।। 263. । 11. For Māricha Asrama, see, Sak. VII 9. 12. cf. the Nikumbha legend in sequel, with the Nikumbha of R. V. II, see, note 46.

·147
कश्यपे ब्रुवतीत्येवं नागावचनमब्रुवन् ॥ 264.
न वयं मानुषैः सार्धं वसाम मुनि पुंगव ॥ 266.
तानुवाच तथाक्रुद्धः कश्यपोवै प्रजापतिः ।
तस्मात् पिशाचैः सहितावसध्वं नात्रसंशयः ॥ 267.
एवं शप्ते कश्यपेन नीलःप्राञ्जलिरब्रवीत् ॥ 268.
क्षन्तु मर्हसि ब्रह्मन् मे नतदर्हाइमे फिल ॥ 275.
एव मुक्तः सनीलेन ऋषिः परमधार्मिकः।
उवाचवचनं चारु कश्यपोऽथ प्रजापतिः 276.
वालुकार्णवमध्ये तु द्वीपः पट योजनायतः।
तत्र सन्ति पिशाचाये दैत्यपक्षाः सुदारुणाः ॥ 277.
तेषांतु निग्रहार्थाय पिशाचाधिपतिवली।
निकुम्भ नामा धर्मात्मा कुवेरेण तुयोजितः॥ 278.
चैयां याति सदा योद्ध' पिशाचैहुभिः सह ।
पञ्च कोट्यः पिशाचानां निकुम्भस्यानुयायिनाम् ।। 279
निकुम्भापुनरायाति पञ्चकोटिवृतो वली ।
शुक्लाश्वयुक् पञ्चदश्यां नित्यं देव प्रसादतः ॥ 252
हिमालयेतु पण मासान् चसत्येष सदा सुखी ।
अद्य प्रभृतिपण मासान् तस्येह वसतिर्मया ॥ 283.
दत्तेति सहितस्तेन ससैन्येनेति वत्स्यथ ।
पण मासान् मानवैः सार्ध निकुम्भे निर्गते सदा ॥ 284
एव मुक्कस् तदा नीलः पितरं चाह धार्मिकः।
नित्यमेवदि वत्स्यामो मनुष्यैः सहिता वयं ।। 235.
नपिशाचैस्तु वत्स्यामो दारुणेदारुणप्रियः ।
एवं ब्रुवति नागेन्द्रे नीलं विष्णुरभापत ॥ 296.
मुनि वाक्यं तु भविता नीलबंतु चतुर्युगं ।
ततः परन्तु सुखिनो मनुप्यैः सह वत्स्यथ ॥ 237.
स्वयोक्तं च सदाचारं पालयिष्यन्ति ये जनाः ।
तेऽत्र देशे धान्य पुत्र पशु पौत्र समन्विताः

·148 . 13 कः प्रजापति रुद्दिष्टः कश्यपञ्च प्रजापतिः तेनासौ निर्मितो देश: कश्मीराख्यो भविष्यति ॥ 291. नाना देश समुत्थैस्तु ततः प्रभृति मानवैः ॥302. चतुर्वर्णान्वितः : शूरवीर विद्वत् समागतः। देशे वसति पण मासान् षण मासान पिशिताशनैः ॥ 303. एवं वसत्सु प्रययौ कश्मीरेषु चतुर्युगाः ॥ 424. अश्वयुज्यामतीतायां निर्ययुर्मानवा वहिः । काश्यपश्चन्द्र देवाख्यो वृद्धो ब्राह्मण पुंगवः ॥ 425., ननिर्जगाम निर्वेदात् चोदितोऽर्थेन भाविना । क्रीडा निमित्तं च भयान् निकुम्भ स्यानुयायिनां ॥ 426. ब्राह्मणेन पिशाचास्तु चिक्रीडुस्तेन ते तदा । रज्जुबद्धेन"तुः यथा पक्षिणा नृपदारकाः ॥ 427 हिमेन शीतेन तथा पिशाचैः संपीड्यमानो द्विज वृद्धवयंः। बभ्राम तत्रैव विमूढचेता भ्रमन् ययौ यत्र स नागराजः ॥ 429. तत्र वरं ययावे- गृहानिह नरास्त्यक्त्वा पुराणि विविधानि च । गच्छन्ति हिमभीता" ये ते वसन्त्विह नागराट् ॥ 465. अथ नागराजः, 17 "चीनांशुकेन शोभितः, महात्मना यिशाचेन निकुम्भन सेव्यमानः, तं ब्राह्मणं कश्मीरायां वसत्यर्थं सदाचारान् जगाद तदा प्रभृतिदेशेऽस्मिन् स्वल्पं निपताति हिमम् । जनाश्च नीलवाक्यानि पालयन्तोऽनिशं मुदा ॥ 478. ऊषुश्च सततं प्रीताः पाणमासिकज्वरोझिताः ॥ 479. 13. Kashyapa Prajapati, Father of Kashmir, noted thrice by Kalidasa, Sak. VII 9, 27, 30. 14. As is the Lion, eater of raw flesh, in the R. V. II. 15. For the metaphor of string in the context, see, R. V. II 28. 16. cf. K. S. I. 3. See pp. 10. For चौनांशुक ef. K. S.--also Sak. I. 31.

·19. Kashmir noted for its special class of Dramatists, ct. 22. cf. V. U. III; Iravati's fast and worship of tho mooil 1 company with her husband(farin), thu fast is namel by er :प्रियानुप्रसादनंनाम, food is not taken by her before night-fall - तेनगावपयसकारपम् (13) Iravatiis dressed in whited 149 गोनन्द उवाच- कआचारश्च नीलेन चन्द्रदेवाय भार्गव । पुरा प्रोकश्च तान् मह्यं कथयस्व महामते ॥ 480. (बृहदश्व उवाच-यनीलेनो तच्छृणु इति) नील उवाच- अश्वयुज्यां निकुम्भ स्तु नित्यमायाति कश्यप ॥ 483. पूजार्थं तस्य कर्तव्या कौमुदी तां नियोधत ॥ 484. ततः पूजानिकुम्भस्य कर्तव्या कृपरेण तु |॥ 489. पूजनाया च सुरभि गॉमद्भिः पुरुषैस्तथा ॥ 490. तस्मिन्नहनिपूर्वाद्धे निकुम्भस्यानुयायिनः ॥ 499. आविशन्ति नरान् सर्वान् पिशाचा घोरदर्शनाः ॥ 500. त्रयोदश्यां ततः पूज्या जमायेरंगजीविन: 543. कार्तिश्यांसमतीतायां संप्राप्त प्रथमेऽहनि । कश्मीरा निर्मिता पूर्व कश्यपेन महात्मना ॥ 561. तस्मात् तत्र दिने कार्य उत्सवस्तत्रमानवैः पानं च पानपैयं वस्त्रेधार्य तथानवम् ॥ 563. र्गशीर्षस्य अष्टम्यां- सविभाज्याश्च मित्राथै नट नर्तकाः ॥ 564. पूर्णमासी तुतां प्राप्य मार्गशीर्षस्य मानवः । नक्ताशी पूजयेत् चन्द्र शुक्ल 'माल्यादिभिही ॥ 573. फान्तरूपमवाप्नोति सौभाग्यं विपुलं स्त्रियः। "स्त्रीभर्विशेपतः कार्याः पूर्णमास्यः द्विजोत्तम ॥ 578. 18. Nikumbha legend again, see, note 46 (referenco is to preiuos notes everywhere). oto 71. 20. See note 73. 21. f. noto71. 12), - अपाचभूषा ·150 - 22 25 यस्मिस्तु वासरे विप्र पतेच प्रथमं हिमम् । तत्रपूज्यस्तु हिमवत् हेमन्तशिशिरावुभौ ॥ 574. फलपुष्पे प्रदातव्ये नमेरुप्रभवे तथा ॥ 581. "नवंतुमयंपातव्यं मद्यपैःपतितेहिमे ॥ 584, महीमानवर्णनं- "मयंतु मद्यपैयं ब्राह्मणैः ., पानका शुभाः ।। 644. फाल्गुणपौर्णमासीवर्णनम्- द्वितीयेह्नितथा प्राप्त प्रेक्षा देया द्विजोत्तम । नर्तकानां नटानां च चारणानां तथैव च ॥ 649. (कृष्यारम्भ); सुहृद्भार्या सुतैः सार्धं वाद्यशब्दैमनोहरैः । तत् सर्व चैव कर्तव्यं गीतवृत्त समाकुलम् ॥ 669. चैत्रकृष्णपिशाच चतुर्दशी- तस्यांविप्रचतुर्दश्यां निकुम्भः शंकरं सदा ॥ 675. "संपूजयति धर्मात्मा सानुयानो महाबलः । पूजनीयोनिकुम्भश्च पिशाचाधिपतिवली ॥ 679, नववत्तर प्रथमेदिने ऋतु षटूकं तथा पूज्यं ॥ 696. शंखपज्ञानिधी पूज्यौ भद्रकाली सरस्वती ॥ 706, (बालरक्षा Chaitra Sukla 6 th.) स्कन्दस्य तत्र कर्तव्या पूजामाल्यैः सुगन्धिभिः ॥ 789. (चैत्र शुक्ल भद्रकालीनवमी) संपूजयेत् भद्रकालीं 1 772. 23. See note 73. 24. of. note 73, 25. f. note 71. 26. Singing in the fiields R. V. IV.20 शालिगोप्यो जगुर्थश: 27. For Nikumbha as a worshipper of Siva, see, note 46. 28. Note worship of Kāli in Kashmir, see, notes 171, 169 mention of Kali, K. S. VII 39. For Sankha and Padma' ct. I.D.U. 17, 29. The Cloud in M. D. worships Skanda for his safe journey (रक्षा, see, note 10.) 30. See above note 28, ·(बुद्ध जन्ममहोत्सवः) बुद्धा स्थापन कार्य । .................813. एतत् सर्वं तथा कार्य नट नर्तकसंकुल" ।। 814 धनं च शक्तया दातव्यं येनरा रंगजीविनः ॥ 840 गुडापतास्तथाधानाः ॥ 886. नरािजनानवमी अश्विनकृष्णा; आयुधानि च पूज्यानि ॥ 932 "नीराजनाख्या विशे या ॥ 938. यतापरंपूजनीयाजनाये रंगजीविनः । *कालदोपसमुच्छिन्नं यत् किंचिन्नीलभापितम् । तत्सर्वं कुरु राजेन्द्र मम वाक्येनमानवः ।। 10-12. गोनन्द उवाच-~- प्राधान्येन तु ये नागाः कश्मीरपुतालयाः नामना ..." श्रोतु मिक्छ मि ..."तानहमू. घृहदश्व उवाच- शंखपालः,1053 द्रौपद्मो, 1055. मानसश्चेव 1060 तधेपोत्तर मानसः, यक्ष., 1088 कुसुदः, 1089. .............येषां चय. न शक्यं मया राजन् वक्तु वर्षशतैरपि । पुडंगुल्यो नागः, मनुष्याणां स दारांश्च हरत्यहरहः पुरः ......1134 गोनन्द उवाच- भगवन श्रोतुमिच्छामि पुण्यान्यायतनान्यहं । कश्मीरेषु च देशेषु दर्शनं संप्रफीर्तय ॥ 1160. ..... ....... ..................... 1050 31 Note importance of Dramas in ancient Kashmir, see, noto 71 B2 See note 71 33 See note 102, RS 5 16--प्रचुरराधिकार स्वादुमायौ, staple food of Kalidas 31 Nirājanâ referred to, by Kalidasa, R V IV 25 35 Suggests Recast of the Nilnat in the 6th the cont A D (sco verso 813 and Buhler), indicates its previous existenco in Ka-ban 36 For Manasa lake see, MD, for Kumuda Naga see 7 XVI 76 37 For elopement of women in Kashmir, cf V ·162 1 वृहदश्व उवाच- शच्याः सपीपे पौलस्त्यं दृष्ट्वा स्कन्दं नराधिप ॥ 1166. पौलस्त्य निर्मितं शक्रं भरद्वाज इतं तथा। कश्यपं कण्वमगास्त्यं वाशिष्ठं च शतक्रतुम् ॥ 1169. दृष्ट्वाधनेश्वरं देवं वितस्तात समीपतः ॥ 1178. "दुर्गादेवी- कार्तवीर्यार्जुन स्वामी नामांकं च दिवाकरं 1189. कश्यपस्वामिमार्तण्ड विश्व गव कृतं रविः॥ 1189. सुचन्द्रेशं सुचक्रेशं सुरभिस्वामिनं रविम् । कामेशं सवसिष्टेशं" भूतेशं सगणेश्वरं ॥ 1195. सूर्येश्वर ..."धनदेश्वरं" दृष्ट्वैव सर्व पापेभ्यो मुव्यते नात्र संशयः ॥ 1198. सदा सन्निहितो राजन् देवोभूतेश्वरो हरः मुच्यतेः किल्विषैः सर्वैः तत्र दृष्ट्वनन्दिनं ।। 1199 .. तदानंदी- शुभं हिमवतः शृंगं हरमुकुट मित्यधः । यदस्ति लोक विख्यातं गंगा प्रभव मुत्तमम् ॥ 1231. जगाम सहसा तत्र तपसिकृतनिश्चयः । -- 38. For Sachi Tirtha and the Sakravatara, see, Sak. cf. Indra mārga N. M. 154. 39. cf. Kuvera Bhawan in V. U. and Dhanapati Graha in M.D. 40. Note the temples of Durgā or Kali in Kashmir. 40a. For the sun worship in Kashyapa Asrama cf. Sak. VII 11, K. S. (Gauri Sikhara) V. U. (Martand suryopasthan.) 41. For Vasistha Asrama of. R. V. II. 42. cf. Bhutapateraspadam K. S. 43. Kuvera's temple of. धनपतिग्रहात् M. D. U...... round Alaka. 44. Again cf. मत्वादेवंधमपतिसखं यशसाक्षादवसम्तं M. D. .--residence of Siva round Alaka; of. Bhutapaterspadam with Nandi and Ganas; K. S. 45. Cf. हिमादिप्रस्थ K. S. with Haramukuta, or the Kailasa in Kashmir; cf. Kailasa of the Meghaduta, see, H. C. C. note 176.

·40 यस्यश्लंगस्य पूर्वार्द्ध सरोस्ति विमलोदकं ॥ 1232. आराधयामास हरं रुद्रजापरतोजले ॥ 1234. देव्यासह ततो देवो मार्गण तितिगामिना ॥ 1236. आययौ वृपमानढोऽलक्षितं परमाद्रितः। स प्रयागमतिक्रम्य तथायोध्यांमहीपुरी || 1237. पुण्यं च नैमिपारण्यं गंगादारमतः" परं। स्थानेश्वरात् कुरुक्षेत्रं ततो विष्णुपदं शुभं ।। 1238. तथा विष्णुपदं सरः एतान् सर्वानतिक्रम्य प्रययौ भरत गिरि ॥ 1210. तस्य मूलमथासाध देव्यै वचन मनवीत् । इहैव तिष्ठ तावत् त्वं श्रहं यास्याम्यतः परं ॥12412 पेण सहितो देवि पर्वतेऽस्मिन् हि यः पथा। करोत्यारोहणं तस्य महत् पुण्यफलं स्मृतं ॥ 12.42. यथा त्वं न समर्थाऽसि सुकुमाराऽसि देवि यत्"। थारोढुं तेन यास्यऽहमेक एवाद्य सत्वरः ॥ 1213. तस्मा द्देशात प्रवृत्तस्तु गन्तुदेव वरः पथा। पथीश्वराख्यस्तष्टो देवस्यायसनोऽभवत् ॥ 1211. आरोह यदा शैलं यथा देवो महेश्वरः । तदा वृद्धिमगात् शैलो महती भूरि दक्षिणः॥ 12.45. वर्धमानं तुतं ज्ञात्वा प्रान्त्वा क्रुद्धो महेश्वरः । रूपं कृत्वा महद्घोरं तदा मूर्धन्यताडयत्" ।। 1246. तदा प्रभृति शैलोऽसौ मुण्डपृष्टः प्रकीर्तितः ।। 1247. अप्सरोभियुतो यत्र तीर्थमप्सरसां हितत्" 1251. . 46. Cf. Cloud's route in 1 D. the famous namo Haradvara does not occur here or in the di. D. cither. 47. Cr. I. D. 60 अम्भुमादत्तवा यदि प विपरत पादपारेपो सोपानायकर 48. Cl. II. D.6! येलायुभवन्तं 49. C. Apsaras Tirtha Sak. VII; for its exact location tallying with N. II. ses note 34.

·154 52 ततो ब्रह्मसरों नाम दृष्ट्वा तीर्थ मनोहरम् । हंसरूपधरः शैलं पाटयामास सत्वरम् ॥ 1255. हंसदारमिति" प्रोक्तं सर्वकिल्विष नाशनम् ।। 1256 हंसरूप धरं दृष्ट्वा ब्रह्मा देवं महेश्वरं । जोनुभ्या अवनिं गत्वा बन्देपरमेश्वरम् ॥ 1258. दृष्ट्वा च प्रणतंदेवं ब्रह्माणं जगतः पतिम् , प्रणम्य शक्रस्तुष्टाव यथा तच्छृणु भूपते ॥ 1259. शन उवाच नमस्तेदेवदेवेश जगत्कारण कारण ॥ 1260. त्रैलोक्यनाथसर्वज्ञ सर्वेश्वरनमोस्तुते। त्वत्तोऽन्यं नैव पश्यामि जगतोऽस्यहकारणम् ॥ 1261. त्वया सर्व मिदं व्याप्तं त्रैलोक्यं सचराचरम् । स्वष्टा-त्वमस्य सर्वस्य संहर्ता पालकस्तथा ॥ 1262, यदुन्मोलयसि नेन्ने बोलोक्यस्योद्भवस्तदा । भवतीहजगन्नाथ यदा स्वपिसि वैतदा ॥ 1263. तदेतदखिलं देव भैलोक्यं संप्रणश्यति । भूमिभृता धारयते त्वयेदं सचराचरम् ॥ 1264. शब्दयोनिस्तथाकाशं जगद्धारयतेप्रभो। वीर्येणते महाभोग त्वञ्चप्रोक्तस्तथाऽपरः ॥ 1265. स्वंबुद्धिस्त्वंतथैवात्मा सर्वस्यात्य प्रकीर्तितः । अव्यक्तः पुरुषश्चैव रजः सत्वं तमस्तथा ।। 1266. इन्द्रियाणी न्द्रियार्थाश्च भूततन्मात्र संगकः । ज्ञाता क्षेयं तथा क्षत्रं क्षेत्रज्ञः परमेश्वरः ॥ 1267. ध्याताध्याम तथा ध्येयं यज्ञाश्च विविधास्तथा। सर्वमेतत्त्वमेवैकस्त्वत्तः किमपरं प्रभो ।। 1268. मन्नतोऽलिमहाभाग तत्रमे संशयोमहान् । 50. For Brahmasara cf. R. V. XII, 60, see note 43,22. 51. •Cf. M.D., Siva strikes the Mundaprishtha before he reaches the Hansadvara so does the Cloud strike the Sarabhas before it reaches the Hansadvara. The Cloud could not possibly strike the mountain, thus the mythioal Sarabha vas substituted; also see note 179. 52. Cf. Indras' prayer to Brahma in K. S. II, see, note 117.

·155 वृहदश्व उवाच- एवमुक्तस्तुशक्रेण ब्रह्मा वचनमब्रवीत् । 1269 मा मा शफ वदेदेवम भिज्ञातोऽसिपुत्रक ॥ एप सर्वेश्वर शक्र एप कारणकारणम् । एप चाचिन्त्यमहिमा एप व्रह्मसनातनम् ।। स एप सर्वकर्ता च सर्वशश्च महेश्वरः। यदिच्छ्या जगदिदं वर्वति सचराचरं ॥ यस्यशक्तिलता सेयं सूर्यचन्द्रात्मनःप्रभो । पुष्पिता ऽखिलमेवेदं जगदासयतेभवात् ॥ स्वमहं चापियस्यैव शासने समवस्थितौ ॥ 1273. मनाक्प्रच्यवने शकरुजातोभवता कचित् । विभूतिमानसौ शक्र सर्वमस्यवशेस्थितम् ॥ 1274. महेश्वरोऽसौयस्यान्तं न विदुर्देवदानवाः । यस्यैपामे कलाशक विभूतिः स्वर्गलक्षणा ॥ 1275. स एप भगवान् शंम्भुः सर्वलोकमहेश्वरः । अस्यैवेयं तनुः शक्र कलामात्रं विभोमतम् ॥ 1276. नाहमस्य तु तद्रूपं निरूपयितुमञ्जसा । शतोऽस्म्यनेग सत्वेन प्रसीदतु ममाप्यसो ॥1277. यथाऽहं तस्य श्रीविष्णुः परस्यपरमात्मनः। परंतत्वं न जानामि स तथास्थ जगत्पते ।। 1278. एपाऽसौपरमामूर्तिः शार्थी परमपावनी । तपसा मदता युका यनतोस्मिशतक्रतोः ॥ 1250. तं च सर्वैः सुरेसाकं प्रणम्यैनंप्रसादय | 1281. शक उवाच--(Indra's prayer to Siva) नमस्तेदेवदेवेश मायाधृतजगलय। यजमानोमही खं च तोयाग्नीन्द्रयाययः । तनवस्ते विनिर्दिष्टा याभिव्याप्तजगत्रयम्" । 63. In tho K.S too, Brahni recommends Indra to Gud Siva. 533.Cf. Sak.I.1.