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·Å SKETCH
OF THE
HINDUSTANI LAN
BY
C. J LYALL, M.A., C.I.E.,
BALLIOL COLLEGE, OPUPD, AND OF TAP BFYGAL CIVILER!
EDINBURGH:
DM & CHARLES BLACK
1880.

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·PREFACE . The following pages were written as an article on the Hindustani language for the new edition of the Encyclopædia Britannica. This will explain many of their deficiencies ia matter and style, the utmost conciseness of expression bevog been aimed at, and everything which could, in the writer's opinion, be omitted as not absolutely essential having been cut out. Even after the compression to which the article was subjected in Ms., it was deemed by the Editor too detailed and minute in its treatment for insertion in the Encyclopaedia. Believing that the article may bave some interest and utility for students of the most widely spoken vernacular language of India, the visiter gladly availed himself of the offer of the publishers of the Encyclopædia to issue it in a book form. It will be seen from the frequent statement of authorities that the sketch contains little original matter; and on points copdected with the history of the language the writer has been content to follow those guides who seemed to him best qualified. His own sttairiments are confined to such a knowledge of the language 23 & vernacular speech, 13 could be gained by constant daily

·iv
PREFACE.
use of it in eleven years of service in India, and somo
acquaintance with the literature both of former times and
of the present day.
The article was finished in October 1879, and it has
not, owing to the writer's return to India, been possible to
utilize for it any authorities of later date. To those named
at the end, should be added Dr A. F. R. Hoernle's
Comparative Grammar of the Gandian Languages, with
special reference to Eastern Hindi, which, lowerer, the
writer has not yet seen.
The writer's best acknorrledgments are due to Dr R.
Rost, Librarian of the India Office, for much kindly help
and counsel in the compilation of the article.
C. J. L.

·HINDUSTANI LANGUAGE.
HINDUSTANI (correctis Lindostănity is the name gire
by Europeana to the post generally spoken and understood
of the modern Aryan languages of India. According
to its etymology it should designate the tongue spoken
in that part of India which was called by the Mughal
Blogul) historians Hindostán, sim, the tract bounded
on the N. by the Himālaya, on the E. by Bengal, on
the S. by the Vindbrăs or the Dakkhan, edå on the .
by the Panjab, and this region is in fact the original sest of
the language. But outside these boundaries the use of
Hindustani is widespread: it is very generally spokea cod
understood throughnut Bengal, more especially by the
Musalmaan population in the eastern districta: iti midle
mer!
TordostIn 14 4 Persian compound signifiez "point of the
Bwlūs." Tharan -
sad bostan.
w;ereg the
he indo,
distinction
teriters of
the moder
country of
A, supus siruthu) or "seren rivers,
Bon called, with the omission of two (proballs the Sarastats and
Drishadwata or Clas), the Panſ-ab.

·2 INDUSTANI LINGUAGE. Hindustani is, as has been said, rather the European than the natire appellation : the various forms of the langunge are by native authors called by different names, and it may be doubted whether the name Hindustani is ever used except under European influence. The dialect written in the Persian character, largely stocked with Persian words and phrases, and spoken chiefly in towns and by Vusalmāns or Hindūs imbued with Persinn culture, is known as Urddi, a name said to be derived from the Urdi-e muulli, or royal military bazaar outside the fortificd royal palace at Dehli. This language, when used in poetry, is called Rokhah ("crumbled," "scattered,” from the manuer in which the vernacular is strewn with Persian importations), and when the poenis are written in the special dialect of the caninah, which has a vocabulary of its own, it is named Rokhti (a feminine, in a diminutive seusc, of Rekhtak). In the region to the south of the Narmadā the same language is called Dukhnī (" belonging to the Dakkhan.or Deccan'); though also written in the Persian character, this raricty of Urda retains a much larger proportion of Indian (as opposed to Persian) words, and is altogether morc archnic in its grammatical forms, than the language of the North ; a certain proportion of its peculiaritics must be ascribed to its separate development as the tongne of Muhammadan colonies severed for some centuries from their original country. On the other hand, that form of Ilindustani which employs the Dora-nägari character or varieties of it, and is used chiefly by Hindis, is denominated lwy Eur. peans llindi, and by the nativet generally (in its litemry form) bhushi (or bheikhī), that is, at the langunge" gur er. cellence. Ilinitī, indeed, being mcrcly an Arabic relative adjcctire from Jind, India, should by right be as applicable to any form of Hindustani as to the peculiar dinlect of tht: Hindūs, ami is in fact uscd hy antire authors in this fense. Or Hindi (114 nbore define) there are many varieties, and on the boundaries of the Ilimusini.speaking area it shades off almost imperceptibily into the citate dialect.. T'le following types are the most important: (1) The Mummllout lligh llindi. Which 1777. in its 05:!!!741 wiricture with Unli, but her the latter truito * 12.ro ·3 111XDUSTANI LANGUAGE. from Persian prefers to borrow from Sanskrit. So far as this represents an actually spoken dialect, it may be considered the ... - 1.1. Nathan Thah and ویا li ILIAا1 191 - the laminen of the Control Thah which holda ? ILLU valul. (6) and (7) The hull dialects of Garhwal anıl Kumāun, which shew affinities rather with Mārniri and Mewāri than with the neighbouring dialects of the plains (8) Vepali, the language of Nepal (9) Awadhi or Banswari, the dialect of Oudh (Awadh) and Eastern Ruhelkhand. The local varieties of dialect in Hindí are as yet far from having been thoroughly investigated ; only two or three of them have any literature, and in the mouths of the people the language changes, both as to form and vocabulary, every few miles It is, however, believed that those above mentioned are the main types to which local variations may be referred; and at any rate they are the only forms as yet ayarlable for study by Europeans. The first eight may be classed together as belonging to a western, and the remaining four to an eastern group of dialects. Besides the above named varieties of Urdū and Hindi, which are all living and spoken languages, there exist others thich are not represented only by literary memorials. Such is language of the heroic ballads of Rajpūtānā, among which are to be found some of the oldest specimens of Hindi ; that of the Bhagats or Vaishnaya religions reformers, the most important of whom, from a literary point of view, are Kabir and Sür-Das; that of Tulsi-Dās, the author of the Ramūyan, the most popular work in Hindi. The language of Tulsi-Das belongs mainly to the eastern type now represented by Awadhi and Bhojpuri, and is de- ·4 HINDUSTANI LAYGUAGE. nominated by Mr Kellogg (the chief and almost the only authority on Hindi dialects) Old Pirbī; while that of Chand and the Bhagats is of the western type. Dr Trumpp, the translator of the Ādi Granth, has proposed to call the extinct dialects of the language Hindui, which again he divides into Old Hindui, comprising the specimens down to the close of the period of the Bhagats and the redaction of the Ādi Granth (about 1600), and Hindui, comprising the speech of Tulsi-Dās and his contemporaries and followers down to about 1750. But this division, however convenient, does not appear to represent any actual sharp line of demarcation ; the type of the language proceeds from archaic to modern by insensible gradations. It has been said that few of these dialects have any literature; of most of them the systematic study has only recently begun, Urdū, with its varieties of Rekhtah and Dakhni, counts a long roll of writers ; grammars and dictionaries of it are easily accessible. High Hindī, as distinguished from Urdū, is an idiom of recent growth, owing its literary cultivation in a great measure to the influence of the educational department in Northern India, and to the development of a Hindú opposition to Muhammadan forms of expression. Of Old Hindūī the specimens accessible to Europeans are not numerous. A portion of the Prithirāj Rūsau, an heroic poem describing the career of the last Hindū king of Dehli, ascribed to Chand, has been published by the Asiatic Society of Bengal. The Ādi Granth, which embodies many valuable specimens of Old Hindūſ in the poems of the Bhagats, has been partially translated into English by Dr Ernest Trumpp; the original text has recently been lithographed at Lahore, and a small portion of it has been appended by Dr Trumpp to his translation Portions of the poems of Kabir and his followers have been printed in India, but are seldom to be found, except in manuscript, in Europe. Of later Hindūī literature (Sūr-Dās, Tulsī-Dās, &c.) and of compositions in modern Braj-bhāshā, there are many specimens, both printed and lithographed, to be found in any bazaar in India; the best known prose rork in the last named dialect is the Rājniti of Lallu Lāl. Of the other Hindi dialects our ·HINDUSTANI LANGUAGE, 5 knowledge is derived mainly from the grammar of Mr have been prepared under the direction of missionaries; of one, Marwåri, we have a valuable specimen in a collection of Kkiyals or dramas edited by the Rev. J. Robson of the Presbyterian mission at Beāvar (Hission Press, 1866) For the best account as yet given of the manifold dialects of Hindustani, the reader is referred to Mr Kellogg's gram- The na wanananand I. T.:--:--1---- המרו tory of the formation of the language. 2. Though the vocabulary of Hindustani is largely re. cruited from Persian, and, through Persian, from Arabic, its grammar and phonetic structure are wholly of indigenous growth. To Sanskrit and Präkrit it bears the same relationship as that borne by the Romance Languages to Classical and Low Latin ; and the parallel between the two lines of descent, both in phonetic degradation and the modern growth of analytic grammatical forms, is in many respects strikingly close. As in the case of the Romance Languages, 144. L. au tue germ almost all the modern developments. though their general structure still bears clear marks of the recent growth of the language out of the synthetic Prakrit. These oldest specimens are, moreover (like all Hindustani literature down to very recent times), in verse, and it must remain in some degree uncertain how far peculiarities of spelling and structure are merely to be attributed to poetic licence. The very unsettled state of the orthography of Hindi, and the possibility that in the transmission of Ancient works their style has been modernized, also help to make the historical study of Old Hindi & subject in which absolute certbisty is difficult of attainment; and although the fer original materials which we possess are of the ·6 HINDUSTASI LAXGUAGE. greatest value, perhaps the clearest light is cast upon the historical development of the language by the actually subsisting dialectic forms of Hindi and those of its sisters, Gujarātī, Panjābi, Sindhi, Dſarātbi, Bengali, and Oriyil In ancient Aryan India Sanskrit ceased at a very carly date to be the rernacular speech. Already at the appearance of Gautama Buddha (about 650 B.C.) the language current in what is now Eastern Oudh and Bihār as a Prākrit, and that form of the vulgar tongue, or another nearly related, became the sacred language of the Buldhists under the name of Māgadhi or Pāli. At a later date another Präkrit, that of the south-western arca corresponding to Southern Rājpūtānā and Gujarāt, became tho literary language of the Jaina scct. And still more recently the dramatists of Malwā employed a further derclopment of the same stock as the idiom of the meninland femalo chamctors in their plays. Grammars of Prakrit, discussing minutcly its relation to Sanskrit, were drawn up by Kachchayann, Vararuchi, Hcmachandra, and others; and in the different forms of the dialects known by this common name we liare the beginning and derelopment of almost all the processes which brought into being Hindi and its sister languages. In the present article an attempt is made to tmce the operation of these processes, first in regard to sounds, and secondly in the granimar in the typical instances of tho inflcxion of the noun and the verb, in modern Ilindi. 3. Native grammarians divide words into the following classes: 1. Tat-emais, or “the same ns that," 1.c., Simskrit; 2. Taul-bharas, or “of the nature of that." ; 3. Denus, or "country-born"; to which should be adıled, as a fourth class, words of foreign (almost entirely Perzinn) origin. Tutxames are Sanskrit words used in Hindustani without any further altemtinu than the loss of inflexion, os darémn, pilii, incilii, krishna. Thuibhaves are words of Sanskrit origin which have undergone some organic change in passing tror inte Hindi, in kl:h-ni, piv, niti, kuishi, 1171, Desijis? ard! vonis ni which no Sanskrit original is truccable, 1997, hari, qonni, Of these classes by far the largest i« tl:( ·IIXDISTAXI LANGUAGE. 1 second. The tatsımas are all of late adoption, and either express ideas the pecessity nf words for which has only recently been felt, or replace tadbhayas which have fallen into disuse. The delaja element is comparatively small, Ann-sanntinnitin harian and Leelo - .--.-' il... sith tadbharas to the exclusion of tatsamas, while the proportion of the latter is largest in modern prose works on religion, science, and the like. To the tadbharas consequently we must look for the history of the langnage. But tadblavas, again, are of different degrees of phonetic modification as compared with Sanskrit. They fall into two classes :-(1) those which agree with the form which the Sanskrit, Ford takes in Prākrit, and (2) tlose which retain something which Prakrit had rejected. Thus, of the first class we have such words as ru (Pk. rūā, Sh. rája), snb (Pk. sabba, sk. sarva), kinh (Pk. kanho, Sk. krishnah), mngrå (Pk. muggaro, Sk. mudgarah), nai (Pk. 107, Sk nili), nayar, ner (Pk. naaram, Sk. nngaram); of the second, rīj (in Old Hindi for rūjā), sarab, krshan, mugdar, nadi, nagar. These are instances in which both forms of the same word øre found: but in a larger propor. tion the modern languages have no form corresponding to the Prakrit, while that which exists has nevertheless dropped or modified something of the Sanskrit; 4.9., the Sk. Uhaltal is in Pk. bhatto, but in Hindi bhagat ; Sk. enlatah is Pk. stalho, but Hindi sagad ; Sk. dharmah is Pk, dhammo, but Hindi dharam. We may therefore divide tadbharas into (1) the early, or those which camo through Prakrit, and (2) the late, or those which came direct from Sanskrit after the Prakrit etage had been passed. It is obrious that some special cause must have brought about a fresh importation direct from Sanskrit of a stock of words for which Prakrit equivalents had previously been used. Jr Beames suggests sith great probability that ? Compartire Granmar of the Modern Aryan Languages of India, rol. I. IN 14-17.

·8 31DOSTAVI LINGUAGE. this importation of late tadbharas ras due to the reestablishment of Brabmanism after the extirpation of the orice dominant Buddhismı, nbout the 9th or 10th century of our em, and therefore at the time when the maior Aryan verunculnrs were coming into being Prakrit was the langunge of Buddhist literature, and would thus share the fate of the faith it expressed; the revival of Sanskrit learning which accompanied the re-establial:• inent of the brahmanical creed would lead, as within the last fifty years it has agnin led, to tho use of Sukrit in poreference to Prakrit forms; and finally, the extreme degree to shich the rejection of unsupprtei consumenta liad been carried in Prakrit, am the consequent collo fusion in the forin of many words, would inske welennio a change which offected greater cleamce and robustness in speech. The foreign element is sometimes described to Persian anul Ambic; but no borrowing direct from the latter Inn. guage lins ever taken place in llindustani. Or the Arabic voris in Indian tongnes generally (except wsills in Sindhii) it may be said. Whil est in Indici linggaui qux? non prius crat in l'ersici." Such tords are prononnou in India with the modifications (if ing) already intruinnead in Persian, and not as lig natives of Anbin: and where ther have nojuired a special and non-arabic *ine in the former language, they retain it in Ilindustani. l'eroian wens enrly nrerrun by Ambie swable, and finiausi'a kreat procia wil e protest and an ineffectual one) amin... #ICT alreadly well established rather thin a wcimen oftlim la gun.currunt in his day. These sonin e artimi tartlist Prith their sin speech into Iudin ligit congierrs, anl » lecime unturaliscul there. Moreoniun oli llimi literatura 14 free from such importation. They mlm in Chao! ( 1250 4.11.), the sings of the lat Kuti malo by ile nativa privast Vöril svin! this inevlar. "7*;** 6 Kabir (clmit 1000 and fi folosi rl rire tid ninien Ntext will thron. 11.11dati: 1009), fetish his thirte, laving a sultrynariid tier 1.1841 Sanskrit irge luis pore****r Valniki, him with friession for thriririrvlers, 111*

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daily Ese &M years 1 uthe ut.

·10 HINDUSTANI LANGUAGE. utterance; English is still more strange to their lips, and assumes in the written character forms which would be unrecognizable to one unacquainted with Indian phonetics. The Persian of India, from which the Indian vernaculars have been recruited, differs in many respects, both as to sound, idiom, and vocabulary, from that now spoken in'. Eräll. The sounds especially exhibit a more archaic form of the language. Thus the distinction between 7 and e and ū and o, and the nasal n, or nūn-i ghunnah, after long vowels, the due observance of which is enjoined by the classical grammarians and essential to the prosody of all classical Persian poetry, have been retained in India, though now altogether absent from the language of Erān. Hardly any other foreign language besides Persian has contributed to the vocabulary of Hindustani. Turkish words, notwithstanding the nationality of many of the rulers of Dehli, are singularly few; of Pukhto or Afghān there is probably not a single specimen. A small number of Portuguese words have made their way inland from the seaports; and a few English terms are gradually establishing themselves in the mouths of the people. 4. The sounds of Hindustani are essentially those of Sanskrit; some of those found in the latter tongue have, however, disappeared from the former. Thus, among vowels Iri, Irē, and rī do not exist in the modern tongue, while şi is undistinguishable from ri, with which it is constantly assimilated in writing. · Anuswära and Anurāsika are generally confounded in writing (the sign of the former being used for both), though not in utterance; the former is rarely met with, being perhaps restricted to a few words where it occurs before h and s (as f#1, #EK, pronounced, and often written, singh, sanghār, ax, ziu). Visarga is inaudible, though counted in prosody. Among the con.. sonants, the cerebral letters and have developed sounds of ? and rh, which exist side by side with the 1 When this sign is merely a substitute in writing for a nasal of one of the five organs (as JiJiT, FÜSTTT, SZT, a, a) it is not really anuswära.

·HINDUSTANI LANGUAGE. 11 original d and dh, and are indicated by a dot below the letters, thus. Of the nasals, 3 and 3 are generally expressed by anuswära, and is in all tadbhavas represented by 7, remaining only in tatsamas, and in them even being hardly distinguished in the popular speech. is tery generally, though not universally, pronounced as f. 7 stands midway between y and the former sound, or eren 6, heing preferred before i, 7, e, ai, and the latter Before t, d, 1, , 0, au. In the sibilants there is some con- . fasion; # has been generally appropriated to the sound of sh (49 in shall), while ç is used to represent e lh. The tendency in the valgar speech is to use for all the original sibilants of Sanskrit and for the Persian oh what In foreign words the vulgar speech replaces the Persian and Arabic consonants by the nearest indigenous equivaand are all rendered by #; C by e; and bo by 7;j, s, ue, and 5 by ht;" ¿ by at; 3 by # and sometimes # (as Too for g); ¿ by to ,ش ,lents and X * In this article the usual system of transliteration is followed in the rowels; in the consonants, no distinction has been made between ,, ant , as the first two are never found except in conjunction with the teadis, medisl, or aspirates of their respective targas V honen .1.-11- w 145CHILIY Wild we uiaentical marks indicatinz length. Ia Smskrit words T is represented by s, in Hindi Fonts by is in Sanskrit words sh; in fundi it does not OCCUS except with the salae lhe * There are signs of a tendency in Old Hindi to express foreign s by . Thas a more stards for it, 75T for guila, emais, 7ET for ylös, and are for scölj flast four from ·12 HINDUSTANI LANGUAGE. and ,خ and often a (T48 for wüst). e'when initial is unheard, and when preceded by a vowel lengthens it. Nexus of consonants, when offering any difficulty, is treated as in Sanskrit tadbhavas, by separating the consonants by a short vowel. In Urdū, however, the pronunciation follows that current in Persian, and the proper sounds of ; (s, vė, b), É and to a less degree those of ö and E bave become fairly naturalized in Hindostan. The sounds of short e and o, common in Prākrit, can hardly be said to exist in Hindustani, except in the dialects; short e is heard in Awadhi in a few words, and elsewhere in some diminutives. Almost the only irregularity in the Hindustani vowel-system is the tendency of followed by to fall into ए; thus TEOTT, FETT, are almost rennā, sehnā; js, Elo (with the nexus split by short a) are invariably fate, sube. A full account of sound changes, as between Sanskrit, Prākrit, and Hindi, would be a complete history of the growth of the forms of the last named language out of its predecessors. For such an account the materials are still far from sufficient. The only systematic treatment of modern Indian sounds in connexion with Prākrit which has yet been attempted is contained in the first volume of Mr Beames's Comparatire Grammar ; and the following summary of the principal facts is almost entirely based on the examples there collected A. Vowel Changes. Vowel changes in Hindi are feir and of slight importance, except in connexion with change of consonants. In general the Sanskrit vowel is retained both in Prākrit and Hindi, with such modification in its quantity only as is called for by the effect of phonetic laws on the adjacent consonants. Where Prăkrit has modified the Sanskrit vowel, the modification generally reappears in Hindi. There is a tendency in the latter language, more especially in the western dialects and the older speech, to substitute i for a in unaccented syllables; and the diphthongs ai and an, where original and not the result of processes due to Hindi, are regularly replaced by e and -0,1 The vowel și is treated in tiro ways in the modern language : it is either dealt with as ri, when the q if preceded by another consonant is, as usual in such a position, dropped, or, as often happens Ai is similarly treated in loan-words: Shaikh, Husain, Sulaiman, are in Hindi pronounced Shekh, Husen, Suleman.

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·14 IIIXDUSTAWI LAXGU.IGE. cand 0, and (+11, resulting from alty and atv when the y and v are vocalized, do not as a rule form, as in Sanskrit, but ai and : as nayan, nain ; sainnya, samni; sapatni, savattī, saut; apara, avam, iur. Where in consequence of the rejection of one of tiro assimilntel consonants in a nexus the preceding vowel is lengthencu, the result is often the guna-form rather than the long simple vowel : c.9., simbi, H. sem; vilvā, H. bel; kushta, H. korh; sunthi, Il. sonth; pushkara, H. polikar, pokhar. Dis. similar rowels sometimes conlesce: ns utrinto o in suvarnam, sunnnım, H. soni, anıl the instances soīdhū and Soroñ above cited; ita into c, ns vyangn, H. beng; dnyarddhan, divadąhe, diaddhe, II. deşh; vyāpāri, H. bepāri. B. Consonantal Changes. Changes in consonants differ according as the consonants in question occur singly or as members of a combination. Changes in single consonants are of tiro kinds : (a) those which result from the position of the consonant in the word, whether initial, medial, or linal; and (0) those which are irrespective of position, and depend on differonces in the organ of utterance. I. Singic Consonants.--a. Positional changes. Initial consonants are generally unchanged, whether in carly or late tadbhavas; in a few cases an aspirate has been throirn back from tlic body of the word to the first letter, as in grila, glar, duhitā, dhiyā, and there are examples of the rererse process, as bhnginī, bahin (for bhaïn). Medial consonants are either retained, softened (the tenues to incilirc, thic medix to semi-vowels and vowels), or disappear altogether. The cases of retention of the unaspirated letters of the five vargas are comparatively few, except with the cerebrals, to which the rule as to clision does not apply. Jis the letter which most often surrives in the modern tongue, though in Prākrit this also goes out; nasals, semi-vowels, sibilants, and h are generally retained. Softening is a process of which, more especially with the gutturals, cerebinis, and labials, there are many cxamples: kāka, kāg; kankāla, kangāl; paryayka, palang; kunchikā, kuñji; kati, kīră; karpata, kapra; katāha, karāli ; vata, bar; ghata, ghará. generally passes into v, and often thence into 2: c.9., kapāta, kiwār; tripāthi, tiwārī, sapādika, sawā; tāpa, tāw, tāu; sapatha (Pk. savaho) sonh; kapardda, kauri; sapatni (Pk. savatti), sant. Examples of the change of t to d are rare; generally the d produced in Prākrit by the softening of t fell ont before the stage was reached at which the modern language arose : thus in Páli the 3d. pers. sing. present of verbs ends in -adi for the Sk.-ati; but in later Pk. this became ai, and in Hindi ai, c. Elision is in Prākrit the general rulo, and Hindi in this particular faithfully follows its parent. In the former language elision occurs with all the unaspirated gutturals, palatals, dentals, and labials, and with and a (regarded as oy and a). Several-instances in Hindi ·HISDESTANI LANGUAGE. 15 12 hare already been given above, and the following may be added. Elision of t: kokila, boll; suvarnakāra, sonar; kombbakārs, kum hár (and so all noons in -kära indicating trades and occupations). g: bhagint, babin (for Dbalu); tadaga (lk. talão) talão. ch. sachl, suf; dwichatwăriosat, beālis : rasakulah (l'k, ráadlo) rawal; tdjaputrah (PX. rialtto) ránat, rajan, rain; bija, biban, Rajenire, gaind. 4 pliri, pia; mäti, mái, mi, bheitri, Bhal, bhša; gbätt, blião. Siti, Sis. d heldagam, hija, badaram, balr, ber, kadaram (lk. kaalam), kell p. sdpakira, kuir; Dåplta, nãi, dipe, diy, pipāsa, pias t: viráha, biyah. ;--Ayodhy. Awadh (for Aodh), Ayah, au. The cerebrals are nerer elided; p and 8 are most frequently vocalized; the semi-vowels (except & and 7, previously hardened so as to approach and 2, and then treated as those letters are), Dasals, sibilants, and I are also very stable ; r has dropped out in ke (conjunctive participle) for kari (anciently kar), and pai for pari (Sk. apan). The changes of the aspnated letters of the five targas, which it 19 difficult to separate into positional and organic, pull be noticed further on. Final consonants do pot, properly spenking, exist in Hindi, except in loan words from Persian ; an all others the last consonant is considered to have the inherent a, which in poetry is commonly pronounced, though in prose it is inaudible, that, honever, it was recently heard also in prose aprears probable from the protection of the consonant from further change, to hich as a final it would according to the general Aryan sound-lars be exposed b.' Organic change. This operates without regard to position, and occasionally affects initial consonants as well as others The guttural lenes display no tendency to organic change. There arrears to be a tendency for the palatals to modulate into dentals and cerebrals, as H. chonch and thonth from Sk. chanchu ; chālis, aktalis, tcätalis, &c. Between the cerebrals and dentals there is much arrarent confusion, and the passage of the latter into the former has been alleged to be the rule in Priknt, this, however, from considerations adduced by Bfr Beames (Comp. Gr , vol i, pr. 221-3), appears to be too wide a statement, and cases of such passage would seem to be in most instances due to special causes (generally the neighbourhood of r). However this may be, when the Präkrit has sabstitated the cerebral for the fanskrit dental, the modern tongue generally follows at (as Vpat, Pk Vrad, H par-nā). But a large number of wonis exists in which Sanskrit has the dental and Hindi the cerebral, in which the change is not found in Präknt; while again a fer cases of the reverse change occur both between Hindi and Sanskrit and within Hindi itself. The following are instances: Sistit dmtal Hadi rebral dep, 11. dk dans (Pk dans us in $). St. Ja, 1. darh, dirbs, sk. dab, H. dah and dah (Pk. dah and dan). Sk. dan, II. dar; Sk dik, II dig; sk. dal, II. dal (P2. da!); St. tilake, II tiki ... thao) San, L tin, ba ( 1tan, tăn), sẽ.44 14. doll Cola (Px, ·JUXITT,1,YILGUICI:. 1:51. Sil.6:1); 5.1. II. 6.1.1.3.vins (1%. 215. capila 71 Withilliti tingian ng laro su:lit op ilerivatives from the SK VAN (1123 ali!!, in hish thar carolina mit dental appear to Por si ritiertel! ; 6.9., with rahnal, thin, thai, than, : :ur, thalır, shit, i.e.; ith dental, thir, ilagi, thail 'Froin S. Vitun have it. ta na! lor. In the sister languages of Hindi tre m 11.19° 0 1111?ran this interchanh, an in $1.11 shrimp is mislim gelirser for thr verilmal where Jlindi Anullim olurlann thr Trip the drutal. (n-atly gone in indoor). Sk. Whirl, II. kliml, keli; Skrirarisch-in), II.rhet; Sk. l, Pk. pil, 1. rial, 7:1:1, II. ln; sk. kirviais, I." nlni in sk Vogli, 14. maal, li. all, the tras fin: 1 throagh the in. Hur of the ror si frittier porque inta, nud thence r ri manife! in th: nnnerlichidez, igiml; sisälti, Sirds; taulant, komb. Ni: Miri (orygintl {***3!!!" emin then initial; int frisse in-1311174, If any, sedie chan survive in maleru llindi. The nrrhnic vai - Sk. juli ją found in (linnri (Parilah, 18, Gori rai, "linl of t.- (ilioris;" 12:4, Dakkhina vai dosi, country of the slor the Sixth "); int as this peurs only in conjounds, it is not W!!yan inslanc: nf initialy Velho, from Sk. V preksli, is rathi l'inishi thuna llimli. Thir sumatra Introu of the gutturals and dentals, as well as bi, Framlariyilen :r 11!, and sometimes even when initial, p.253 into 1, Insing thrir charcteristic. The following an examples : !: $. rankka, 51. 5. lta 1. thet. ph: SS11. sara); St. BabaluIl. :lef, rahat: Sie moghs, II. 8:17 19: Skin, 0:4 11. 11!ın. .: St. Capsiha, Il. engli; St. I, II. pil: Sk. nathit, 11. tūli: Sko keth, Nien:: Sk. l, ll. s. (lo ralli, "40:1," poudsh!y from St.prathars rather 1!:1:1::!771}, 19: Shira, 11. Jahl;a; Sk. didhi, 11. dahl; Sk. kilu. Il. ráho; Sk. brol II. knii: St. Butho 11. lho. 6.4: St &?!!, 11. colli: Sk. 6!!'ra, II. alar: 54. līblin, 17. lib; SX. out., 11. soli: St. Marti, 11. lall, lev; s&ogma, 11. to; Sk. blagala, 31. hands; La ubunifu, 11. licudi; Sko pralin. OJU 11. palit. This change takes place most frequently with dk and bh ; with lh, all, and la instancns of retention are more common; it is rare at the beginning of a worl, such instances occurring only with dh (as in blī, blant, and bhuma aborc cited) and perhaps with ah (Sk. chomh Vepili heni; Sk. lhärakah Hindi hari; but these strictly speaking occur only in compounds). Th in some words where it is a secondary development is perhaps represented by initial h; as ho in Braj ( High Hindi thii), for thau (from sthitalı): hall (in mrre hii, uske hún) from sthauc. No instances of change in chh or jh have been found. Th often priesce into its medin ah, as pithn, pidha, path, pash (and in secondary formations like kushtha, kuittho, [kuth) korli, ns will ·HINDCSTASI LESGUAGE I pon borontal nk - . 1 1. Fural in the mar chitis, Laisc for lon (Sk. larg maoilert instances ase tue cure non Ford Lambardär for nombrose Inil Pamului . wbury, r shes litial regularly become hl Juuluu umees Vito a diphthong 2 HIVYO'nei JA Onlin mange Dasalzz and th Sk ka, 4. axli; Sk. nãms, H. nībx , Sk. grăma, !! Niliw; Sk šímal., H. săð#lā; sk. kumira, H. kuswar: Sk kamala, II. kansal; Skúlam 117 Rye.. 3 A S w ., Wanara, II. chauri, s'kamana, 11 Eusut in some wond, amit it,1 SE swi gobus, get This pro It 2138 I tho dental 1, suus particular it followa the land of stunt There is also atadepcy to replace the sibulont by & Thux kesari kcomes Ethari, püskáda, rätia, sed saptati ·18 HINDUSTANI LANGUAGE. throughout, when combined with other numerals, hattar (ik-hattar, ba-hattar, &c.); daśan similarly throughout its compounds changes its s to n, as in Prākrit (igārah, bārah, terah, chaudah, &c.). This tendency is somewhat sparingly exhibited in Hindi; it is strongest in the western dialects bordering in Panjābi, in which language it is the rule. There are, however, several inflexional and conjugational forms common to all dialects of Hindi (especially in the oblique cases of nouns in -ā, in the substantive verb, and in the archaic future) which are most probably to be explained by this change, which has already set in in Prākrit. Two other changes, of limited application, must also be noticed. The first is of the sibilants into the palatals, as Sk. shash, H. chha; Sk. shashtha, H. chhatthā; Sk. shatānka, H. chhatāñk; Sk. śāvaka, H. chhok-rā. In all these instances the modern dialects follow the lead of Prākrit; one prominent instance of the change in the latter language, that of Vsthā into chitth, has, however, no representative in Hindi. In Mārwāri and tho Himalayan dialects, on the other hand, ch and chn frequently become s. The second is of q into kh, which is the power generally given to this letter in late tadbhavas and tatsamas ; thus Sk. bhasha is pronounced bhākhā, Bhishma, Bhikhani, visha, bikh, mesha, mekh, larsha, harakh, and from varsha tre lave both barakhnã and barasnā. Of this change Prākrit examples are wanting. H is a stable letter in the modern tongue, and suffers no organic change. II. Changes of Conjunct Consonants.--Prākrit, as a rule, suffered no dissimilar conjuncts, and in all early tadbhavas the modern languages follow its lead, though in late tadbharas stronger principles of articulation are found. The changes which take place depend on the relative strength of the letters making up the nexus, which may with reference thereto be classified into strong and recal. The strong letters are the first four of cach of the five organs, Ti., क,ख,ग,घ : च,छ,ज,झ : ट,ठ,ड,ढ : त,थ,द,घ: प,फ,ब,भ. The weak letters are the nasals, semi-vowels, sibilants, inill, which exhibit relatively one to another different degrees of strength, but are all inferior to the strong letters. Thcsc lettors may combine in the following ways : 1. The strong nexus, forined of strong letters only; 2. The inixed nexus, formed of strong and weak letters; 3. The weak nexus, formed of weak letters only, Tho immenso majority of conjuncts in Sanskrit are of two conso. mants only ; groups of three or even of four consonants occur, but rarely, and chiefly in compound or derivative words (e.g. taatsthane, inatsya, Lakshmana); these, which almost always include a weak Jetter or letters, present nó striking peculiarities. The treakest letter falls out, and the resulting stronger letters combine us in is conjunct of two elements. It will suflico, therefore, to confine our attention here to conjuucts consisting of two dissimilar consonants only.

·19 HINDUSTANI LANGUAGE. In he online vowel ening of the vowel, 1 tetter, it is changed to annswira in Prākrit, without, and to anumásika in the modern language, generally with, compensatory length- (3) In the weak nexus three processes take place - (a) When the two letters are of unequal strength, the weaker is assimilated, as in the mixed nexus ; (B) When they are of equal or nearly equal strength, they are divided one from the other by the insertion of a vowel; or (y) They are combined into a third and different consonant. 1. The following are examples of the strong nexus Sanskrit Prakrit. Inc. khagah khaggo skbag, Old H khagga (also a late tadbhava, kharag) Dudyah muggo mang dug ihah daddho dadh mudgarah muggaro mogrā and mūgri Esejakubja Kannaujja Xabaty, Old H. Kanavajj! BALIAS saddo ad (oid 11 ), sadda (Chand) lbaktam banttam Dhất raktab rattā (Old H.), tāti Vudgar aggal ugal di Vodkan aggay ug na Vojval Vabbal bu-nă Vadbhar Vubbhår abhår-15 The last four wonis supply examples of the sub-rule (8); & largo number of such instances are to be found in the numerais among the derivatives of saptan, "seven.” The om ratto ·20 HINDUSTANI LANGUAGE. krit are far inore frequent; and in Panjābi and Sindhi the lengthened vowel is still of rare occurrence, the Prākrit form being retained. It is to be observed that the augmented rowel, being in compensa. tion for the loss of one of two similar consonants, occurs equally in cases where the doubled consonant is original in Sanskrit, and is not the result of assimilation in Prākrit. Thus pippala is in the modern language pipal, bhalluka bhālī, lattā lāt, lajjā lāj, &c. 2. The mixed nezus is more complicated in its phenoinena : -at, nasals in a mixed nexus; b, sibilants in a mixed nerus; and c, semivowels in a mixed nexus. a. Nasals in a Afixed Nexus.--The nasal may either precede or follow. In the first case it drops out, anunāsika is inserted, and the vowel generally lengthened in compensation for the lost consonant. Examples : - Sk. janghā, Pk. id., H. jāñgh ; Sk. chanchu, H, chonch; Sk. kantakah, Pk kantao, H. kāñtá ; Sk. sunthi, H. soñth ; Sk randā, H. rãñd, rāñr; Sk. shandah, H. sāñd, sāūſ ; Sk. chandrah, Pk chando, H. chãîd ; Sk. kamp, Pk. kamp, H. kātip-ni The lengthening of the vowel shews that the original nasal has been lost and compensation is necessary ; and the anunīsika which marks its place is a totally different sound from the nasals of full contact for which it is substituted. Apparent exceptions are-Sk. jambu, H. jāmüñ; Sk. nimbā, H. nim; Sk. simba, 11. sem, where the m 'would seem to have prevailed over the stronger b. But it seems probable that in reality the strong letter las first absorbed the nasal (as shewn by the Gujarāti jāību, Marāthi jāib), and has then been softened by the influence of the lost arunāsika into m. When the nasal follows, it is assimilated to the stronger letter in Prākrit, and one of the pair is elided in Hindi, generally with compensatory lengthening of the vowel : c.9., Sk. agni, Pk. aggi, II. āg; Sk. lagnah, Pk. laggo, H. Ingā, lāgā ; Sk. nngnah, Pk. Nnggo, Old H. (Chand) naggā, Nlod. H. with inorganic amunāsika 'nnngil There is one combination with a following nasal which is treated in a peculiar manner: this is jī 7. This conjunct, when it occurs in tatsamas and late tadbhavas, is pronounced, and sometimes written, gy. Thus 15T is āgyā, JTT, gyān ; 7317 in Old Hindi is riig rāgini, and by an analogous process is STTT. On the other hand, thio root jñān in other deriratives becomes yān, as siyūnī, ayān. In the modern language jõi is in tro words represented by n, viz., răni for rājai, and janco for yajfioparvita (through Pk. jannonio, jannoio). Lastly, in ynjña and its compounds the general rule is sometimes, follored, and jalone surriros; as in Old Hindi jaj, and the common word jajmän (ynjamann). b. Sibilants in a Mixed Netus.--When the sibilant precedes the jubli for jilirā: igoro as well as Iscaro for liknrah; rall, rīdſ, and thing well as ratil for rütri. 'The first of these is important as supplying a means of expalalok the oblique bascs of lIindi nouns in nnd of geroral pronouny, ·HINDUSTANI LANGUAGE. 21 1 kuanan) but more commonly kidhi). Sk pushkaram, Pk. pökkharam, H. pokhar, Sk-sushkah, Pk sokkho, sukkho, H. sukli. IVYA Paint 1, CL n'shmal PL 1 Il- 11. AULA. 31'th Inhal Sk. Vspars, Pk. phans, H. phaña-na ; Sk. pushpam, Pk, ruppham, Hºruhup, phup (for pupb); Sk. Paskush. 10 Value Laus slagal becomes thag, and asthi, Pk atthi, has, by the throwing back of the aspirate and the softening of t into d, become haldi hit secondary th resultin the last instance, be $k, kushtba. H. lor 3 lA n+ $ 1 S ·22 HINDUSTANI LANGUAGE. 3 Dental with Sibilant: Sk, vatsah, Ph. vachchho, H. bachchhi, bachhrū; Sk. matsyah, Pk. machchho, H. machh, machchhi. But although the result above shown from k+sh is common and regular, it is not the most usual transformation. This combination is more often changed into kkh and kh, and this in words there in Prākrit the other change (into chchh) had occurred. Thus:- Sk. akshi, Pk. achchhi, is H. āñkh; Sk. kshīram, Pk. chhīram, H. khīr; Sk. ikshu, Pk. uchchhū, H. ikh, ūkh; Sk. kshāram, Pk. chhāram, H. khăr; Sk makshikā, Pk. machchhiä, H. makkhi, mākhi (but also a diminutive, inachchhar); Sk. kshetram, Pk chhettam, H. khet, kherā; Sk. dakshinah, Pk. dakkhino. II. dakkhin (also dahinā); Sk. pakshah, Pk. pakkho, H. pakh; Sk. drākshā, Pk. dakkhá, H. dâkh. This development is interesting, as showing that the modern languages do not invariably follow the lead of literary Prākrit, though they use Prākrit processes. It could seem that of the two results the one less used in Hindi (ksh=chchh) is the older, as exhibited in Prākrit and in several archaic dialects of Hindi mhere To now harc kkh, and as more agreeable to analogy; while the change into 2:kh grew out of an inyersion of which we have traces in Mägndhi Prākrit, whereby the sibilant was placed before instead of after the Hd; the combination sk would, as already shown, migrate into th. It is also probable that the pronunciation of kh given tQ , which was in common use at the time when the late tadbhayas (to which class many of the words having ksh=kkh belong) were being formed, contributed to the greater preralence in Hindi of the equivalent less used in Prākrit. c. The Semi-vowels in a Mixed Nczus.--The phenomenn in this combination are also of a somewhat complicated order, and it will be convenient to take first the cases in which the general rule is followed, and afterwards the apparcnt exceptions. Or the somi. vowels only r and I can precede a strong letter; and then that' letter is a guttural, palatal, or labial, the general rulo is followed with r, and in all cases with l. Examples:- of r preceding : Sk. karkatah, Pk. kakkado, 1. keikți; Sk. karkatikā, Pk. kakkadiā, 1. kakri; Sk. mārgah, Pk mnggo, II. māng (Old H. magga); Sk. archi, H. āñch; Sk'khnrjīram, Pk. khajjūram, H. khajūr; Sk. mahārgah, Pk. mahaggo, II. inalianga; Sk. karpatah, Pk. kappado, H. kapra; Sk. karpásam, lk. kappsam, H. kapás; Sk. sarpah, Pk. sappo, H. sātīp; sk. samarpanam, Pk. samapparam, H. samappa-nnun, soíñp-nā; Sk. garbhum, Pk. gabblian, H. gabh; Sk. garbhini, Pk. gabbhini, Il. gibhin; Sk. durbalah, Pk. dubbalo, H. dublă. of preceding: Sk. valg, Pk. vagga, H. bāy; Sk. phinigunnin, Pk. phaggunan, H. phāgun; Sk. phalgu, lk. paggů, H. phing; Sk. Vjalp, Pk. janr, H. jap-nī. When the succeeding letter is a dental, the process aboro indi. cated takes place with r in a large number of instances: Sk. varttikī, lk. battii, H. batti; Sk. vārtti, l'k vatti, Old II.

·HINDUSTAN LANGUACE. 23 batta, Mod. II. lit; 81. Warttur, I'k, kattart, II, varirini, Mk. Kürttikam, Pk kattikam, II. katik; sk. kini, lk. Vkull, IL küd-ni; Sk. chaturda kati, 1'k. Chandler, li, chaula), Bat in the majority of car in I'rikilt A Juany, willen dental troslates the latter into a cerebral, and this waye * nat lutalin Tiin.lt - Jura HTI UL Lit TULUI ruth:8k. chaturthi, lk. Jaattbo, 11, 12, (in the diferir usually chruthi), r+d: Fk, kanndal, Ik kevwly, II, 1xun;), 1), I'm tall, II. tit. r+dh: ak. varlhaki, P'k, yallu1, II. Imli Sabt, thrown forward), 'k, yollly, II, 1}14, bisline, skrudiw, I'&. vlllir, II. birhe. To this lixt istixt Im alle fuzluwas in wis tlu v will ) bcen thrown forward to the linekongwrdi, Isha nyulurly 14th in l'rikrit as gruļi; In Hiwi tlx 11. th raw walaus into y, c.9. Sk jirutivasi, PX pusiyüxt, II. guru, L. Maza, I'm pajichuzi, II. 350 baita tuli, 1 wył, 11 ). fis, Jarya!, garziali Wilt destuls gos a lart kam liberos fulls out, and fly without+tou the org'u of it is Fiks Fartuta, 11. Yht; wytwo, solltest.. : mitrale, 1. wiLV, II. fuit, yritton, yuld, I will, gulbri, Px, rutes, II rat, frutats, . joule, tik el trul, Ik suttaw, I nt, Lulu, to k. Luurub, P.Iwadu, 11. 11 id, m., lk, hiki. 11.01. The dictige of the di tutorial to 4 at Ut id 1", 4.114 tu. como:

·22 HINDUSTANI LANGUAGE. Dental with Sibilant: Sk. vatsah, Ph. vachchho, H. bachchhi, bachhrū; Sk. matsyah, Pk. machchho, H. machh, machchhí. But although the result above shown from k+sh is common and regular, it is not the most usual transformation. This combination is more often changed into kkh and kh, and this in mords where in Prakrit the other change (into chchh) lad occurred. Thus:- Sk, akshi, Pk. achchhi, is H. āñkh ; Sk. kshimm, Pk. chhīram, H. khīr; Sk. ikshu, Pk. uchchhū, H. íkh, ūkh; sk. kshāram, Pk. chhāram, H. khār; Sk. makshikā, Pk. machchhia, H. makkhi, mākhi (but also a diminutive, machchhar); Sk. kshetram, Pk. chhettam, H. khet, kherā; Sk. dakshinah, Pk, dakkhino. II. dakkhin (also dahinā); Sk. pakshah, Pk. pakklıo, H. pakh; Sk. drākshā, Pk. dakkhã, H. dãkl. This development is interesting, as showing that the modern languages do not invariably follow the lead of literary Prākrit, though they use Prākrit processes. It would seem that of the tivo results thic one less used in Hindi (ksh=chchh) is the older, as exhibited in Prākrit and in several archaic dialects of Hindi there me now harc kikh, and as more agreeable to analogy; while the change into kich grew out of an inversion of which we have traces in Māgadhi Prākrit, whereby the sibilant was placed before instead of after the hd; the combination sk would, as already shown, migrate into kh. It is also probable that the pronunciation of th given to 7, which tras in common use at the time when the late tadbhavas (to which class many of the words having ksh=kkh belong) were being formed, contributed to the greater prevalence in Hindi of the equivalent less used in Prākrit. C. The Semi-vowels in a Mirc Ncxus.--The phenomenn in this combination are also of a somewhat complicated order, and it will be convenient to take first the cases in which the general rule is followed, and afterwards the apparent exceptions. of the semivowels only r and I can precede a strong letter; and when thnt letter is a guttural, palatal, or labinl, the general rulo is followed with r, and in all cases with l. Examples:- of r preceding: Sk. karkatah, Pk. kakkado, 11. keñkrā; Sk. karkatikā, Pk. kakkadiā, H. kaki; Sk, mārgah, Pk. magro, II. māüg (Old H. magga); Sk. archi, H. anch; Sk. kharjūrın, Pk. khajjūram, H. khajur; sk. inahārgal, lk. malinggo, H. mahatiga; sk. karpatah, lk. kappado, H. kapra; sk. kirpisani, Pk. kappa sain, H. kapās; sk. sarpah, Pk. sarpo, H. siin; sk. samarpanam, Pk samappanam, H. samappa-nau, soññp-na; Sk. garbham, P. galibham, H. gubh; Sk. garbhini, Pk. gnbbhini, 11. gübhin; Sl:. durbalah, Pk. dubbalo, II. dubla of 1 preceding: Sk. valgā, Pk. vaggi, H. bag; Sk. phalgunni, I'k. phaggunam, H. phāgun; Sk. phalgu, Pk. paggu, 11. plig; Sk. Vjalp, Pk. japp, II. jap-hi. When the succecding letter is a dental, the process nbove indi. cater takes place with r in a large number of instana's:- Sk. varttiki, Pk. battia, 11. batti; Sk. vārtti, Pk. vatta, Old II. we ·AS DEXDESTASI LANGUAGE. batta, Not R. Mat, Sk. karttari. PL kattari, i kalt-ni; Sk kirttikag, t'a katikant, H, katok; S&, vtünd, Pk. Vhoud, JI kūd-dā, Sk. chatarlasan, Pk. chauddaha, II. cbaudib. But in the majority of cases in Prikrit A precedor with s 104. Sk. yarbaki, I'k radhai, H. barhai, Sk. medhah it hrout forwand), lk. vulbo, H. bodkā, bärbi, SŁ, sirkan, Patike, sårhe. To this list must be added instances in which the r of prett has seen thrern forward to the i, maskwg parts, which regularly apwers a Prikrit as pati; in Hindi tbe diri is either retaxed or soltered ntor, e.g. S&. pratzrasi, Pk. pudirisi, H. farosi; SE pratichkisá, Pk padich, 1 parbhšia. Jawaban SAM, 1. th, Sh bhramaram, I'!. Lhamarata, H. Whannar la Later tadbhavas the r is frequently separated from its co- 793100 and thrown forwari on the next consunant; tex Sk. preus, fratára, prakāks, prarans, pranāli become H. Tarsil, partib, jarras. Targani, per il With details rastast member likenise falls out, and frente ay without effect on the orgio of its compaion . Sk. kshetrin 1 . cy - mittak, Ik. gull, Skri ret; Sk. süt da); SŁ. Ch: II, pia. The change of the dental to a cerebral in Euch 333 Dot tombot Sk chitrad, Pk. chitto, II. chikt (tat chitrakah, chittan, clit'; Skatram, I'krattam, I. päi, SL 39th, Ili, giri; Vtrat, 11. ted; sk. kipinas, Pk chhulish, 11. cabou L following u sometimes elsded, as in SE éatis, I enk; ts: mok fes, both ia Prikrit and lindi, it is operatel from its com ·24 HINDUSTANI LANGUAGE. junct by an interposed rotel ; c.9., Sk. pliha, H. pilhi; Sk. kleśah, Pk. kileso, H. kales; Sk. sukla, H. sukul. Y and v only occur as following members, and in the immenso majority of instances in combination with a dental. With letters of other organs they commonly fall out, according to rule, as : Sk. yogyah, Pk. jóggo, H. jog; Sk. Vchyū, Pk. chū, H. chů; Sk. jyoti, H. jot; Sk. pakwah, Pk. pikko, H. pakkā. In a few instances even with dentals they fall out or aro vocalized, as Sk. tyāga, H. tiāg; Sk. twaritam, H. turnīt, turt; Sk. Prithwirāja, H. Píthorā; Sk. dwipa, H. dip; Sk. dui, Pk. dne, do H. do. But with dentals generally they are raised to their higher forms of palatal and labial, and as such form a strong nexus with their com. panion, by which, however, they are so affected that they pass into its grade. Examples :- 1' +y = ch: Sk. satyah, Pk. sachcho, H. sach, sāñch ; Sk. nrityati, Pk. nachchaï, H. nāche; Sk. mrityu, Pk. iniclicha, H. mich. Th+y = chh: Sk. mithyā, Pk. michchhū, H. michha. D+y = ; : Sk. adya, Pk. ajja, H. aj; Sk. vidyut, Pk. rijjuli, H. bijli; Sk. dyūtam, Pk. jūdam, jūnm, H. jūā. Dhi+y = jh: Sk. madliye, Pkmajjhe, i, innjli, māñjh ; Sk. bandhya, Pk. banjjhii, H. bāñjh ; Sk. npādhyāyah, Pk. uajjhão, H. ojhi ; Sk. sandhyā, Pk. sanjhā, H. sõjh. Of v changed to the most numerous set of instances occurs in the numerals, where in regularly becomes l, c.9., dwādaśan, bārah ; dwāvinsati, biis; Quitiya, bīyā (in Chand ; more commonly dūij, dūj); so also Sk. dwārah, H. bār. In combination with thic process has, in analogy with the changes of y with tenues, resulted in raising the grade of the b to p; the most coinınon examples of this change are the reflexive pronoun ap (anciently īpu, appu) anil the suflises pan, pā, panā. 'l'he first is from Sk. átinn, Pk. nppa, where the in has first changed into r, making itra; the secom is most probably from the Sk. terininntion twam, twan ; thus rriddhatwam - būrhāpī, through buddhappiin. Sk. tattwa, however, appears in Old Ilindi as tata, tatta. In one combination writlij, thic root vjwal, both the regular process and that usunl with d aru in force, the root becoming in Hindi both jal and lnl. 3. The Ilonk Morus.---The phenomena of this form of conjunct nto complicated by the fact that among the weak letters come in stronger than others; the general rule is that the weaker yields to the stronger, as in the inixed nexus. Ansal arith Nasal. The only fornis of this in Sk. nr mu and 11 ; the first yielıls no instances in llindi; of the second Sk. janmi, sannukham, are examples, becoming in lik, jammo, saimnham: the first worl is in linili always a Inte tndblinya, jannm; the second yields sunli-trā, sūh-it. Nasal arith Semi-tourl.-In this coinbination the nasal generally prevails. Examples of a preceding nasal aro: Sk. arman, IX. Pannain, Hl. man; Sk. itanyakali, l'. iminnao, II. arui ; Nkant, H. in, Old II. ani; Sk. Kinyah, I'k, sunno, IL sin, sini; M:.

·EINDUSTANI LANGUAGE. 25 . dhangam, dhan; Sk. aganyab, Pk. agammo, H. agam (Old H. agamma); sk. tantuni, tadnini (in Chand) Combinations with I are sure, in Sk. arnlıkā, Himli, both members survive. watning of Tamil 7) 1. Ant. ---- TT www.YUXE-Change 81 tar lu that an chancha=choñch ; Sk. Smaśānam, Pk. masānam, Amazın ; Sk, snushi, H, nāh; (3) splitting of the nexus occurs,Sk knehah, H. szeh ; Sk Emaranam, I gumiran, samaran, and (4) in the following words the sibulant survives and the nasal is lost Sk suntı, H. surat (where the v 13 due to the lost nasal); Sk. raam, wig rap Bei S. WHO ALIUCN, le v prevalling only where it passes into jsk chauryam, Pk. choram, H chori; sk, sūryyah, Pk. kūru and supo, H. sûr and (late tadbb.), suraj Sk. tūryyana, Pk. tūram, H. turi; Sk. käryyam, Pk, kajjam, H. kāj ; Sk pūryate, l'a pwwai, ir pūge ; Sk. aścharyyam, Pk achehheram Hachijja a singu polañg; eugenelawy weconnes 0, and as a strong letter assimilates the r-Sk. sarfval, Pk sabbo, H sab;sk pārvah, Pk. publo Old H. pubba; Sk. apūrvah Pk annhha nia wamhl: Sk. Vchary, Pk. Chabb, 13 is always treated by k pabbo), pūrab in the lam, H kål, kal, kalh, maulyan, Pk mollam, .. 10 &lso the lis the stronger ; perhaps the only example la Sk. vilrà, l'k. villi, H bel In vy the v becomes , and the y is absorbed, or remains only as a vowel; $k, Voyang, H. büchh. nā; Sk. vyaghrab, H. bagh, Sk vratita, H bit-da, Sk vyangah It. LeBg -trang) Fris treated as br, and the r is absorbed, or else the perus is split; r in this nexus is usually yocalized in Sk., so that most examples are of tri-Sk prikah, R. bik, Sk vnd dhah, II tudtha; Sk vrinda, H. bindi; Sk. Yn chikah, H. bich. chhů; sk. vrata, 1. brat ; Sk prāta, i birit; Sk. vraja, H.

·26 HINDUSTANI LANGUAGE. ܕ܀ baraj, birj (the last three words are late tadbhavas ); Sk. vrikshab, by a curious change, becomes Pk. rukkho, H. rūkh. Semi-vowel with Sibilant. The only semi-vowel which is found preceding a sibilant is r in the combinations tsh and rs. In these (1) the sibilant absorbs the semi-vowel ; or (2) the nexus is split ; or (3) a third dissimilar consonant results. Of the first process the following are examples: Sk, birshah, Pk. sisso, H. sis; SE pārówe, H. pās; Sk. Vspars, Pk. phans, H. phas-nā, phañsnī Sk Vnishkarsh (krish), H. nikāsnā. Of the second: Sk. varshah, Pk. bariso, H. barasná, barsāt ; Sk. sarshapam, H. sarasoíi: Of the third: Sk. Vkarsh (krish), Pk. kaddh, H. kāphnā; Sk. Vnisb-karsh, Pāli nikkaddh, Pk nikkal, H. nikāl. The sibilant may be followed by all the semi-vowels, and in all cases proves the stronger. A following y is absorbed in-Sk. śyāmah, H. sām, shām; sk. śyāmalah, H. sāñ wlā ; Sk. kyālalı, H. sālā ; Sk. avaśyāyam, H. os; Šk. pushyam, H. pūs; Sk. kansyah, H. kāřsā. A following r is absorbed -Sk, érī, 'H. sī; Sk. srāvnņam, H. sāwan ; Sk. sriņoti, Pk. suņaï, H. sun-e ; Sk. asru, Pk. aņsū, H. āñsū; Sk. Śwaśnu, Pk. sassū, 'H. sās." Late tadbhavas, hom. ever, split the nexus-Sk. śrī, H. siri; Sk. asrayam. H. āsarā; Sk. misrah, H. misar ; Sk. śrávakah, H. sarāogi. A following i is rare ; in Sk. slāglā, H. sarāh, the nexus is split. A following, disappears—Sk.ºswaśurah, H. sasur ; Sk. swaśru, H. sās ; Sk iswarah, Pk. issaro, H. isar; Sk. Svāmī, H. sãīñ ; Sk: sivaka, H. sagā: in Sk. Vswap, Pāli sup, Pk. suv, H. so, and Sk. swarga, H. surag, the vowel following the s is due to elided v. H in Šk. sometimes precedes the nasals n and m. In these cases Prākrit transposes the two, and the modern languages follow its lead-Sk. chihnah, Pk. chinho, chindho, H: chinh, chinhā; sk. brāhmanah, Pk. bamhano, İt. bāmhan: sk. Brahma, H. bamh, bambh, and bam. Combinations of h with other letters are rare in old tadbhava words ; it is found with following ? under the form ri in hridaya and its derivatives, which in Hindi nppear either as hiyā, hiya, &c., with loss of , or as rid, ridā, with loss of h. Followed by y and v, those semi-vowels are strengthened to j and v, which h then aspirates. Cases of the nexus hy do not perhaps occur in Hindī;" but in the cognate Panjābī we have-Sk. guhyah, Pk, gujjho, Panj. gujjhā; Sk. vāhyakah, Pk. vajjhao, Panj. bājh, būjhon. Instances of hv are-Sk. jihva, Pk. jibbbā, jihā, H. jibh; Sk. vihvalah, Pk. vebbhalo, H. bihbal (late tadbh.). 5. Grammar.-- In the following paragraphs we propose, in illustration of the historic development of Hindustapi out of its predecessors, to examine in the first place the inflexion of the noun (including the adjective, and inci- 1 Used as an exclamation in praise of Mahādcra, who is thereby identified with Brahma. See Kavīr in Trumpp's Ādi Granth, n. 684. " It is probably in this combination that we must seck the origin of the pronominal forms, mujh, tujh, from genitives Thich would originally bc musya, tasya, and then muhya, tuhya.

·dentally the posts of the verb. While Prakrit especially in the para Hindustani, on the roses guage. Traces so declension by parts the tenses of the a structed by tte le which are the room As we go taek tend our six to : - guages, the 2 system widers; much that was per still survives, 23 Jet come into e counterarse to the lects ore the praca to con-Arya ep 2 on their Tomas words) 222 kali the code rated, to be a their gamton IT to assume that yielded ts & Tax SCIONES 11,25 Irlos are fral misiz, to the party time by Wail:23. Gal 13 Pins fine wice rally in arconio for Per 1:

·28 HINDUSTANI LANGUAGE. in-ah (whether of Aryan or Semitic origin) become masculine in Hin. dustani, on the analogy of the masculine termination - ; on the other hand, nouns (generally Arabic) in -at are with one or two exceptions all feminine, probably on the analogy of the Aryan feminines in -ati, modern -at. Nouns of which the gender is not determined by termination seem to be classed according to analogy of idea with vernacular nouns. The distinction between early tadbhava nouns on the one hand and late tadbhavas and tatsamas on the other is maintained in Hin. dustani in respect of form; the one class agrees with Prakrit, the other with Sanskrit. This distinction is inportant in reference to declension; for, as will hereafter be seen, it is only in the first class that we now find traces of the original synthetic inflexion system; the latter class, assuming in Hindi generally the form which they bear in the Sanskrit nominative (with the loss of visarga, anuswara, and final short vowels, if any), are unchanged in the singular throughout the cases. Modern nouns, whether old or late tadbhavas, end either in a con. sonant or a long vowel ; no genuine tadbhava is found in Hindi in the present day with a short vowel ending, words so terminated being all tatsamas or late importations from Sanskrit. But the consonantal ending does not exhibit the form in which the first class originally came into Hindi; in poetry the inherent -a, no longer heard in prose, is still pronounced, so that all modern consonantally ending nouns appear in the former as terminating in short -1. This short-a is the remnant, in the case of most masculines representing original Prākrit masculines, of an older -26; in that of masculines representing Prākrit neuters, of an older -am (with anustāra); in that of feminines, of an older -i, -21, or an original Prākrit'-. The neuter gender had almost disappeared from Hindi at the date or our earliest extant specimens, and thus we find original neuters in cam having the old masculine termination -ll, either by transfer from proper masculines, or produced by solution of the anuswära into a labial vowel and anunâsika. These terminations are the rosult of the application to the Prākrit endings of the law, universal' as between that language and Old Hindi, that a long final vowel in Prākrit is shortened in the latter speech. There is no such thing as a consonantally ending noun in Prākrit; even those bascs which in Sanskrit ended in consonants (as -at, it, &c.) assume in Prakrita vorrel (as anto, itā), or drop the consonant so as to lay bare the preceding vowel; and all final vowels in Prākrit are in the nominatiro case of nouns long. These long vowels were shortened in Old Hindi to their inherent or related simple vowels; and in the moderni tongue the short vowel is dropped, its place being taken in poetry', and at an immediate stage in prose, by short a, which thus does later duty for all the original short Towels. Thus the Old Hindi -u, -Q, and present consonantal ending of masculines, represents an original Prakrit-o or-am ; Old Hindi -1, present consonantal ending of feminincs, represents an original Prākrit -i; Old Hindi -12, present consonantal ending of feminines, represents an original l'rākriti;

·99 OLYDUSTANI LAXGUAGE Old Hindi 2, present consonantal ending of feminines, represents u original Prikrit - The old tabhsyas which terminata in a rowe) (necessarily long in present Hind, since short final romels have ceased to be 1.lv nonlama 11 mula, fers. -126, Deut. slam; in t-stems, mase -ukah, fem. ska, peut -ukan. In Prikrit these terminations yreld respectively -20, -zā, varm, -20, -td,iam, and -ua, :u, -ulam. According to the م والابداعهلمند Sansk As ut utundu huru. Sonst Old 2nd Most Hindi kanksh kantso Liba2 ass (pase ) Chocalar sho las gbp3 ghora churaxah chittag chitat che maitatah watthal Mithas matba Alam (est) (574afyakam sunnan tanak tona (ne Wiscb4b richeblo Dichchhi bichebote matska smakthi makhi mache Bakkbi Dazut 43 (lemo) mrta mitta mitu mittt Sarkatta taktails kaklart katkast, kats! Aanchits 20113 kati knji ton (nett) maakt[kem moeting 2015 tas (masc.) bhallah Bballao b! b៤៥ (leto) bāla3 bila m (peat) (urte Janapan natam 298 Xepdo form, ta Bight #li blchebt from aby-form la S. Frischakat ·30 DISDCST.ISI LINGUAGE. The clore, except suvarnakam anel arukam, are all cases in which the k-augment is representel in Sanskrit ; but, as already statel, its rise in lrikrit was lig no incans confinel to words in which it existrd in Sanskrit: it was added, it trould seem indifferentis, to all nouns, substantire and adjective; and, reasoning from the forms takon in Hindi by Prikrit nouns in which it was certainly used, as proved by the (as yet far from thoroughly explored) extant specimens of Prakrit literatnre, we are justified in asstunning that there existed a lrälsrit original having this augment wherever tre find Himi nouns having those forms. Jorcovcr, in Old Hindi, and oren in a few worls in the modern language, relics have survived of the process whereby ikā became i; ukā, i, &c. Thus ve hare ferninincs in-iyi, that termination being as a rule attributed to mas. culines (c.1., būſhiyi, kuttiya, guriyā, dibiyi, chiriyi); this seems to result from arrest of the derclopment at the Prikrit stage, when ikri bad become -ii. So we have also, from a presumable ukah, vhaduā (Whatukah), machhui, pahruā, side by side with forms in • only ; these are probably similar arrested developments. In poetry, more especially in the older specimens, any noun ending in i ori may assuine the forms •iya and urca vlien the metre requires it, which are exactly the intermediate forins between the Sanskrit ikā, . ula and the modern i, u, which analogy leads us to expect. The foregoing rules will be found to account for all tadbhara nouns, substantive and adjcctirc, in Hindi; that is, all such nouns of which there are representatives in Sanskrit and Prūkrit. In the class of deśaja worls there are similar derelopments ; such words it in number, and their terminations hare : upon the analogy of the niuch more numerous class which have come through Prakrit. Fith deśaja words, hots erer, must be classe nouns formed by means of a great variety of terminations in Hindi representing rarious modifications and extensions of the root-idea ; as diminutives, 'abstract nouns, nouns of agency, and the like. It is not necessary to suppose, although the roots of such deriratire words may occur in Sanskrit and Prākrit, that their modern forms came into Hindi through these languages; it is sufficient that a system of formation and inflexion was once established in the case of true tadbharas; having been established, it naturally extended itself by analogy to all other words, whether these were part of the original old stock or later developments. Late tadbhara and tatsama nouns, which have been taken over direct from the Sanskrit without passing through Prākrit, do not cxhibit these peculiarities. They are formed by the simple process of adopting the Sanskrit nominative case, rejecting only anuswāra, visarga, and a short final . Thus the Sanskrit stems ichchhā, agni, dhātu, dātri, mātri, sarit, dhanyat, rājan, naman, mahiman, tejas. win, manas, chakshus appear in Hindi as ichchhā, agni, dhātu, dātá, mātā, sarit, dhanwan, rājā, nām, mahimā, tejaswi, man, chaksha. The only exception are bases in vat, which in Hindi frequently substitute for that termination •vant, instead of -vān, as pāptant, balwant; this is due to the influence of Prākrit, where ·INDUSTANI LANGUAGE. 31 Fem conson ghori beti the nom. sing of such bases ends in tanto, Old H. rantu, later lanta, tnt. The declension of Douns is effected in Hindi by means of bat are called post-positions, thus Singular. Masc. conson Blase. stemn Fem. stem antal stem, upta) ste. in t. Xom. băgh ghori bit beti bigb Accus. ឱt Dagh-so ghore-ko bāt ko butI-ko Dat. Dīgh ko zhore-ko hgt ko beti ko ADI. bägh-te ghore-se bat-80 beti ne Loc. bagh-min ghore-me1 bat-meil beți-met Agent Digh-nu ghore-ne bát-De beti nc Gen bigb-ta Khore-ka bāt kā beti kā Voc. bagh ghore Lat bets Plural Nom. bagh ghore baten betis an ghure täten betiyan bagho-ho khorot-ko bāton-ko Detiyon-ko Daghon ko ghoron ko bāto-ko betiyon-ko ADI. bagh 11-8c ghorof-su bāton-Be betiyon- Loc. baghof-mnet ghorof-men baton mer betiyon-men Agent baghon ne ghoron ne bālon-ne betivont ne Gen. Dixhon-ka ghorof-kā bâton-ka bitiyo hi Vuc. bûgho Dato Litijo It will be seen that in the singular one class of nouns only, tho muascaline in-c, has a special form before the case-affixes, the other classes remaining unchanged; while in the plural three of the four, the masculine in ā, the consonantally ending feminine, and the Tonyinina in i toba gamal fomon frihn nomination and n11 the Accuy, ſhagh Iat. ghoro alba.LL. de lesls, frost-positions are very sparingly used. The noun appears 11 a crude form, generally without any termination indi.

·NIXDL TISI LINGV.GE ctives of m** (ir nomla; nil this to ascere ein l. discurred only in the order of tir vorils, and oftea Berimperfectly **t tonnet Si::**. Howert, ihr noun is initiatol in the singuist, Aud:nonetan in the pluri, by the addition of certain rint, which is dis gilions; anaamiti are those wide to the similar anmuitiative plural, and ani, sii, arī 2. the plural. Th2. ending somed to lietaliniforently with all the sides of the ringulrexcept the tocative, 970, ti, o maraton in the worlotninntive. 11thritian, our prodhimi authority for Om Blinis, 5C lilllint kulinra onudi i! ;' in 12 tpmingitesinin ind in in the origina singular aiul instive pinnal (: is still the caso in Suhl; i:litir it werel in si in illy obligue sing. And lotn. prili am ludla ciast of tins cal in win in the plarz milim in the forman of Kalir!!:) Hlaat of the dirv1 of Tulinis, 11.7*111* frontions listitem i1l -r in Chandin fond, thi, hi, 1:1 for the simular obliye, anl 01:, 6:1, anla, arti for lirip bir tatha ink, to find an alli910 termination in the cinpuiir which is otir olmdisla lligh linii anu ether westconjten by...!, and in errother (thesuthern and 6.211 izliyi. Thus, from the stoni (wa!, ih, ?, &r.), tolliam ju in i futurc11:ir, ', anil in the latterike, %, ; fri SU , , 4. 14tili, ushi, ini; from the re; ji 6.jr, jász, jis, jiki, ji; imza the strata, ti (**, Kliki, tixT. ;*:, 1:1, 7, 11. Viti the pronouns of the Cirilor001}":-1!14 singular, 0131116 (771) antio, te finti only the obliga in mini, laki, o, u, te ; the sccosul in its : ** ii*7 typesntai ir artwil, which in zil proba. 773 indirr: 9111?inal frigrlit y Essil in all and mic llindi. withont any further nilir. in all us except that of the agent, ad Sonrtines 14!), the marris, for that we Forsikitlications and to known larz ophonetic change it appuntolus fir conclusion that the ancient-hi (, -1) or the sini.. of tons is identical with an older (71, *,*73); and Hranthus led to the Sinkrit punitive on stuns ending in 2. If ur turn to th: Prikrit, e inlihat the Sanskrit aur is repopuscute! by 6.-28:1, all, anul furtücmon, that this genitive of one clues of Sukrit tous les iven arried to all masculine and Brades nouns in the soug We also find that of the fire Sanskrit oss inot counting the cereating and the Texatire, of which tie inruier tris nt an early stagi in Triikrit assimilated to the zornio-tise), the genitive cormination is use to lenote all ercent the instrumental aod likatirt. Westea therefore to iw justified in * Tborgarrello 21:3Merilice adi3:11 xentorcint lansetetur Dr Tumri (12:40.imeteedi in Tiri.) :3 esis is aimers of Se IM! Hili Nd in ! Granit. I'm the explagutina of the first Simve, l: 1* 0! al €!!i tha: i: martirei dire sro the Smarta trazh soitti tickets iniu asiz.

·HINDUSTANI LANGUAGE. 33 conclading that the origin of the Hindi forms in asi, ara, ah, aha is to be found in the Sk genitive asyr, Pk assa, asz, ah The e used interchangeably with a as a termination has possibly arsen from the Prākrit ablative, which in the Sauraseni dialect ends lency to fusion of caseprobable that two ter- ; and as a fact, in the Le ablative and copitive 1 t became mhin, and was used with other than pronominal stems, has contributed to the general oblique form -ahi, which also appears with Anunāsıka, as ahın. Applying these conclusions to our oldest specimens of Hindi, we may exhibit the development of the oblique singular hypothetically as follows. Nom. Mod Tend. bagh Obl, bagghant, de.}ra Chand, &c. }bāgbi A/asculine Noun: ending consonantally in Modern Und Sansk. Prak Early Ilindi. vyāghrah vargho bagghz, bāgha (Fagghassa vyaghrasya vagght tagghaha vagghahe Laggha, bagha, in Granth Masculine Nouns ending in dn Vodern Ilindi ghotakah ghod 10 ghoran gholaassa gbotak.9ya ghoul.13: [ghorūhi] ghod saha 1 ghoral ghodaahe Somn gbori . OM gbote TL where the hiatus existed ; that is, augmented nouns in -akah, the tak shorìhi, to the form ghore, ·<!--:; muslim --- > +04 it!!!! Pritrici Pilli. 1 4 * * : : : :: ::: :: Jai, 3 ca: **!!!:21: :"-lirsi... 11:4 dag) 141 Titis. Thanthirika ;": th: ***?!? llisillinii Kong. the firem for the angle of the site *.**;** nitirahay takea jom TALL! Fie Board here the sitt pris. -12, 12. OCL The final ** $$#*?? (usion of this tormi. riittimiznindi - skica in Sanskrit is gr. :*:*"* :Liki istemediterli to mazrulizes *** Srnirilis, ti 1.15r. zobably to look tiroz1979mi-faca mine poralinimaliees in een com 11.30 petites to-ii). In l'rākrit int, nif, tiek silih pireet forms. 72. Fetarvix to: ** tis only the masculine nominative This is 1 mal in List with the relique singular; and it has sida mnis isten.tic.lt inom llindi vie find this to be the case stith In ('n we find pinataha, samlıa, singhalua, &c; I love this nominative plural ng well as for the singular obligues in the fragments of Sandro (nhiont 1300) preserved in the Granch We ham similarly blamaraha, ," lihagatalia, "worshippers Naunk's Javií, about 1900) old tadbhavas in vul form the nom. pl. Olha on:)

·DINDUST.INI LAYGUAGE.
35
... 1. -
alanlal, auus. y usus! Bustenou to 4 in kinz We tind
ablatives in ahu, mu, -2, and also in -i, -1, -2, in the Hindi of the
Adi Granth (an nuanahu," from the mind," pau, "from oneself,"
12
d. By 1973, p. L 89, note.

·;TI ;;;; ;.«3[; :::; :xxo . ; : i £ . ? .- . S:, ܂ ܢ:. ;: ܐܶܢܳܐܐܶܢܐܝܽ s܃ ܃ :::ܕܼ ܃ : ;;r) -::'ܬ ܝ.:r ::: ;: ?: ܗܐ :r ; itas?:1; ::: ::ܕܨ -,::: iܐ܃ ܃ -- --- :: ;: ; ܀܀ -,܀. ? r ܕܪ ܕܝܺ ܕܕ݂ :: ܐܶܒ݂ܰܕ݂ ܀ ܀: ܀:ܝܺܕ݂ -r- . & ܝܐ ܕܐܚܘܕܝܐ :S ܕܐ: ' :-::i: ....; ܪܺܝܝܳ ܪܶܚܝܳܐ ܝܰ -:-: ;..;& ,3 .;R-::'! ;; ;;-::::-: ܀ ܀ ܝܠܐ ܚܝܕܬ ܫܝܝܬܝܪܳܐܝܺܨܝܰf ? :::: b :: : trusܚܕ: ܚܕܝܵܪܪܵ:1:& ·DIŠDUSTANI LANGUAGE. 37 Vith pronouns another word, Ini (older form tiin, in Nāmínand trai), is used as an accusative affix, but generally with the genitive particle Le, though it is also found without (us-ke taīs, as-taíñ) this is probably from the Sk. sthāne, Old H. thāni, thāni In the . sa. 'l be torn sc has arisen from san by the weakening of the from the Sk. tat- ·11: 3097151 1.1.760IGE. ih,," Lc. Tir listory of most of there is *rnikah.st. Will in this dialexis and in Old Hindi the 1-7:1139 :!,!11, 2., 2:16:3, , strijki, mijli, hi, kc, all of hit minst illor sell, horaire of similliantPar is in imátill ", stolically peri, ji, ja. Turi is the she lur yielki wpur. Tanks and als an cimdik durup tingkat Inrias ni thu: me wond, and linse Pink With this Sko Ukr!!!, 15l in the same senis (by 3******** 2., prel r:i:ll cluing of it and, 1. in l, and dropping thir mata e Lan, lagi, iari, also meaning "n: in, D#:11+ of the skimunative participles ingyce and ?." actitri", in lik. Inizia au layihma. Til is commonly in the ins'rinental ; int :7,14:34 h fill mornings in longing to the Sk. instri 1931, litr to this perion of the spent in paire Sit! **. Itu familine ja to in the stamani dinlect, Knji rtie Gasliwili, au limaj, and in kumitni and Nepali. Hi: :hufiv1.- i: sina nini Figist, the ridle oluline being used .., * ! ami and Sesrii, a Feinabilique (in -(ii, the 1941 in 4 ling) wing eployed for it. This inte fi vizurinkly rol iu Oli Hisi, ninil some loro kimi chut it ww:hrini nil in ilir olet 5*-cimus; this statement, t.t, puiki rozilitation. Tulsi-Ili dorus ant use it, but liitlitang itinebly of the ES1111 $y", whenriti4still makron. stronor to the residerilinn of th, analytir gruitive in. I! it in tr first place to ir: nl"Fre! that this one is not, pumperly in an iniluzinu of this non lout an mijrcrire derivedl iron "in fruilor, numit, ani 35 with the noun qualified: Hinr 14 :: gi!rit single, but portio lomus. The Hindi jerties in mi is intimitar in the niasculine singular ohliqne ani! alginat elis gal, man ta ei in thr feminine, both direct and *71. Pamir IMT8157 1:48 mm Fr! Ives (701*nirii Vr Deames Information ? *vi?: ? 15 !!!!!!! kertom centre in nt or ani in tc in the dis- * T! {*}{"lice de fr. 3 1347:sr torki ky origin, and lie serires both !!! Visasl; (4*, :*r, pixar in ea omestilat folent transfer of por: thirry your monile oferire la fron the Sanskrit instrumental or *****, 111 moms (*:•3548-138): but the ETS caninart to the analogy *** !! ?lir ortam jmd.2xrac m:ltirhan scilacile!! gurticles (usually locatives Vat (ounit in Marathi, the most kr: *15* morru larguar*, intit Is then constructed, not with the cruce Spor, at in 111:1ll, with itses initise of the bonn: thr, "by nu." in **.!!!*14-3,-1no. :( litrul robiralca: of which in Ilindi would be lin.de Fot. IS AT THI:** 3******!iter jme{ble 1!:4: Ne may harc arisen out of the Jiwaal 1:*rtmental fril, tini, jini, lisi, tini, which were in usc doirn to a Trymt front.andmrsfinland in this dialecis:tlostum being recognize ** .,.,.,thu ti mielt hare licet concxlved 10 kc a scrarate particle, and its 18** 11185 erialal to nonThe mus might have bee'n facilitated by the gokterst! (N s frain) of the officer ne used as an accusatire afix (20), **!! *hich the ord in ini. c., mar hore been sopposed to be connectcu. To m!x1ma4 camerfiner of reparticlı ynall, after les asc lind een t}nus origin. hes, Italia e fornirt) Applicatinn. 111*: ?* the case post-positions gancrally, ezlerin in the artl:alo marry, Tiinually commended themselves to acceptance ** alls eirames and logical coherence, and la the present day are nnirenally emplos el.

·HINDUSTANI LANGUAGE. 39 a number of forms are met with. The oldest 19 probably Acru, ulflected to heri, Lere, ler; side by side with this we find Lara, hari, and lastly ka (*), feminine kar In Chand and the language of the Bhagats we find kerá, kara, kar, ko, ka The discovery of the o'shinlarne tn Dr Hoernle ho has for mood, tense, person, &c, to an unchangeable sleut UI TOUL Thus, from the root már, “beat," the infinitive 18 mărunā, the present participle mar-la, the past participle passive mār-d, the -11... the future thus not a cant word, singular of • Ahai, “he les of tense and person an easily separaule adu muefreuteul luilu - 1-4 1 In this sketch this tento is called the present, because it is the legitimate descendant of the ancient $askrit and art prexat, but Its te in the modern tongue is more often as a sadjunetire or contingent fatore, thongh in miny cases (ecially in the older forms of the language) it :Il retains a present significat ton.

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·HINDUSTAXI LAXGUAGE. as the stem ; in the first class we have always to refer back th modern root to a Priknt form conjugated on the bhů type, to the exclusion of other conjugations, of the Sanskrit verb Together with the above tho classes there extsts (c) a small number of nodern verby which exhibit a double form and a corresponding active and nenter or passive sense, and which are derived, the actire form from the Sanskrit present parasmu when that is active in meaning, or from the Sanskrit causal when at 19 not, and the neuter from the Sanskrit present parasmat when that is neuter in meanog or from the Sanskrit passive when it is not. Finally, (d) a limited class of verbs (only six in modern Hindi, but more in some other languages of the fannly and in the older dialects) have passive past participles derived, through Prūknt, direct from the Sanskrit equivalent form, and thus differing from the stem taken for all other parts of the verb. Examples of these various processes are given below - Sunat pres Ilinda pres. Sonak root. ha chu! kamp hram ya Vasap Vnit Vlak had chaty bharati chalari kuinpati bhramati yā!1 Swap! nottyatt fsaknott ik yati shasti charyatt Prul pres hodi, hol hol, bowe chalt chale kampa känne bhamet thume, bhanwe jadi, Saadi, jāat fão kupali, saya! BOWE nachchat nacho sakhanott Onkkal Bako kh.lat khão chabb41 chade Ilindi stem ho chal kathp bham, bhaw 60 nach ak chab Egatah pak sokh . factice chhut passico Sumut root Sanst past part na past part pass. Hindi afern. pasi apa+v14 tuparintah Oralttho balth pra+ris prarishtah partsho palth vpach Dakwah pikko, pikko Voush dushkah Bukkho + San Lao ĀW, A (c) Double stems,-(1) where one form of the stem has come from the active and the other from the passive of Sanskrit and Prähnt. Anot. Sansk pies Pak pres Dundi pres llindi rool chhotali chhodar chhore chhor actire ? chutzate chhatti cbhace Neurer) tul facture tolatt told! tole tal actire Ipassire tulyate tullal tule tal Reuters stabhoot thambhat thainbhe thaobh thanne tbam powind Carmanes stanbbate thanbhe thatoh Memier () where the neuter form is derived from the Sanskrit parsmai or åtınanerada, and the active from the Sanskrit crusal: ophag paraamat sphatari phate) ponto phat neuter causal sphatarat phalel phire phar acfire Viphut paramat sphatari hattat caual phote phot norint aphotayari iholet phone phor ectires tri parimad tarati taral tane causal tar Rooster tarayati tåret táre tir acture (1) The six vervs, the past part passive of Bhich in Hindi ethiluts. Votanon fechne chhat stabhyatcthabbbat acture ·HINDUSTANI LANGUAGE. mar, mua. de, +1 19 17 a different root from that which is used in the other forinations, are the following: honił, root ho, p.p.p. hun, bhausī. marn,' fünā, Ja, gauit, givi. karnā, kiyâ, lindi, linhii, lichii (last three archaic). denā, diya, tini, inhil, dulha lent, liya, hindi, linhū, līdhez The processes above explained appear to be thoso which, either directly or by analogy, yield the great majority of Mindi primary verbal stems. These are in most cases monosyllabic, dissyllables being due either (1) to the incorporation of a Sanskrit preposition, as utar, sambhāl, nikāl, (2) to the formation of verbs from raduplicated roots, chiefly onomatopoetic, or (3) to the millition of it syllable to a simple root for the purpose of giving a diuinntire or other modified sense to it. But besides the primary stems there are secondary ones, conjugated throughont like the primaries, luch niay be divided into (1) regular developmcuts of the simple stem, its passives and causals, and (2) denominatives, or rerlis fornucu from 310uns. Of an organic passive there is in the standar dinleet only a single relic in what is termed the respectful imperatirc. This exista in three forms, ending respectirely in -iye, -110, and isegi (as mariye, ināriyo, māriyegi); in its modern uso it is restricted to courteons forms of address, and is constructed by a forgetfulness of its origin) as an active verb in the second singular imperative. But in the older specimens of the language, and in some peenliar phrases which have survived to modern times, we find a wider mnge both of forms and meanings. Thus, a very frequent use of this form of the vitlo in poetry (and sometimes even in prose) is to express deliberatione with oneself, either in the present, iinperative, or even in n futur A large number of instances occur in the Ramayan where this forn can only be construed as a simple passive. Wocrin fimil & present participle passive, ending in -iyat. So also in the common word chahiyc, “it is necessary,” there is no procative or respurtful sense; the literal meaning is "it is wished," nu in Ponjbi ir still have chahida hai. in the Granth a fully conjugatel passive formed by adding -i to the simple root exists (r... hojai, piinli, bhavaiahi, jānīnhi, 3d. pers. sing. ; kaliani 31. ppsa. plure). In the Marwari dinlect there is still a complete form in .ij.active kurwa, passire karijno. All thoso coine from the Prikrit ???ssive', which substitutol ic, strengthened in some dialects to tja, forth Sanskrit y; as Sk, Sriyate, lk. sunini, suniai, samiai. Bath is Sanskrit and Präkrit it was asunl to cmplas the possite yokutil periphrastically, where respect was intridel, for the importin of the three Hindi forms -iya (ancienti jai, i) is the 1.), sing. pres., 1yo (anciently-iyah) the 3d sing of the impartiren grotential, and yegā the 3:1. sing. of the synthetic futuri, the rerbal stem ends in -i, and sometimes whirust it ons in {i, !!!! concourse of the rorrels leads to the strengthening of yn 1:4.!!!, sense.

·HINDUSTANI LINGUAGC. 43 casal Vi tiye - lije; ji ire jije; Vũ + ire haje in later Hindi the ongin of these forms (which are alone found in the older languagel bas been forgotten, and zye, &c, have been again Alluled to the stem increased by j. as lījise, lijiyo, hüzrye, &c. The place of B passive in the moleru language is taken by a compoand verbygade up of the past participle passive with paná, "to go;" thus, mâna júni, "to be beaten,"mára gaya, " be was eaten," mara jacji, "he will be beaten," kc This form is undoubtedly ancient, being found frequently in Chand, the Granth, and the language of the Bhagats ; but it is somewhat sparingly employed, the arrangement of the sentence being inverted to as to yield an active constraction ; moreover, the large number of neuter verbs with a fiassive sense in the language supplies to a great extent the need of & separate passive. The use of hånd in this manner seems to be a derelopment peculiar to the modern languages, but it is easily in telligible; it is exsctly parallel to the use of shudan, "to go," for the same purpose in Persian Causals in Hindi are of two grades, the single and the double The first is made by the audition to the simple stem of the syllable a (anciently and in the dialects aro, 42), and indicates that the condition impied in the simple rerb 28 caused to exus, as bern-, "to be made," bana-na, "to cause to be made, to make The double causal ja formed by adding to the simple stem the syllable wi (anciently and in the dialecta tráv, triu), and radicates that the condition imphed in the simple cansa) cansed to exist , 19 dana-tr, " to make," banna-na, "to canse to make," sun-ra, "to her," Suna-na, "to cause to hear, to tell," sinuxi-nâ, "to cause to tell." The older form of the simple cansil, ia da, surves 12 few molern Terhe as 0, 23 dhigni, "to be wet," Origona, "to wet, nalna, "to sink (neut ) in water,"dubonā, "tolomerse." The rowel of the sample stem, ef Jong, in regularly shortened lvfore the cabisa! aflixes; and if the simple stem ends in a forel, hiatus is avoided Ing the insertion of 7 (in the dialects 7), RS 80-ná, sxlā-na, lhana, Anilină. A few series insert 1 (y) There no hostus is possible, and in some the inserted / follows instead of preceding the added vowel; as deh.nå, lika-lana, barli-na, bifh-lana, barthil-nil Bf the first pausal the origin 13 undoubtedly to be sought in the Sanshrit causils formed by inserting in between the ganater or richied root ani! the causal termination -aya In Sanskrit this practice 24 confined! to a small nun ber of roots; but in Pralnit, owing to the disappear. ance of the ay of the regular causal (which first became e ani! then fell out altogether) and the consequent rart of determinate. This inserted Torres dificult to explains tt bsy been connected by some with the Sanskrit calul in I found in a few rerbe, ai fio caguelpalayath On the other hand, Dr Trump monster it to be merely eaphonictarotard to pre- Tent hatas; and in this view it may be parallelled by the dar inertion of in Erwin Tasulyes after Mems ending to towel u inas, lorimo, duro, dari Besides the Irregular formas with 1 others exist in Braj. In which the hister is anpp'lcd by r ** IMRANA. Tharama naypievi Dikna. Bitini, Wios, &c. are in common use, as mell as dikhlas han skal ·HINDUSTASI LAXGUAGE. ness in its form, thc āp-form of the causal came into greatly extended use, and, p being as usual softened to v, yielded the molern forms in av, äü, and, by dropping the junction-rowel, ã. The double causal is apparently a purely modern developnicnt, and is an interest ing illustration of the application of analogical processes to materials acquired from the ancient grammatical stock.. Denominatires are somewhat rare, and generally take the forin of the first causal ; they are most numerous with reduplicated and onomatopoetic stems, and are in all probability modern growths, In their form, however, they recal] the Sanskrit denominatives, which are also formed on the model of the causal in qu. 'The Crployment of the causal forin in this process is perhaps the reason why some Hindi verbs, though cansal in forin, are passire or neuter in sense) as kahlānā and kahānā, " to be called " i shabrinā, "in be agitated." The Conjugational System.--The tenses of thic Hindi verb as como pared with the ancient conjugational scheine exhibit poverty in synthetic and richness in analytic and participial combinatious. Of the long array of Sanskrit synthetic touses only two survive in modern Hindi, the present and the imperative; in the older language a third, the future, is found; all the other tenses and former analytically. The process which has yielded the present condition of things is, however, a gradunl one, Even in Sanskrit its analytical formations exist undan chakara, babhūry, and risen: bodhita'smi ; tena galam, &c.) by the side of synthetical ones; and in the successive stages of Prākrit ro see the gradual disap warance of synthetic tense after tense. Whcre Präkrit leaves oil, Himli begins:-within present, future, and imperative synthetically formei, and all the other tenses provided for by means of juarticiples eithis with or without auxiliary verbs. In an examination of conjugational forms, therefore, our attention will be addressou first to the rrlica of ancient synthesis, callcl by Mr Beames the simple lent; secondly, to the participial tcnscs, those which consist of a participle alon, or of a participle to which is attached a fragment of the olul :111:. stantive verb or other atxiliary, incorporated with the wrticipe and no longer separable from it; and thirdly, to thr corpo tenses, consisting of participles and nuxilinks vorlis, in what ifşa auxilinry is still separate and distinct. The first two essays are those which are mninly {nund in the older foris or the last guage, the third being represented chicfly in the innlern, whittlir need of fine distinctions and alliplimi forms of phrase je more fel! than in the archnic and poetical speech. Lastly, pino vrslul furins not coming within the tonse systein will be noticul. 1. The Simple Tensas.---These are, as alreauty safel, the prime uf (now useil chiefly in a potential or contingent future sex, heit perative, and the archaic riture. The present has in the modern language the follouing t.2.1. untions ; singular, Ist pers. •17, 21 pm. *. 311 7'ere. et'; pr 1st pers. - 17. 2 pers. -0, 3d pers, •fil: 115mm 24 pers. chale, 311 pers..chalo; plur., 1st leti, chelei, ** J4746 ·ESTSIE SE PV chi's & res en C93am na cate 2-T? Sizin und grosir birinin ents there is NOT the press: PC ::SI 138 in s tem of Enimmin which retro bali iz 12 Isrt is Hiali - Con Lowodot ESTEVE a fumiz-:ITI 21 * Con Exit sinz esi-il.T.III: Anis - 2.1. 12 the intenzi. The S! games Pite S. II - Ez- 1-2 trc = cruz-i-r. Som. 1. EL LLL L. 19 X. DALILI. ELLE 34 Em premi Sitrami rin a to TEOSEI TIK sirf za EXO!*41. Po . Tiri. i TCG? IEL Contain: in akih primeros ulit Laos asi Di Lara Ser:

·46 HIYDUSTAXI LANGUAGE. reduce the terminations of sorcral persons to one coumou forin The 2d pers. plur. ends in Sanskrit in -atha; but in Prikrit the ātmanepada form in -adhwe, and another, properly belonging to the ātmanepada imperative, in -adhicam, early crept into the general scheme of the tense (the ātmanepada having been lost as a separate phase of the verb), so that we have in that language the terminations aha, -adha, udham, which last yields, by the passage of t!! into h, and the solution of anusvāra into anunīsika and 14, the former of which has been lost, tho archaic Hindi ulu and the modern an, 0; the Garhwāli - apparently sprang from th:11. The 3 pers. plur. always ends in Prākrit, as in Sanskrit, in-anti, which by the loss of t yields -ani, óln, and by the conversion of the nasal into anunāsika and its transfer to the second rowel niñ, wii, câ; the inserted h in the old forms seems to be merely on avoidance of hiatus, though it is possible here also to suppose an old -$/i from Vas, yielding alanti, ahani, ahiñ. The imperative in the modern language does not differ from the present except in the 2d sing, which is the verbal root only, with. out any affix; in Old Hindi, however, we find in the 2:1 sing. the terminations -csi, -csi, -atsu (-as in Awadhi and Riwai) nhi,, aku, 21; as-mānasi, rachesi, parakhesu, karahi, sunalın, badi, taji. blaju. The 3d sing. has the terminations ahi, aii, hu, 12; the 21 plur. in Old Hindi ends in ahu, chut, ai. The other persones resemble those of the present. In Prakrit we find the explanation of all these forms. The 2d sing. regularly assuined orhi in pince of the usual Sanskrit -(, extending to all conjugations the use of this termination, which is similarly used in Vedic Sanskrit, but in the classical language only in the 21, 34, 7th, and oth conjugations ; ani shortened yielded . The other forms in 6571, asi, as, akıl, 1, sprang out of the utmancpadla form, Sk. -asura, Pk. 0531, which was uscd in later Prūkrit intercliangeably with the parasinnijmd. Tho 3d singular ai is pure l'rikrit, for the Sk. all!, l'nli «12; oly arises from hinsertci to nvoid hintus. The other guero!15 OCTUR with the present, and, except the 3d plur. in -antil, rete comme founded with it as early as the Prākrit stage. The archaic futute is found in the present day only in Braj. Kannuji, the Rūjpūtīnī dinlects, and some persons of the future in Awadhi, Riwai, and Bhojpuri; it is, however, in common use in the Rāmāyan and in all older Ilindi poetry. There and to tyas of it, having for their charucteristics respectively la nnd s; the Inter is the oldest of the s-type the following is the scherne; it exists in Mārtāſi in the present day, and is found frequently in the Gniui'l.: Older Type, in (iranth. Frumill!imirl. (Nămdeo, kabir, Minsk). (1st pers. mirusin mar-ayon, ini: 1400 Sing. ld mir-asthi mir-asi, -10 1:0 (inir-asahin) bir yan Plur.2 (már-1931) mirajo, Ir*: 31 (már-asahin' 1 Thc forms in brackets aro supplied fro:n analcky. Ide *riler bu istir thcun In his reading. soiresi • ·PA tre m. . We artezyens IST. Brat in cantit IL #CELESTERN Trasīnini. Insa sis; Shim, Es zina te primi membimbing this with In är li bey to take the #yarn perus, is what of the its of the Friskolen els tional past. A peculiar form occurs in the remanere in a pint conditional sense, which has incorporated into it what we must FOARD A., OU LIE ILL -, to be, we have Arcachi. Wasc Fem fit pers boty203 hotita Sirst brta bots kot hoti Pival hotyett hutser hogle or hotta hotes horgo hotlat Metin hnte hods "Tiere und look like rengat's of quite 25cter ett ".

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·HINDUSTANI LANGUAGE 49 die, japya, minyā). It is evident from these that the Ja is an ruginent alded to a participle already formed on the type in ita; 1.1. IL- - se vi the past participle las led, 19 in the case of the present participle, to the diante ment of romlerle 1- 4 ... Mouve closely corresponding

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·HILL 17 LIVE (which is tot interior. Elma tolkre, id); Birrives 111 that I was test,' - rint TIB The other fora i diaire E5-3 of Ermann, Gali, ! Vezi Is IDfurm, except that is de 2335 : Fresert li {W, &c. Lizzica :: future in Jian: 1:27:14:2:c: * * * * past particle 1033 minced that part c. The corporate Tous Tres con*** -puti--1, - lini LETU ! apart in the setembre i3 f. Tv: toe! numerous, and is en TRT e si tagli they hare grown up is the extract ings after precision, the intention when - sidered from the loiulclcg.at 37.nl lan Pi) pa23 21 absst. abaklihi, 2521 has . 1 hab E Bel, si Three forms take us back, according to the principles of dorita. tion already set forth, to a Sanskrit as1 Prabnit terse which souhl trhubut the fulowing steme SH Sing.14 pent, aim; 14 pers. 15299, 31 Fert 15. Plur, ist uns asicsh: lix's. (asadkem); 21 pers 14611 Point, Sagn 15 per haut, pensahes, 1 pers that 1':, LTLanta; 11 pers that; 13. sheet Sarh a tense word result froin conjugalan, Vas accordimg to the tha-forn, ani te late seen that all Sanskrit rots as a rule tako ·52 IIINDUSTAXI LANGUAGE. sceni. 1 this form, whatever their conjugation in Sanskrit, in Prākrit: Bat the root as in the latter language is an exception, the forms ling derived direct from the Sanskrit tense, which follows the oddecomjugation-Sk. asmi, asi, asti, sinal, sthn, santi; Iki amhi, atthi, amla, attha, santi. It seems beyond doubt that reas justified in assuming, although no specinions of such a touse liare yet been found in literary Prākrit, that it did exist in the popular language and has been the parent, first of the archaic, and then of this niodern Hindi. This auxiliary is used with the present participle to for an absolute present, as dckhta hai," he is seeing;" anl with the 1957 participle to form an absolute past, as us-nc dekha hai, "he lat Besides this niuch used present tense, soino hare referred to the root as the Braj and Dlārvāri past participle (used as a pust tense), masc. ho, plur. hc, fem. ni, plur. hiſ; this may linre come from a past participle asitah, through a Prākrit form akio, nina, possible early Hindi akyau, aho; it seeins, however, moir probible that ho is to be connected vrith thā (to which it corresponds) by the passage of th into h. Another participle used to form a juist in Kanauji is hato, plur. hate, fem. hali, plur. haliſ; this is most *). bably from the Sanskrit pres. participle asan, l'k. osanto, whilo, anuntao, Hindi ahatau, hato. The change of micaning with this participle from present to past has parallels in other Indo-Aryan languages. The present participle santo is also used in Easterii Hindī in the inflected form for hote in the locative absolute, 15m yah asakya sante, “this being impossible. V Achchh is a root not found in classical Sanskrit, lut common in Prākrit in the sense of standing, being, cristing. It hins resulta posed by some that it is a modification of vas, au ly others thai it is the Prākrit form of the Sanskrit Vaksi. It is not used in High Hindi, but is largely employed in substitution for the auxiliaries derived from vas in Newārī, the Himalayu dialects Tirhüti, and the Dakhni dialect of Urdü; in Oriya an Bengali it is the common auxiliary, and is also much used in Marithi indir the form as (ch and chh becoming s in that dialect). In all the Hindi dialects but Dakhini it las lost its initial vowel, thich is : trined in Bengali, Oriyi, and Marathi. The following tonai of it are found iu Hindi: Present (I am," Cc.) Singular. Pil pers. ill pers. Kumuni clilyauti chlai chia chelint, illa Gurheculi china chilen? c);! 1! Alvicūri chilial cithin Past (properly a participle="I was," &c.): humeitai, Ing. 29.5") chhiyo, plur. masc. chhiya ; diciciri, bho, chhi; litriili lo** different root for this tenise. Virit is found as an auxiliary in substitution for this in lb. Awadhi and Bhojpuri dinlects; flip following forang art in srcadli, sing., ist pers. Buiteun, al pers. Inīte. 3.1 j*** lapis 1st pei's. chann chlaun chhun chhai chini ·DISDESTANI LINGCACE plur., 1st pers būti, 21 pers. bātso, kitsei, 31 pers kitaro ; Drojpuri has bīte, bate for all persons in both utmbers Thiene formis are from the Sanskrit present atmapeparla tartae, &c, through the Prakrit tot'ai It is probably to this stem and not 10 VE) that we must reler the indeclinable bā, much used throughout the Eastern Pliadi area as far rest as Allshabuel, and the Bhojpuri forma in prii. sipa sad plar ), al au viary in ----Un, downs w mited, pui. Ine, Irla. Bet, por. thix, Usrl with fireseptsnd past participles thus-majl dedhti th.. "I 628 8ED, maid-ne dekha tha, 1 bad seet." The 18 from schulak, 18 proved by its formas in Sepati and Garhwali; in the former it mahre frith scorporation of the substantive verb, a regular partiul tense--Bin, ist pers thyii, 21 Dets. thus, 31 Art. Hivi, plur., 1st pers, thiyun, i pers. lkuyau, 4 pers. Okya. The Crhráli form is thay, mase. 820%, unga, marc flor, thai, fees. sing, and rlar Thamet matirintant el pati..al YT , 4-avisinu di kolay! Join anbills - II tam ite ho, The derisstion of this word 2.24 not yet Event explained. The tant la is one cfgreat importspre in the modern language, as it is chiefs uits neurthat the more elaborate nolift 10ak ani mond are them. Tłe auxiluries Batterto dis ussy express onls single mint and past time. derivatives of the are 1 - blutst, IX. Lon}; 1 fuort út fra a frestius in va, Harita ! cut'ia Prilm: L 1.4. In ti dalis alw the sito Interstly Lories the text to y, aciz t} from humi, v O'tis exel.arn the finisg rus tá corvo (1) juzi kwt; (%) * infor2tr, 1"19, a later, Aupitiali, Iwi, rail et, Illus, luo,, (61 a {cure Jisjon:relij', kojiyr: 15) įmor 14:57 Iri flisl'Inax!r,81, L.WI, llik); 19)jent frams, 11.7.2, ?ui (1 22 lipsuge, Llus, , lha); Larsel cers tra le brez tytute that alkun Tou's Waloriz!!!na Vata: UL 5*#'<, -1}. cru 2:7'.-* ,:! is "il fesus te 17 9*** gan ·52 NINDUST.I.VI LINGUAGE. socn. this form, whatever their conjugation in Sanskrit, in Prakrit. But the root as in the latter language is an exception, the forms b:ining derived direct froin the Sanskrit teuse, which folinus the queri!). jugation-Sk. asmi, asi, asti, smalı, sthil, sunti; l'k, ami, wie atthi, amha, attha, santi. It seems beyond doubt tunt mi sir justified in assuming, although no speciniens of such a chybave: yet been found in literary Prikrit, that it did exist in the popular language and has been the parent, first of the archaic, and then of ti!. niodern Hindi. This auxiliary is used with the present particip'le to ſortu A! absolute present, as dekhta hai," he is seving;" and with the quest participle to form au absolute past, as 15-71C alcklu hai, "Melas Besides this much used foresent tense, soinc have nferni to the root as the Braj and Mirwiri past participle (usul as it just tenso), masc. ho, plur. hc, fem. hi, plur. liſ'; this may have come from a past participle asilah, through a l'rikrit form akin, alian, possible early Hindi ahyan, aho; it scoins, however, more prohildir that ho is to be connectcd with thuli (in which it corresponds) by thie passage of th into h. Anotlier participle used to forin a pust in Kanaujī is halo, plur. hate, fein. hali, plur. hnlin; this is inost jinbably from the Sanskait pres. participle esan, I'k. esanta, olizo, anantao, Ilindi ahutar, hato. The change of meaning with this participle from present to past has parallels in other Indo-liyan languages. The present participle santo is also use in Pittstein Hindi in the inflected form for hot in trio locative absolute, - yah asakya sante, “this being impossible. VAchchh is a root not found in classical Sanskrit, lut conimne in Prākrit in the senso of standing, vcing, Cristing. It hins luin sur poscil by sone that it is a mollification of Vills, and by others the it is the l'räkrit form of the Sanskrit Vaksh. It is 1196 119421 in Iligh Ilindi, but is largely employed in substitution for 'tl! auxiliaries deriveil froin Vos in Nrwiri, thic Ilimalayan dintrets, Tirhitī, and the Daklmi dialect of Urii; in Oriya nn P li it is the cominon auxilinry, and is also inuch used in dertli imer the form as (ch am chh Ivecoming sin ilmt dinlert). In all the Ilindi dialects but Daklmi it has lost its initial surrel, whirli is You tnined in Bengali, Oriyī, und Marathi. The following tense of it are found in Ilindi: l're int(" I ain," &c.) Siruar. Hyx, il Mits. la pura juri. *** Kuninni bliriiufi (ruerhili Clihatan Jercisi chical Past (proporrly a participle--"1 was, " &.): Kunini, xins. . chhiyo, plur. maschhivi; Jiriri, chhu, chiha ; Cernili has a cliff'rent root for this teise, Vli! is found is an auxiliuiry in latitution for this in the Awadhi and Bhojpuri Dialerts; ie following terms and it rr.. kudhi, sing., ist pers, batrinis, 21 des Rite, 311 "Is lui; 1st pers.

·PISDCSTASI LAGTIGE int plar., 1st pers. būti, 21 pers tetts, Lur33 es ; Elmpuri bas käis, Love for all gengs is c5 formas are from the instr: islamA. throule the Prikrit moi. ! Raisi Viha) that we masiric: the isdale, the Eastem Riadi area as fu vest 11:29 22 forms (ased in gaestions Textilien hira (21 sing. and pollins ( 32 Všti has ellal the comme Jee ITE Hindi, sing. masc. L'i, 2. L, OS 4.2.05 presentand past pariisis land“I raspuns Inait-ne dekha thi -1 tad " T3 is Emmie : proved by its forms in Serüad GTUDIES with incorporanon of the ? , er teosein, ist pers. tlivai, e pers., 16: plur, 1st pers. L'ini, tinez, ! See Carbsāli forza is tay, se spune sink and plor. The rasi partiled to open to : remain") is used in the Ex-au LTE. ES Terhati and the largesi 5. Eins 2 : ELIT SE to form a past teng; 2. Hadi-jo kachh clit this kira There is yet aber T 2 OS a present in Garril, riz, bizim si; as-toi lo! Hii näe tam ate ko. Tko curso y 15 2.1. TI explained. The roct da is coo ciput me as it is chies' lsius13.2: CERE tense ap 1 rond 13+ 1 cm express oals sis;?jtorio! :-STITE E 31 1 st usel, either a.czech Dangote laluity, cortical rio, 13 varioci chet x 2 this root ascetik.com LTEZE: 1:21 PŁ boli, Lsi; 133 : 25 BELGI EITI 2017 partiaj... 5. Act, 132TS 1.1 Sk. ELStat, IZ 12 ; SK SELF thanh niti iz sir Ljus 225 the sten LTT? T, Rotron huai, ker. 011: L17:49 Dne; (1) a 72; : - 1, LD hmi (uusliit, kry, Iriscivolar". 472. cr tester! Te 1:1, 7:52 125;j inte (Gual' daran, L, LIT, I, ite: 1 ty, Ati (!! :iđi si, wi, ki 4 : 54 Tr tezus szal: termine roof an 112 Ezu * 1cm, 23 a Piirry":-15 minuten ·171XNUSTAXI LANGUAGE. 46 17 1:2679731!n, kulrantan, which occurs in 01:1 lindi under the form hidni a jinst trull. Or the six forms ahorc riven, the present, fature, ani joogcont participle alte constantly 119d as auxiliniries, thic me whidly in intrument ten Lustly, the yerli armi, "todo, is much usul in rustic Eastern Tindi to form priplırastic tons with the gerund, where in the ubaril diabolo form of the verb itself woull be einployel. The harun whicli mppatri in this idlion 14 tlıat derived from the Sk. Fitur: passive qurticiple, culing in tlio nom. in -iba, obliquc ribe, nun laporatrisition is most controu in negative sentences. da Odler Tror! ForintUnder this leail it will suſlice to mention (1) the conjunctive participle, 2) the infinitire or gerund, and (3) the nouin of agrure The conjucir participl: io stamant Ilin li appears either under tluforia of the girlal stor only (mar, chal having beaten, is liaving good?), cor more commouly under that of the stem in- D'70-14 loyili adiition of kers, WC, 12:r, or Ymker; as marker, Wilki, hry, 51712-1151nt. It is very much used to link together mtifunlinnte causa's in narration, and forms one of the chief features of the Indian as oppose to the English syntax. This construction, like that of the grant anil the missive participle, is a survival from Smukrit anul I'rilsit. In Archaic llindi this participle ends in its muiri, Avri, citi, on when the root ends in a long vowel, zimmutines in , B:hir, pir, fileliin, jā.. In Chaml r still longer, (nrın, in i!!'?, is found. It corresponds to the Prikrit conjunctire pare ticiple in -il, tis karia, sunin, which are in Sanskrit kritwa, krutura. in the latter language this participle takes loti thu terminations ramr:7, the former chictly in cornponn roots and the Intter in simile antes ; fut in the northern I'rikrits, the former, resolved to -Pr, jonduzioneral. survival of the Sanskrit oturia is, hoirerer, fonnd in Järvari, when the conjunctive participle ends in and (marīnc, stimi, &c.); this represents the i'tükrit inn, formed from the S.115krit trinnin, accusative of -diri, by the loss of the ton rocalization of the ris Sk, mritwa, Pk. inaraūnn, Marwari marūne. The aflix Irroller Tari) is itseli the conjunctive participle of karna, and was alim when, owing to the loss of the linni -1, the verbal ront only remainol, and need was felt of greater distinctness. The conjunctive participle is not only such used as a connective for the members of a sentence, but in composition with ancillary rerbs forms a vast number of compounds, the nature of which is clear from the older forms of the language, in which the first nienberalinys appeur with the final i ör iyn. In these the idea of separate action contained in the participle has been lost, and the two words capress only one nct. Such sords are l-uni (contacted linii), "toluring" (lit., "having tnken to coine "); khi-jānä, "to cat up" (lit., "having caten to go"); pii-lona, “to drink down"; poliral-teni, " to throw away," &c. The molern intinitire is really n gerund, the Sanskrit infinitive in Lim having intirely disappeared. It ends in the standard dinlect in-icī, inflected ac, fem. -11, plur. līſ. In the dialects it ·,11 با Star fry+ fimmy of mum.telecharts stur 24 w pt thus - به دلم را مردم داری را دو ۱۲م دا نه . ع لستية : عة دا ، ل ا . م - - - 4 مندی از ما بهتر است اراده ھ ا ا م ا ، y la , ماه رم ؟ * تعة مه ۷ اه ماد ، d in the lata م ا ا ج - ة م م . م 3 ،أهم دو بار به ۱۸ احد ! . ما با درج می -1 1111 ,1 ۱۷ , دينا الا علم سیده سرا پر بسم = "تن میع مرد اهل 1 Ata ،ها برنامه بیمه ،.، . ة ه عمومی مج 3 14ابر زد بذارد ماه را عملتها مجبرة • م م . م -مه ، تر - رم 4 , له . اما همه گه ر دیا ، می بار در لا به مته همه مردم مال حرام , ا دبیر ستاد عتی أو 14 مر ، دود چهار ماه و سطل های ایم بی به اهمیه هم می داده و در بر ی یابد پیداوار یا بد له اه 111 ,11 ا م لومیر به دهم با حماه، ما لمسه / مهر ، در رد یوه سیمه ما ، ،،، ،،، و ا و رانده شده است f اراده ایم. ما به ه أ م أمله في دعم اگه با 4 ايا انه ۱۶م اسمه عمامه هه اوباما را می فر ! ۳ ۱۱ سال و 4 با ما - Joint Heavy Duts z... by * همه و عه م به ** دهد اسی مناسب مع الناس م = امر ؟ مه م مره میل به مني نه ودر او ددی 1 وی اي مر مر 11 امامی .1 : 1 الي والي عبر دلاور اور امرا 4 1 11 را داء ماه ادامه بده! الله 1 م وای میره

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·A SKETCH
115 11
HINDUSTANI LAN
C. J. LYALL, M.A., C.I.E.,
a BILLIOL COLLFIF, EFOPD, AD OF INF BEYGAL CIYIL 3
EDINBURGH:
ADINI & CHARLES BLACK.
1880.