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·जयत्वण्णामलैविश्वविद्यास्थानमिदं सदा ।
जयतासांस्कृती विद्या सदा सर्वैस्समाहता ॥
मुत्तैया जयतु श्रीमान् राजा सबिरुदाङ्कितः ।
श्रेष्ठिराष्ट्रस्य राजासौ विद्यास्थानप्रपोषकः ॥

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·PRE FACE
This volume consists of āhnikas cpmomencing with the
fourth and ending with the sixth, on the first pāda of the
first adhyāya of the Astādhyāyī of Ācārya Pāṇini. The
points of general interest gathered from this volume
are found in the Preface of Vol. I.
I express my heartfelt thanks to the Syndicate of
the Annamalai University and the Vice-Chancellor
Dr. S. G. Manavalaramanujam M.A., Ph.D. (London) for
having kindly permitted this publication. My thanks are
also due to Šāstraratnākara K. A. Sivaramakrishna
Sastriar, Senior Vyākaraṇa Lecturer in the Annamalai
University, for having given me useful suggestions on
going through the manuscripts. May Lord Națarāja
and Lord Pasupatīsa enable me to complete the work
undertaken !
12, NORTH MADAVILAGAM
TIRUVAIYARU
1-11-1951.
P. S. Subrahmanya Saatni

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·CONTENTS IV ĀHNIKA Sutra Page 1-18 1. न धातुलोप आर्धधातुके (1) Is the word dhātu necessary ? (2) Is the word ārdhadhātuka necessary ? (3) Is ārdhadhātuka, the viśēşuna of lopa or gunavrddhi taken here from the previous sutra or both ? (4) Is the enumeration of the parts of a dhātu where elision is taken into consideration here necessary or no ? (5) Is this sūtra necessary or no ? 2 fsfa a (1) Tannimittē should be read as an adjunct to guņavrddhi (2) Adēsas of lakāra which are nit are not entitled to sthānivadbhāva 18-30 I... 30-34 34-49 3. atatater 4. tatr: HTTT: (1) Is the compound anantarāļ made up of na and antaram or na and antarā (2) Is the word saha to be added at the end of the sūtra ? (3) If there are more than two contiguous consonants, is the samyōgasamjñā worthy of being applied to the whole or to every two of them?

·viii Page 49-55 .. Sūtra (4) Is the word antarāḥ in the sūtra to replaced by the word svarān. antarhitāḥ 5. मुखनासिकावचनोऽनुनासिकः (1) Derivation of mukhanāsikāvacanaḥ (2) The need or otherwise of the word mukha (3) Itarētarāśrayatā of samjñā and samjñin .. 6. तुल्यास्यप्रयत्नं सवर्णम् (1) Four-fold splitting of tulyāsyaprayatnam ... (2) The need or otherwise of the addition of the word tasya in the sūtra (3) Declaring r and 1 to be like sounds .. 55 71 .. 7. FET 7177 FIFTH AHNIKA 78-90 ... 8. ईदूदेद्विवचनं प्रगृह्यम् (1) The use of taparakarana in it, ut and ēt (2) Different ways of interpreting id-udēd-dvivacanam 1.. 9. HET ATT 90-100 10. It 100-101 101-107 11. निपात एकाजनाङ् (1) The need of the word nipāta (2) The meaning of ēkāc (3) The need of ēka in ēkāc (4) The need of anāů ...

·ix Sutra 12. ओत् Page 107--110 13. GET 110-112 . . 112-113 118-133 14. ईदूतौ च सप्तम्यर्थे (1) Harm if artha is absent in the sutra (2) Harm if the vedic locative singular is considered to be got by pūrvasavarna and not by the elision of the case-suffix. (3) The word artha may be a jñāpaka to the absence of tadantavidhi with reference to pragrhya (4) Does vāpyaśva get pragrhyasamjñā ? 15. TETT STEIT (1) The need or otherwise of reading prakrtayaḥ in the sūtra (2) The need of pralişēdha of words of the same form from taking the designation ghu (3) The need or otherwise of pratişēdha of din with reference to itva (4) Whether dāp in adāp includes dãip or not 16.' आद्यन्तवदेकस्मिन् (1) The need for substituting vyapadēśivad for adyantavad or otherwise (2) No need for this sūtra (3) Merits accrued from the sutra 17. तरप्तमपौ घः 18. बहुगणवतुडति सङ्ख्या (1) To add or not to add sankhyā after dati ... .eu 133-143 ... " 144-146 147-159 ... b ·x Sutra Page (2-4) Is there need to add adhyar dha ardha pūrvapadaparanapratyayanta and adhika (6) Pratyäkhyāna of the sūtra 19. ष्णान्ता पट् 160-164 20. डति च 164-165 ... 21. तक्तवतू निष्ठा 165-169 SIXTH AHNIKA 170-189 22. सर्वादीनि सर्वनामानि (1) What compound is sarvādīni? (2) Distinction between nipātana and pratişēdha (3) The need or otherwise of pratisedha of the words sarva etc. which serve as sanjñā or which upasarjana (4-5) Purpose of ubha and bhavat in sarvādi list, ... 189-193 193-198 ... 198-199 199-201 23. विभाषा दिक्समासे बहुवीही 24. न वहुव्रीही 25. तृतीयासमासे 26. विभाषा जसि 27. स्वमज्ञातिधनाख्यायाम् 28. अन्तरं बहियोंगोपसंव्यानयोः 29. स्वरादिनिपातमव्ययम् 30. तद्धितश्चासर्वविभाक्तिः 202 202-204 204-205 205-218 ·xi Page 213-231 ... Sutra 31. stra: (1) Whether māntu is viśēşana to krt which takes antagrahaņa later on or krdanta (2) Need for the mention of the paribhāṣā Sannipātalakşanā vidhir animittam tadvighātasya etc. ". 32. अव्ययीभावश्च 232-233 233-236 .. 236270 .. ... ... 33-34. शि सर्वनामस्थानम्, सुडनपुंसकस्य 35. न वेति विभाषा (1) Significance of the term iti (2-3) Na vā is not used as one word in the sense of new or pratişēdha (4) Pratyākhyāna of the sutra (5) Three kinds of vibhāşās Corrigenda I. Index of Sūtras II. Index of Vārttikas III. Index of Paribhāşās etc. IV. Index of important Sanskrit words in Mahabhäşya text v. Index of important words in English script 271 272 . 273-277 278279 ... 280-293 294

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·LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHABHĀŞYA VOL. II FOURTH AHNIKA न धातुलोप आर्धधातुके (1-1-4) There are, under this sūtra, three topics independently dealt with by Mahābhāsyakāra and two by Vārttikakāra. They are :--(1) Is the word dhātu necessary ? (2) Is the word ārdhadhātukē necessary ? (3) Is ārdhadhātukē, the višeşana of lõpa in the sūtra or gunavrddhi taken here from the previous sūtra or both ? (4) Is the enumeration of the parts of a dhātu whose elision is taken into consideration here necessary or no ? (5) Is this sūtra necessary or no ? 1. धातुग्रहणं किमर्थम् ? What for is the mention of dhātu (in the sūtra)? इह मा भूत् -लूञ् - लविता, लवितुम् । पूञ् -पविता, पवितुम् । (It is mentioned) so that the sūtra may not operate in the formations lavitā and lavitum derived from the root lūñ and in pavitā and pavitum derived from the root pūñ.1 Here dhātu should be taken to mean dhātvamsa by laksanā. 1. Suppose dhātu is not mentioned in the sutra. Since in the formations luñ+ tyc and lūñ + tumun, the anubhandha ñ is dropped, ü cannot take guna. Consequently we can have the formations lūtā and lütum ; but the forms current in the world are lavitā and lavitum. Same will be the case with respect to pavitā and pavitum.

·LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHĀBHĀŞYA 2. आर्धधातुक इति किमर्थम्? What for is the word ārdhadhātuka ? 1 त्रिधा वद्धो वृषभो रोरवीति Otherwise this sūtra will operate and affect the formation of rõravīti where u of the root ru cannot take guna since it is followed by the sārvadhātuka ti. 3. किं पुनरिदम् आर्धधातुकग्रहणं लोपविशेषणम् - आर्धधातुकनिमित्ते धातुलोपे सति ये गुणवृद्धी प्राप्नुतः ते न भवत इति, आहोस्वित् गुणवृद्धिविशेष- णम् आर्धधातुकग्रहणम् - धातुलोपे सति आर्धधातुकनिमित्ते ये गुणवृद्धी प्राप्नुतः ते न भवत इति । Is ārdhadhātuka to be taken as the adjunct of lõpa so that the sūtra may mean that the guna and the vrddhi which are due on the elision of a part of a dhātu on account of the presence of an ārdhadhātuka pratyaya after it do not make their appearance ? Or is ārdhadhātuka to be taken as the adjunct of gunavrddhī so that the sūtra may mean that the guna and the urddhi which are due on account of the presence of ārdhadhātuka after it do not make their appearance, portion of dhātu is dropped ? ? if a किं चातः? What difference will it make ? यदि लोपविशेषणम्, उपेद्धः -प्रेद्धः अत्रापि प्राप्नोति । If it is the adjunct of lõpa, this sūtra will operate in the formations upēddha and prēddha and affect them, (i e.) the final 1. Röravīti is the third person singular, present, of the root ru in yanluk. By the sūtra Dhātórēkācó halādēk....(3-1-22), the pratyaya yan is used ; guno yanlukāḥ (7–4–82) sanctions the guna of the abhyāsa ; yano Sci ca (2-4-74) sanctions the löpa of yan. 2. Kāiyata says that there are three alternatives here :-ārdhadhātuka. grahanam lõpaviśēşanam, gunavrddhiviśēşaņam vā, bahuvrihipakşë tu ubhayaviśēşanam vā iti paksatrayasambhavāt praśnaḥ.

·FOURTH ĀHNIKA - NA DHATULOPA ĀRDHADHĀTUKE 3 a of upz or pra and the initial į of the root indh cannot take the ēkādēśa ē. (For n of indh has been dropped on account of the presence of the ārdhadhātuka pratyaya kta after it.) अथ गुणवृद्धिविशेषणम्, नोपयति इत्यत्रापि प्राप्नोति । If it is the adjunct of guna and vrddhi, this stītra will operate in the formation of knopayati also and affect it (i.e.) i of knūy cannot take guna since of the final y is dropped before the āgama puk. 2 qërosie GSITETI Let it be as you please. अस्तु लोपविशेषणम् । Let it (ārdhadhātukë) be the adjunct of lõpē. कथम् उपद्धःप्रेद्ध इति? How is it possible to arrive at the forms upēddha) and preddhaḥ? बहिरङ्गो गुणः, अन्तरङ्गः प्रतिषेधः, असिद्धं बहिरङ्गमन्तरङ्गे । Since bahirangakārya is considered non-existent when antarangaśāstra is to operate and since guna is bahirariga and pratișēdha is antaranga, the ēkādēśa gung in place of a and i is not affected.3 TÅ, Frei OTEUTET I If so, no purpose is served by the mention of dhātu. इह कस्मान्न भवति; लूझं , लविता लवितुम् ; पूञ्, पविता पवितुम् । 1. N of indh is dropped by the sūtra aniditām hala upadhāyāḥ kniti (6-4-24) anda ti becomes ē by âd gunan (6–1–87.) 2. The root knüy takes nic after it by the sūtra hētumati ca (3-1-26) and the āgama puk after it by the sūtra arti-hiri-vli-ri knüyi-kṣmāyyātām pun ņāu (7–3–36). y is dropped by the sūtra lõpő vyõrvali (6-1-66) and u takes guna by the sūtra pugantalaghūpadh18ya ca (7-3-86). 3. According to this, iddha is first formed and then the upasargas upa and pra are added to it. If the upasargas are first added to the root indh before it takes kta pratyaya, the guna that has eome cannot be nullified, ·4 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHABHĀSYA How is it not then that the sūtra (na dhātulopa ārdhachâtukë) operates here and affects the formations lavitā, lavitum, pavitā and pavitum ? आर्धधातुकनिमित्ते लोपे प्रतिषेधः, न चैष आर्धधातुकनिमित्तो लोपः । There is prohibition (of guna and vrddhi) only when the elision (of a part of the root) is due to the presence of ārdhudhātuka pralyaya and the elision of ñ in lūñ and pūñ is not due to it. अथवा पुनरस्तु गुणवृद्धिविशेषणम् । Or let it be the adjunct of guna and vrddhi. ननु चोक्तं क्नोपयति इत्यत्रापि प्राप्नोति । Has it not been said that, in that case, the prohibition will affect the form knöpayati ? नैष दोषः, निपातनात् सिद्धम् । This objection cannot stand ; its form is definitely decided from its mention by the Sūtrakāra. किं निपातनम्? Where is it mentioned ? चेले क्नोपः इति । In the süfra cēle knopē(3, 4, 33). > Note: 1.-By taking recourse to the paribhāşa 'asiddham bahirangam antaranga and the validity of nipātana, Mahābāsyakāra decides that the sūtra may be read na lõpa ārdhadhātuke.' Note : 2.-He then begins to explain the views of the Vārttikakāra as beļow.

·FOURTH ÄHNIKA - NA DHATULOPA ÄRDHADHĀTUKĖ 4. परिगणनं कर्तव्यम् यङ्यक्क्यवलोपे प्रतिषेधः । Enumeration is necessary. The prohibition operates when there is elision of the pratyayas yari, yak, kya and va within the verbal stems). यङ्यक्क्यवलोपे प्रतिषेधो वक्तव्यः बेभिदिता मरीमृजः३; यक् कुषुभिता', मगधकः 5 ; क्य' समिधिता, दृषदकः : वलोपे जीरदानुः 751 1 8 It needs mention that prohibition takes places when there is elision of yan, yak, kya and vi. The examples where there is the lõpa of yan are bēbhiditā and marīmrja ḥ; those where there is the lõpa of yak are kuşubhitā and magadhakaḥ; those where there is the lõpa of kya are samidhitā and drşadakaḥ and that where there is the löpa of va is jāradānuḥ. किं प्रयोजनम् ? Why? जुम्लोपस्रिव्यनुवन्धलोपेअतिषेधार्थम् 1. Better to have the reading yarlópē, yaglópe and kyalõpē in place of yan yak and kya in the text. 2. Bhid is the root, it takes yan after it by the sutra dhātörēkācă halādēh kriyāsamabhrhārē yan (3-1-22): it is doubled by the sutra san yaroh (6–1-9); bēbhidya takes trc by nvultycāu (3, 1, 133) and ya iz dropped by yasya halah (6-4-49). 3. Mrj is the root. After taking yan and after reduplication it takes noul by 3-1-133 and ya is dropped by the stītra yano Sci ca (244-74). 4. Kuşubha is the root; it takes yak by kandvādibhyo yak (3, 1, 27) and tyc by nvultrcău. ya is dropped by yasya halaḥ (6, 4, 49) 5. Magadha is the root; it takes yak by 3-1-27 and noul by (3, 1, 133). ya is dropped by yasya halaḥ. 6-7. E and an take kyac by supa ātmanah kyac ; the former takes tro and the latter nvul and ya is dropped by kyasya vibhāṣā (6-4-50). 8. Jiva is the root; it takes radānu after it; va is dropped by lopā vyño vali (6, 1, 66).

·B LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHABHÂŞYA So that the prohibition (of guna and vrddhi) (ordained by the sūtra dhātu lõpa ārdhadhātukē) may not take place when there is the elision of n, in the root srivu and when there is the elision of anubandha. नुम्लोपे निव्यनुबन्धलोपे च प्रतिषेधो मा भूत् इति । So that the prohibition may be avoided at the elision of n, with reference to the root srivu and at the elision of anubandha. greth — 2791ÊT 1, ETT: S, FraBOTH SI The examples where prohibition is ineffective at the elision of n are abhāji, -āgaḥ and upabarhanam. fae: STEHTUELT The example where the prohibition is ineffective is the form āstēmānam derived from the root sriv. अनुबन्धलोपे-लून् , लविता, लवितुम् । The examples where the prohibition is ineffective at the elision of anub indha are lavità and lavitum derived from the root lūñ. यदि परिगणनं क्रियते, स्यदः, प्रश्रथः, हिमश्रथः इत्यत्रापि प्राप्नोति । 1. The root is bhaji : it becomes bhilaj by the sūtra idito num dhālāh. (7, 1, 58). In the aorist passive third person singular, it takes cli by the sūtra cli luni (3, 1, 43), which is replaced by cin by the sutra cin bhāvakarmaņāḥ (3, 1, 66); the termination ta is dropped by ciņā luk (6, 4, 104); n is optionally dropped by bhanjeśca cini (6, 4, 33); a takes the dyddhi by ata upadhāyāḥ (7, 2, 116.) 2. The root is ranj; it takes ghan after it by the sūtra akartari ca kārake sarjñāyām (3, 3, 19); n is dropped by the sutra għani ca bhāvakarana. yoh (6, 4, 27); a takes its vrddhi by ata upadhāyāḥ (7, 2, 116). 3. Bymh is the root : upa is the upasarga : it takes lyut after it by the sutra lyut ca (3, 3, 115) and n is dropped by the vārttika bymher. acyaniti and į takes guna by pugantalaghūpadhasya ca (7, 3, 86). 4. Srivu is the dhātu where u is anubandha; it has taken manin pratyaya after it; v is dropped by lopo vyör vali (6, 1. 66).

·FOURTH ÁHNIKA - NA DHATULOPA ARDHADHĀTUKE 7 If the enumeration is done, (vrddhi) will replace a of the roots in syadaḥ, praśrathah and himaśrathah (since n of syand and śranth has been dropped like n in thañj and rañj of the words abhāji and rāgah) वक्ष्यत्येतत् निपातनात्स्यदादिषु इति । No, it will not be, since he is going to mention that the forms syada etc. are known to be the correct ones from his nipātana or usage elsewhere. तत्तर्हि परिगणनं कर्तव्यम् । Then it is settled that enumeration should be done. न कर्तव्यम् । No, enumeration need not be done. नुम्लोपे कस्मान्न भवति? How will not then the siītra na dhātulopa ārdhadhātuke operate when there is the elision of n (as in bhañj and rañj ) इप्रकरणान्नुम्लोपे वृद्धिः Since the sūtra deals with the prohibition of guna and vrddhi for ik (taken here from the previous sūtra), vrddhi takes place when there is the elision of n. इग्लक्षणयोर्गुणवृद्धयोः प्रतिषेधः । न चैषा इग्लक्षणा वृद्धिः । Prohibition is intended in the sūtra only to such guna and Orddhi as are ordained for ile. This urddhi (in bharij and ranj) is not concerned with ik. यदि इग्लक्षणयोर्गुणवृद्धयोः प्रतिषेधः, स्यदः, प्रश्रथः हिमश्रथः इत्यत्र न प्राप्नोति, इह च प्राप्नोति अवोदः 1 एधः 3 ओद्मः इति । 1. Undi is the root; ava is the upasarga ; the root takes ghañ after it; n is dropped ; when we have avatud + a, the pūrvapakşin says that u, being ik may not take guna by the sūtra pugantalaghūpadhasya ca. 2. Indhi is the root; it takes ghañ after it. As in the previous case i will not take guna by the sutra pugantalaghüpadhasya ca. 3. Undi is the root and it takes āuṇādika pratyaya man after it.

·8 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHABHASYA If the prohibition is intended only to those guna and vrddhi concerned with ik, prohibition will not take place in syadaḥ, praśrathaḥ and himaśrathaḥ, but it will take place in avodah, ēdhah and odmah. निपातनात् स्यदादिषु Presence or absence of prohibition is decided by the mention of those words in sūtras (syado juvē (6, 4, 28); avādāidhāudmapraśrathahimaśrathāḥ (6, 4, 29). निपातनात् स्यदादिषु प्रतिषेधो भविष्यति, न च भविष्यति । 2 Presence or absence of pratişēdha in syadaḥ etc. is decided by nipātana. यदि इग्लक्षणयोर्गुणवृद्ध्योः प्रतिषेधः, स्त्रिव्यनुबन्धलोपे कथम् । If this sūtra refers to the prohibition of guna and vrddhi with reference to ik, how does it not operate with reference to the root sriv and the roots after dropping the anubhandha. (i.e. the guna in asrēmānam and lavitā, lavitum, pavitā, pavitum etc. will be prohibited by this sūtra) ? प्रत्ययाश्रयत्वात् अन्यत्र सिद्धम् The forms in other cases are not affected, since the lopa mentioned in the sūtra refers to that which depends upon the (ārdhndhātuka) pratyaya that follows it. आर्धधातुकनिमित्ते लोपे प्रतिषेधः, न चैष आर्धधातुकनिपित्तो लोपः । Prohibition is enjoined when the elision depends upon the ārdhadātuka pratyaya. The lõpa (in sriv, lūñ, pūſ) is not due to the ārdhadhātuka pratyaya. यदि आर्धधातुकनिमित्ते लोपे प्रतिषेधः, जीरदानुः अत्र न प्राप्नोति । 1 1. The lõpa of v in āstēmānam is due to val after it 2. Jiv is taken as the root and radānu, the pratyaya and v is dropped by the sütra lõpo vyör vali.

·FOURTH AHNIKA - NA DHATULOPA ARDHADHĀTUKE 9 If the prohibition depends upon the elision due to ārdhadhâluka pratyaya, it cannot apply in the form jīradānuḥ. रकिः ज्यः सम्प्रसारणम् Ya of jya takes samprasārana before the pratyaya rak. नैतज्जीवे रूपम्, रकि एतज्ज्यः सम्प्रसारणं भवति । This is not derived from the root jūv by the addition of radānu ; but jya takes samprasāraṇa before rak. यावता चेदानी रकि, जीवेरपि सिद्धं भवति । If jīra is derived from jya+ra, it may as well be derived from jīvtra. कथम् उपबहणम् How is it possible to get the form upabarhanam (from the the root brhi, since n has been dropped on account of the ārdhadhātuka pratyaya after it)? बृहिः प्रकृत्यन्तरम् The root brh (in upabarhana) is different from brhit. कथं विज्ञायते वृहिः प्रकृत्यन्तरमिति ? How is it known that the root brh (in upabarhana) is different from brhi ? - अचीति हि लोप उच्यते, अनजादावपि दृश्यते निबृह्यते । अनिटीति चोच्यते, इडादावपि दृश्यते निबर्हिता, निबर्हितुम् इति । अजादावपि न दृश्यते, -बृंहयति, बृहकः । - 1. Jiradānuh is taken to be the compound of jira and dūnu, where jira is formed from jya+ral and dūnu from da + nu. 2. Kāiyata shows the dhūtupatha where byha and byhi are read to mean to increase.

·10 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHĀBHĀŞYA The elision of n in brhi is said to take place when it is followed by a pratyaya beginning with a vowel (in the vārttika brmher aci aniți); but it is seen when it is followed by a non-vowel. Ex. nibrhyatē. It is said that it takes place when it is followed by anit; but it is seen when it is followed by it. Ex. nibarhitā, nibarhitum. Elision is not seen even when it is followedby a vowel. Ex. brmhayati. तस्मानार्थः परिगणनेन । Hence it is not necessary to have the enumeration. 1 यदि परिगणनं न क्रियते, भेद्यते छेद्यते: अत्रापि प्राप्नोति । Tf the enumeration is not done, the prohibition of guna will take place in bhēdyatē and chēdyntē also (since nic has been dropped in bhidi and chidi.) नैष दोषः । धातुलोप इति नैवं विज्ञायते, धातोर्लोपः धातुलोपः, धातुलोपे इति । कथं तर्हि ? धातोर्लोपः यस्मिंस्तत् धातुलोपम् , धातुलोपे इति । : This objection cannot stand; for the expression dhātulõpē is not taken as the seventh case of the tatpuruşa compound dhātulopa. What then? It is taken as the seventh case of the bihuvrīhi compound dhātulopa. (Here in bhēdyatê and chēdyatē, the reason for the loss of nic which forms a part of dhātu is the presence of yak after it and the guna is due to the presence of nic.) तस्मादिग्लक्षणा वृद्धिः । Hence vrddhi in this sūtra has reference to that of il. 1. Bhidir is the root; it takes nic after it by hētumati ca (3, 1, 28); further after it, it takes yak by the sūtra sārvadhātuke yak (3, 1, 67); it then takes the tin tē; on account of the influence of nic, i of bhid takes guna by the sutra pugantalaghũpadhasya ca (7, 3, 86); the nic is then dropped by the sutra nēr aniți (6, 4, 51) 2. Chidir is the root and the formation of chedyatë is similar to bhédyate.

·FOURTH ĀHNIKA - NA DHĂTULOPA ARDHADHATUKE 11 यदि तर्हि इग्लक्षणयोर्गुणवृद्ध्योः प्रतिषेधः, पापचक: पापठकः मगधकः दृषदकः अत्र न प्राप्नोति । If the pratișēdha in the sūtru has reference only to ik, the sūtra will not operate in the formation of the words pāpacakaḥ", pāpathaku!”, maghadhakaḥ 3 and drşadakah 4. (i.e.) vrddhi will take place through the sūtra ata upadhāyāḥ (7,2, 116) and consequently the forms should be pāpácakaḥ, pāpāthakaḥ, magādhakaļ and drşādukaļ). HEYR MIRIFICE (Vrddhi through the stītra atu upadhāyāḥ will not take place) since the a elided through the stītra a'ő löpal takes sthānivadbhāva. अल्लोपे कृते तस्य स्थानिवद्भावात् गुणवृद्धी न भविष्यतः । Guna and vrddhi do not take place since lopādēśa takes sthānivadbhāva (i.e.) at is considered to be existent though it has been elided (and consequently the a of pac etc. cannot be considered upadhā.) Note: Värttikakāra has decided that pariganana is not necessary under the following conditions : 1. The sūtra should be taken to mean ārdhadhātukanimittë dhātvamśālāpē sati, ārdhadhātukanimittē iglakşaņē guravrddhī na bhavataḥ, 1. Dupacus (pac) is the root; it takes yan after it by the stilya dhatör ckaco halādēh kriyāsamablahārē yan (3, 1, 22), it gets doubled by sanyanõh (6, 1.9); the a of the abhyāsa takes dirgha by the sūtra dirghöskital (7, 4, 83); pāpccya takes aka by the Sätra nvultycâu (3, 1, 133); yan is dropped by the shtra yasya halah (6, 4, 69) and ało lopah. 2. Patha (path) is the root; the derivation of pāpathakah is the same as that of pāpacakaḥ, 3. Magadha takes yak and avul and yu is dropped by yasya halah (6, 4, 49.) 4. Dyşadakah is from drşad which takes kyac and noul after it and ya is dropped by kyasya vibhāsā (6. 4, 50).

·12 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHÅBHĀŞYA 2. The correctness of the forms syada etc. is decided from nipātana. 3. The word jāradānuḥ is not a simple word formed from the root jūv and the suffix radānu ; but it is a compound word made up of two words jīra and dānu, where jīra is formed in either of the two following ways-jyatrak or jīvtrak. 4. The word upabarhaņam is not derived from the root brhi, but is derived from the root brha. 5. The upadhāvrddhi is avoided by taking recourse to the sthānivadbhāva of u elided by the sūtra utö lõpuħ. 1 5. TARTHT AT Or the non-reading (of this stra). STATTFÖT AI GATET TITTET FUTTTT: I Or the reading of this sūtra is not necessary. कथं बेभिदिता, मरीमृजकः, कुषुभिता, समिधिता इति ? If so, how is it possible to arrive at the forms bēbhiditā, marīmrjakaḥ, kuşubhitā and samidhitā ? (i.e.) how are guna and upadhāvrddhi avoided ?) अत्रापि अकारलोपे कृते स्थानिवद्भावाद् गुणवृद्धी न भविष्यतः । Here too guna and vrddhi can be avoided by taking recourse to the sthānivadbhāva of the lõpādēśa of at. यत्र तर्हि स्थानिवद्भावो नास्ति तदर्थमयं योगो वक्तव्यः । This sūtra is necessary for such cases as do not admit sthānivadbhāva. क्व च स्थानिवद्भावो नास्ति । What are the cases which do not admit sthānivad. bhāva ?

·FOURTH ÀHNIKA - NA DHATULOPA ARDHADHĀTUKE 13 Ta TET: - Algai', arga: , HTFT:,: ercia इति । Where both the consonant and the vowel are together replaced by another, as in lõluvaļi, popuvam, marīmrjaḥ and sarīsrpah. अत्रापि अकारलोपे कृते तस्य स्थानिवद्भावात् गुणवृद्धी न भविष्यतः । Even here let the akāra be elided ; if the lõpādēśa takes sthānivadbhāva, there is no opportunity for guna and vrddhi. Note: Instead of taking that both the consonant and the vowel in ya are dropped on the strength of the sütra yanõci ca (2, 4, 74), let a be dropped on the strength of ato lāpaḥ (6, 4, 48) and then y may be dropped on the strength of yanõci ca. Though yaróci ca deals with the elision of ya, it may also deal with that of y, since the latter may be considered to be the former though there is slight change. Cf. ēkadēśavikrtam ananyavad bhavati. लुकि कृते न प्राप्नोति । If luk is first done by the sutra yanõci ca, there is no room for sthānivadbhāva. इदमिह सम्प्रधार्यम्, लुक् क्रियताम् अल्लोपो वा इति । This is to be decided whether luk is first to be done or allopa. 1. Lūñ is the root; it takes yan after it by the sūtra dhātor ēkācô halādē” kriyāsamabhihāre yan (3, 1, 22); it is doubled by the sūtra sanyanoh (6, 1, 9); the abhyāsa takes guna by guno yanlukāḥ (7, 4, 82); it takes the pratyaya ac by the sūtra nandigrahipacādibhyo lyuninyacaḥ (3, 1, 134); yan is dropped by yanõci ca (2, 4, 74). 2. The formation of popuvah is exactly the same as Töluvah. 3-4. The formation of marimrjaḥ and sarī sy pah is the same as that of lõluvah, except in the point that the abhyāsa after taking ar by the sutra urat takes the āgama rīk by the sülra rig ydupadhasya (7, 4, 90).

·14 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHABHĀŞYA किमत्र कर्तव्यम् । Which deserves to be done ? परत्वाद् अल्लोपः The löpa of at should first be done since ato lõpul (6, 4, 48) is read after yanõci ca (2, 4, 74) in the Astādhyāyī. नित्यो लुक्, कृतेऽप्यल्लोपे प्राप्नोति अकृतेऽपि प्राप्नोति । Luk is nitya, since it takes place both when at is elided and when it is not. Note: From the paribhāşa para-ritya-antaranga - apavādānām uttarotlaram balīyah, yaiiöci ca will operate previous to alö löpaḥ and in that case there is no opportunity for sthanivadbhava. लुगप्यनित्यः । Luk too is anitya. . कथम् ? How ? अन्यस्य कृते लोपे प्राप्नोति, अन्यस्याकते; शब्दान्तरस्य प्राप्नुवन् विधि- नित्यो भवति । It operates on one form when at is elided and on another when at is not elided ; the vidhi which operates in one sabda on certain conditions and in another sabda on a different condition is anitya. अनवकाशस्तर्हि लुक् । Then luk has no room to operate. सावकाशो लुक् । Luk has room to operate.

·FOURTH ÅHNIKA - NA DHATULOPA ARDHADHATUKE 15 कोऽवकाशः? Where is the room to operate ? अवशिष्टः What remains (i.e.) y of ya. अथापि कथं चिदनवकाशो लुक् स्याद् एवमपि न दोषः । Still if it is said that somehow luk will have no room to operate, it is no harm, (i.e.) Since it is only secondary (gauna) to call y as yar, the sutra yario sci ca will have no room to operate; hence it has to be taken as an aparāda to ato lopa). In that case the argument allopasya sthānivatlvāt cannot stand. अल्लोपे योगविभागः करिष्यते । अतो लोपः (6, 4, 48), ततो यस्य च लोपो भवति, अत इत्येव । किमर्थमिदम् लुकं वक्ष्यति , तद्वाधनार्थम् ३ । ततो हलः (8, 4, 50) हल उत्तरस्य यस्य च लोपो भवति । With reference to the elision of at, the sūtra (yasya halah) will be split into into First the sūtra atô lõpaḥ is read ; then yasya alone is read, which means the at of ya is dropped. What for is this? One may take luk by the sūtra, (yaňoci ca) as an apavādu and this is intended to prevent it. Then halaḥ is read as a separate sūtra, which means the y following a consonant is dropped. इह तर्हि परत्वाद्योगविभागाद्वा लोपो लुकं बाधेत. वृषभो यदीदम् - नोनुयते!नाव । कृष्णो नोनाव 1. Here atah is taken from the previous sūtra. 2. अपवादश्च प्रायशः पश्चाद्भावीत्यभिप्रेत्य भविष्यन्निर्देशः (प्रदीपोद्योतने) 3. तद्वाधनार्थम् -- समुदायलुग्बाधनार्थम् (ibid) 4. Nu (nu) is the root; nõnāva is the form in the third person singular perfect of the root nu in yanluk. It reduplicates, the abhyasa takes guna and yan is dropped and u takes vyddhi and ādēśa av on account of the verbal termination which is a nit.

·16
LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHĀBHĀŞYA
If so, the lõpa will set at naught the luk in the word
nonāva derived from nõnuyati in the vedic line krsņõ nõnāva
vrşabho yadīdam.
समानाश्रयो लुग्लोपेन बाध्यते |
Luk is set at naught by lõpa if both depend upon the
same.
कश्च समानाश्रयः?
What is it which is considered sūmānāśraya ?
यः प्रत्ययाश्रयः
It is that which depends upon pratyaya.
अन च प्रागेव प्रत्ययोत्पत्ते ग्भवति ।
Hera luk takes place before the pratyaya is affixed.
कथं स्यदः, प्रश्रथः, हिमश्रथः, जीरदानुः, निकुचित इति ।
How is then the formation of the words syada),
praśrathuḥ, himasrathah, jīradūnuh and nikucitaḥ?
उक्तं शेषे
It has been said with reference to the rest.
किमुक्तम्?
What is it that has been said ?
निपातनात् स्यदादिषु ।
Syadaḥ, praśrathaḥ and himaśrathah have their forms
decided through nipātana.
प्रत्ययाश्रयत्वाद् अन्यत्र सिद्धं रकि ज्यः सम्प्रसारणम् ।
Jiradānuḥ has its form decided by taking jīra as
separate word formed from jya with the pratyaya rak, when
ya takes samprasāraņa.

·FOURTH ÀHNIKA- NA DHATULOPA ĀRDHADHATUKÉ 17 निकुचितेऽप्युक्तम् । It has been said even with reference to nikucita. किम् ? What ? सन्निपातलक्षणो विधिरनिमित्तं तद्विघातस्य । The vidhi which is responsible for a certain form cannot stand responsible to destroy it. (i.e.) the pratyaya kta is responsible to change the form of kuñic to kuc and the same cannot change it to kāc. From the two topics dealt with by Vārttikakāra, it seems that, if the sūtra is had, he has shown the method of interpreting it and that, if the sūtra is not wanted, he suggests that the sūtra yasya halah should be split into two. Under the sūtra yasya halah (6, 4, 49) Värttikakāra discusses whether varna or sarghāta (i.e.) y or ya is meant in yasya and prefers varnagrahana; but neither he nor Bhāşyakāra has mentioned about yogavibhāga. Besides under the sūtra dhinvikrņvyõra ca (3, 1, 80); Mahābhāşyakāra says ārdhadhâtukanimittë lõpē sa pratişēdhaḥ, na cãişa ārdhadhātukanimittö lõpah ; api ca pratyäkhāyatē khalvapi sa yogak. From this and from vā in anārambhā vā we are led to infer that both Värttikākāra and Mahābhāşyakara are inclined to have both the views. But Haradatta in his Padamañjarī 1 does not favour the yogavibhāga in yasya halah and hence is against pratyākhyānapakşa. Bhattojidīkşita in his Śabdakāustubha refutes Haradatta school. The first three topics dealt with by Mahābhāsyakāra are not quite necessary in the opinion of Kāiyata, since he seems to hold the view that the pratyākhyānapaksa alone is favoured 1. अवश्यं समुदायस्य लुगेषितव्यः । एवं च लोलुव इत्यादावपि गुणवृद्धी स्यातामिति सूत्रमपि कर्तव्यम् ।

·18 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHĀBHĀSYA by Mahābhāşyakāra; consequently Annambhatta, while explaining Kaiyata's statement gives the avatarika padaprayõjanacintā Vittikar asya ucitā, na Bhāşyakrtah.' But since Mahābhāşyakāra seems to hold both the views, it may not be wrong if we consider that the first three topics serve as a sort of introduction to the fourth topic. डिति च (1-1-5) There are two topics dealt with here: 1. Tannimittë should be read as an adjunct to guņavrddhī. 2. Adēsas of lakāra which are nit are not entitled to sthanivadbhava. क्ङिति प्रतिषेधे तन्निमित्तग्रहणम् उपधारोरवीत्यर्थम् In the prohibition suggested by kriti, tannimitta should be read for the sake of the prohibition to be applied to the penultimate of roots and to the form rõravīti. डिति प्रतिषेधे तन्निमित्तग्रहणं कर्तव्यम्, कङिनिमित्ते ये गुणवृद्धी प्रामुतः ते न भवत इति वक्तव्यम् । In the prohibition kriti, tannimitta should be read so that the sūtra may mean that the guna and vrddhi which are due by the presence of the suffix kriit do not make their appearance. किं प्रयोजनम् ? Why? उपधार्थ रोरवीत्यर्थ च । For the sake of penultimate (to the operated by this sūtru) and the form röraviti. उपधार्थ तावत् , भिन्नः, भिन्नवान् इति । Firstly for the sake of the penultimates in bhinng and bhinnavān which do not take quna.

·FOURTH ÁHNIKA - KNITI CA 19 - कि पुनः कारणं न सिद्धयति? Why does not the prohibition of guna operate there? कङिति इति उच्यते; यत्र ङित्यनन्तरो गुणभावी इगस्ति तत्रैव स्यात् - चितं, स्तुतम् इति, इह तु न स्यात् - भिन्नः, भिन्नवान् इति । Kriti is read in the stitra; the prohibition will take place only in such places as citam, stutam where ik which is capable of taking guna is immediately followed by kit or rit (by the paribhāṣā tasminniti nirdiştē pārvasya), and it will not take place in cases like bhinnah, bhinnavān (where the ik is not immediately followed by kit pratyaya, but is intercepted from it by the letter d. ननु च यस्य गुण उच्यते, तं ङित्परत्वन विशेषयिष्यामः | पुगन्तलघू- पधस्य चाङ्गस्य गुण उच्यते, तश्चात्र ङित्परम् । Suppose we take that, to which guna is generally enjoined should be followed here by kit or rit. Guna is enjoined to the anga which is puganta or laghūpadha and it is followed here by kit or vit. पुगन्तलघूपधस्य इति नैवं विज्ञायते पुगन्ताङ्गस्य लघूपधस्येति । Pugantalaghūpadhasya is not taken in the sense pugantasya angasya and laghūpadhasya angasya (i.e.) puganta and laghūpadha are not taken as bahuvrīhisumāsa so that they may become adjuncts to aliga. कथं तर्हि? How then ? पुकि अन्तः पुगन्तः, लध्वी उपधा लघूपधा, पुगन्तश्च लघूपधा च पुगन्तलघूपधं, पुगन्तलघूपधस्य इति । The vigraha of pugantalaghūpadhasya is pugantuḥ ca laghūpadhā ca pugantalaghūpadham, tasya, and the vigraha of pugantaḥ is puki antaḥ and that of laghūpadhā is laghvī ca să upadhā ca.

·20 LECTURES IN PATANJALIS MAHABHĀŞYA अवश्यं चैतदेवं विशेयम् , अङ्गविशेषणे हि सति इहापि प्रसज्येत -भिनत्ति छिनत्ति इति । This should necessarily be interpreted in that way; for, if it is taken as a viśēşana to aliga, it will operate even in the forms bhinatti, chinatti. रोरवीत्यर्थ च त्रिधा वद्धो वृषभो रौरवीति For the sake of röravīti 1 also which is found in the Vedic sentence tridhā baddho vrşabhā rõravīti. यदि तन्निमित्तग्रहणं क्रियते, शचङन्ते दोपः, रियति, पियति, धियति, प्रादुद्रुवत्, प्रासुनुवत् , अत्र न प्राप्नोति । If tannimitta is mentioned, difficulty arises where roots are followed by the pratyayas sa and cari, as in riyati, piyuti, dhiyuti, prādudruvat, prāsusruvat. Here the nişēdha by the sūtra kriti ca cannot operate. Note : Ri, pi and dhi are roots of the sixth conjugation. They take sit by the sūtra tudadibhyalı salı (3, 1, 77) before the verbal termination ti. Hence we have ri-1-ti, pi-a-ti and dhi-a-ti. Here i does not take guna by the sūtra sārvadhātukārdhadhātukayāḥ since śa is apit and hence should be treated like nit by the sūtra sārvadhātukan apit (1, 2, 4) and kniti ca may operate; but on account of tannimittrigrahaņa, this sūtra cannot prevent i from taking guna through the influence of ti by the sūtra pugantalaghrīpadhasya ca (7, 3, 86). 1. Ru is the root It takes yun by the Sitira dhālör ēkācó halādēh Kriyasamabhihārē yan (3, 1, 22); it is doubled by sanyanõh (6, 1, 9); abhyasa takes guna by guno yānlukõh (7, 4, 82); it takes the termination li ; consequently ti is preceded by ī by the sutra yūno vā (7,3, 94); the u of the root takes guna since it is followed by tip. yari is dropped by yanāsci ca (2, 4, 74), if the seventh case-suffix is taken as parasaptami, the guna will not take place since it is followed by yan. + ·FOURTH ĀHNIKA-KNITI CA 21 Similarly the roots dru and sru take car for cli after them in lur. Hence in a-dru-dru-a-t, a-Sru-sru-a-t, even though u of the root is prevented from taking guna by the presence of riit after it by this sūtra, how can it prevent if it takes gunia by the sūtra pugantalaghūpadhasya ca! . शचङन्तस्यान्तरङ्गलक्षणत्वात् The difficulty does not arise, since sutra which is antarariga first operates in the aiiga which ends in sa and cari. अन्तरङ्गलक्षणत्वादत्र इयङबङोः कृतयोरनुपधात्वाद् गुणो न भविष्यति । Guna has no room bere since i and u (of the roots mentioned above) take iyan and uvař by the slitra aci śnudhātu-bhruvām yvõr-iyan-uvariāu (6, 4, 77) which is antararga and consequently they are not penultimate. एवं क्रियते चेदं तन्निमित्तग्रहणम् । न च कश्चिद् दोषो भवति । Tannimittagrahana is done in this way and hence there will be no difficulty. इमानि च भूयः तन्निमित्तग्रहणस्य प्रयोजनानि हतः, हथः, उपोयते, औयत, लौयमानिः, नेनिक्ते इति । Again these are the additional benefits of tannimittagrähana—hataḥ, hatha”, upāyatē, āuyata, läuyamāni”, pāuyamānih, nēnikte. नैतानि सन्ति प्रयोजनानि These do not come as benefits (of tannimittagrahara.) इह तावत् हतो हथः । इति, प्रसक्तस्थानामनिर्वृत्तस्य प्रतिषेधेन निवृत्तिः शक्या कर्तुम् , अत्र च धातूपदेशावस्थायामेव अकारः । -- 1. Hana (han) is the root; it takes the third person dual, and second person dual, termination present after it; n is dropped by the sutra anudātłopadēśct-vanatitanõtyādīnām anunāsikalõpā jhali kviti. (6, 4, 37) ·2 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHĀBHĀŞYA Firstly here in hataḥ and hathah, nothing which has a chance to come and which has not come is prohibited ; there is a in the original root.' इह च उपोयते, औयत, लौयमानिः, पौयमानिः इति, बहिरङ्गे गुणवृद्धी, अन्तरङ्गः प्रतिषेधः, असिद्धं बहिरङ्गमन्तरङ्गे । Here too in upāyatēs, āuyata, läuyamānik, pāuyanāni”, guna and vrddhi are bahiranga and prohibition is antaranga and when antaranga sūtra 'operates after the bahiranga sūtra, the effect of the latter is considered non-existent and if both simultaneously operate, the former is stronger than the latter. Vote: Upoyatē :-upatvē+ya +tē=upa+u+ya+tē. Here since ya is kit, a+u will not, in the opinion of the pūrvapakşin, take guna if the saptamī in kniti ca is parasaptamī and can take guna if nimittagrahana is done since the guņa does not depend upon yak. Siddhāntin thinks that, since the guna takes place after the full form of the verb is accomplisbed between the preposition and the verb, this guila may be considered asiddha, when the form of the verb is taken into consideration. Āuyata : ātvē+ya+ta=ā+u+ya+ta=āuyata. Here also the vrddhi between the augment ā and the initial of the verb in its final stage may be considered asiddha with reference to the formation of the verb. 1. The idea of the pūrvapakşin is this:-After n is dropped in the root han before tah and thuh, a may take guna by the sūtra pugantalaghupadhasya and this sūtra kniti ca prohibits it. The answer of the siddhāntin is that a already exists in the root. 2. Vēñ (vē) is the root. In passive present third person singular, we have vē+yak + tē ; y takes samprasārana by the sūtra grahijyāvayivyadhivastivrscati prcchati bhrijatīnām niti ca (6, 1 16); u+ē become uby samprasāranācca (6, 1, 108); upa+u become upo by ad gunah 16. 1. 87).

·FOURTH AHNIKA KNITI CA 23 Lāuyamānih: Līyamānasya apatyam. The ū takes viddhi by the sūtra taddhitēşvacām ādēh (7, 2, 117). Pāuyamānih-Pūyamānasya apatyam. Rest is like Lāuyamānih. 'नेनिक्के' इति, परेण रूपेण व्यवहितत्वान्न भविष्यति । The guna in the abhyāsa in nēniktē cannot be prohibited by this sítra even without nimittagrahaņa since it is separated from the pratyaya ślu (which is considered to do the duties of a riit) by the root nij. उपधार्थेन तावन्नार्थः । धातोरिति वर्तते, धातुं ङित्परत्वेन विशेषयि- ष्यामः । Firstly tannimittagrahana need not be done for the penultimate to be operated by the sūtra. The word dhātu is taken here from the word dhātulõpé in the previous sūtra ; it s changed to dhātāḥ ; kriit paratva is taken as the viśēşana of dhātāḥ (so that the sutra may mean guna and viddhi will not take place in any part of a root if it is followed by kit or riit) यदि धातुर्विशेष्यते, विकरणस्य न प्राप्नोति, चिनुतः, सुनुतः, लुनीतः इति । If dhātu is taken as the viśēşya of kritparatva, the prohibition cannot take place to the vikaranu (conjugational sign) in the forms cinutah, sunutaḥ, lunītaļ and punītah. नैष दोषः, विहितविशेषणं धातुग्रहणम् धातोर्यों विहित इति । This defect does not arise by taking dhātu to be the vihitaviśēşania so that the sitra may mean that guna and vrddhi may not take place to any part which is enjoined to a dhātu. धातोरेव तर्हि न प्राप्नोति । If so, the nişēdha will not apply to the root (but only to the vilkarana etc.) नैवं विज्ञायते धातोर्विहितस्य ङिति इति । - ·24 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHABHĀŞYA It is not meant that the nişēdha due to kit and uit to that which is enjoined to the root. कथं तर्हि How then? धातोर्विहिते डिति इति । To the root, vikararra etc. when Icit enjoined to the root follows. Two points may be said against this argument:--The anuvrtti of dhātu from the previous sūtra is not happy. To take it as the vihitaviśēşann may not strike at first sight. अथवा कार्यकालं संशापरिभाष, यत्र कार्य तत्र द्रष्टव्यम् । पुगन्तलघूपधस्य गुणो भवति इति उपस्थितमिदं भवति ङिति न । Or, since samjña and paribhāṣā go to the scene of action. Where gura and vrddhi have a chance to come, there comes the suitra kriiti na. Here, there is the chance of guna through the sūtril pugantnlghiipadhırsya and there kriti na makes its appearance. This cannot be the answer for one who thinks that this cannot stand in yathöddēśapakşu and there is no deciding factor in favour of kāryakālapakşa alone. अथवा यदेतस्मिन्योगे डिग्रहणं क्रियते तदनवकाशम् ; तस्यानवकाशत्वाद् गुणवृद्धी न भविष्यतः । Or, the mention of kit or nit in this stītra has no opportunity to be made use of. Hence the guna and vrddhi (which are otherwise capable of taking place) do not come when kit and iit follow. अथवा आचार्यप्रवृत्तिापयति, भवत्युपधालक्षणस्य गुणस्य प्रतिषेध इति, यदयं सिगृधिधृषिक्षिपेः क्नुः 13, 2, 140), इको झल् (1, 2, 9), हलन्ताश्च (1, 2, 10) इति क्नुसनौ कितौ करोति ।

·FOURTH ĀHNIKA-KNITI CA 25 Or the procedure adopted by the Ācārya Panini suggest that there is prohibition of guņa of the penultimate, since the pratyaya nu which comes after trus, grdh, dhrs and kşip is read as kit in the sūtra trasi-grdhi-dhrși-ksipēḥ knuḥ (3, 2, 140) and the san which is jhaladi and which comes after iganta or after a consonont near ik is mentioned as kit in the sutras iko jhal (1, 2, 9) and halantācca (1, 2, 10). कथं कृत्वा ज्ञापकम् ? How is it that they are jñāpakas ? कित्करण एतत्प्रयोजनम् गुणः कथं न स्यादिति । यदि चात्र गुणप्रति- षेधो न स्यात् कित्करणमनर्थकं स्यात् । पश्यति त्वाचार्यों भवत्युपधालक्षण- स्यापि गुणस्य प्रतिषेध इति, ततः क्नुसनौ कितौ करोति । This is the benefit of reading them as kit that, under no circumstances, does guna set in. If there is no prohibition of guna, kitkarana will be of no avail. The Acārya sees that kniti ca may refer to the guna-pratişēdha of the penultimate also and hence reads nu and san as kit. From the above we see that Vārttikakāra has expressed the necessity of tannimittagrahana and Mahābhāşyakāra feels it unnecessary and achieves its purpose through jñāpakas. रोरवीत्यर्थेनापि नार्थः । Tannimittagrahana is not necessary even for the form röraviti. डिति इत्युच्यते, नात्र तिं पश्यामः । The sūtra deals with kit and nit; but neither of the two do we see here. प्रत्ययलक्षणेन प्राप्नोति । 1. कथम् =कथमपि

·26
LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHĀBHĀŞYA
Even though the pratyaya is not found, its effect may be
seen through the sūtra pratyayalõpē pratyayalaksanam.
न लुमता तस्मिन् इति प्रत्ययलक्षणप्रतिषेधः ।
There is the pratișēdha for the pratyayalaksana, when
there is löpa through the words luk, ślu, lup (mentioned in
the sūtra is na lumatāngasya 1, 1, 63).
कथम्?
How?
अथापि न लुमताङ्गस्य इत्युच्यते, एवमपि न दोषः ।
Even though the sūtra is read as na lumatāngasya, there is
no harm.
न लुमता लुप्ते अङ्गाधिकारः प्रतिनिर्दिश्यते ।
The elision by the mention of the words luk, ślu, and lup
has no reference to anga (of which it does not form a part).
कि तर्हि?
To what then ?
योऽसौ लुमता लुप्यते तस्मिन् यदङ्गं तस्य यत्कार्य तन्न भवति इति ।
That which should take place in the anga which has in it
a pratyaya elided by the mention of words luk, ślu and lup
does not take effect.
अथाप्यङ्गाधिकारः प्रतिनिर्दिश्यते, एवमपि न दोषः ।
There is no harm even if it has reference to anga (of
which it does not form a part.)
कथम्?
How?
कार्यकालं संक्षापरिभाषम्, यत्र कार्य तत्र द्रष्टव्यम् । सार्वधातुकार्धधातु-
कयोर्गुणो भवति इति उपस्थितमिदं भवति ङिति न ।

·FOURTH ĀHNIKA KNITI CA 27 Sarijñā and paribhāṣā go to the scene of action. Where there is a chance of guna by the sutra sārvadhātukārdhadhatukuyāḥ, the sitra kriiti ca comes and prevents it. अथवा छान्दसमेतत् ; दृष्टानुविधिच्छन्दसि भवति । Or this is a Vedic expression and it should be explained as it is. अथवा बहिरङ्गो गुणः, अन्तरङ्गः प्रतिषेधः, असिद्धं बहिरङ्गमन्तरङ्गे । Or guna (which depends upon yui which is immediately after the root) is antaranga and bahirarigakārya is non-existent when antararigasutra begins to operate. अथवा पूर्वस्मिन् योगे यदार्धधातुकग्रहणं तदनवकाशम् । तस्यानवकाश- त्वाद् गुणो भविष्यति । Or, the mention of the word ārdhadhātukē in the previous sūtra does not serve any purpose and hence it may be taken that it is used for the sake of guna here (in rõravīti). From the above it is clear that Vārttikakāra mentions tannimittagrahana and Mahābhāsyakāra feels it unnecessary since the purpose can be achieved in many other ways. इह कस्मान्न भवति, लैगवायनः, कामयते । How is it that the pratişēdha is not found in Lāigavāyanal ? and kāmayatē ? ? 1. The word ligu takes the taddhitapratyaya phak by the sutra nadadubhyan phak (4, 1, 99); ph of phak is replaced by āyan by the sūtra āyan-ěy-īn-iyiyaḥ phadhakhachagnām pratyayādīnām (7, 1, 2); i of ligu takes vyddhi since it is followed by phak by the sutra kiti ca (7, 2, 118) and u takes guna by the sūtra örgunah (6, 4, 116), The question here is why the guna by örgunaḥ is not prevented by this sutra. 2. Kamu (kam) is the root; it takes niń by the sūtra kamēr nin (3, 1, 30); it then takes the tar të; a takes viddhi by the sūtrā ata upadhāyāḥ (7, 2, 116); i takes guna by sārvadhātukārdhadhātukayāḥ (7, 3, 84); the question here is why the urddhi of a is not prevented by this sūtra, ·28 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHABHĀŞYA तद्धितकाम्योरिप्रकरणात् The pratişēdha has not crept in the word followed by taddhita and in the form of the root kam, since this sūtra operates only in such cases where guna and vrddhi are enjoyed to ik by mentioning it as ik. इग्लक्षणयोर्गुणवृद्धयोः प्रतिषेधः, न चैते इग्लक्षणे । Pratişēdha is to the guna and the vrddhi enjoined through the mention of ik. These two cases are not so. Note : In Lāigavāyana, örgunaḥ enjoins guna to 7; though u is ik, the sūtra does not enjoin guņa to ik. The a in kam which has taken urddhi is not ik. लकारस्य बिस्वादादेशेषु स्थानिवद्भावप्रसङ्गः There is the possibility of sthānivadbhāva in the ādēsa of lakāras which are iiit. लकारस्य ङित्वादादेशेषु स्थानिवद्भावः प्राप्नोति, अचिनवम् , असुनवम् , अकरवम्। Sthānivadbhāva may arise in the ādēsas of lakāra which is nit as in the forms acinavam, asunavam and akaravam. Note : Since am is the ādēśa of mip by the sutra tas-thas. tha-mipām tāṁ-tam-ta-amah (3, 4, 101) in lari, uin may be considered a rit and consequently u of nu after the roots ci and su and u after kr will not take guna by the sūtra sārvadhâtukārdhadhātukayõh on account of this sūtra kniti ca. लकारस्य जित्वादादेशेषु स्थानिवद्भावप्रसङ्ग इति चेत् यासुटो निद्वचनात् सिद्धम् । 1. Acinavam, asunavam and akaravam arc the forms of the first persou singular in lar (imperfect) of the roots ci, su and kr.

·FOURTH ĀHNIKA-KNITI CA 29 If it is said that there is the possibility of sthānivadbhāva in the adēśas of lakāras which are nit, it is decided through the mention of nit with reference to yāsuț. यदयं यासुटो ङिद्वचनं शास्ति तज्ज्ञापयत्याचार्यः न ङिदादेशा डितो भवन्ति इति । Since the Ācārya mentions that the agama yasut in lini is a rit (in the sūtra yāsuț parasmāipadēşūdāttö nicca (3, 4, 103), he makes us infer that the ādēsas of lakāras which are nit should not be considered iiit through sthānivadbhāva. यद्येतज्ज्ञाप्यते, कथं नित्यं ङितः इतश्च इति । If it is so inferred, how is Icārya Pānini justified in using ritaḥ in the sūtra nityam jitaḥ1 (3, 4, 99) and allowing the anuvrtti of nitah in itaśca” (3, 4, 100). ङितो यत् कार्य तद् भवति, ङिति यत् कार्य तन्न भवति इति । (The inference is this):That which happens to rit may also happen (to ādēsas); but that which happens to another since nit follows it, does not happen when the ādēśas of rit follow it. किं वक्तव्यमेतत् ? Is this to be stated so ? न हि If need not be stated. कथमनुच्यमानं गंस्यते? 1. The sūtra nityam nitah means that the final e in the lakāras which are nit is dropped. For instance vas and mas, the first person dual and plural termination are changed to va and na. 2. The sutra itasca means that the final i in the lakāras which are nit is dropped (i.e.) ti, si and mi are changed into t, & and m.

·30
LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHĀBHÄSYA
How is it so understood without its being stated ?
यासुट एव डिद्वचनात् । अपर्याप्तश्चैव हि यासुट समुदायस्य डिन्त्वे,
ङितं चैनं करोति । तस्यैतत् प्रयोजनम् 'डितो यत् कार्य तद्यथा स्यात्,
डिति यत् कार्य तन्मा भूत् इति ।
From the mention that yāsuț is nit; yāsut is not capable
of making the whole as nit; Pāṇini has read this as vit.
The benefit that accrues from this is that what happens to
riit may also happen to ādēśa and that what happens to
another on account of liit following it (like samprasčīranu) may
not happen to the same when the adēsa follows it.
दीधीवेविटाम् (1-1-6)
किमर्थमिदमुच्यते?
Why is this sūtra read ?
गुणवृद्धी मा भूतामिति आदीध्यनम्, आदीध्यकः
आवेव्यकः ।
आवेव्यनम्',
So that guna and vrddhi may not take place in ādīdhyanam
adidhyakaḥ, āvēvyanam and āvēvyakah.
अयं योगः शक्योऽकर्तुम्
This sūtra may not have been read.
कथम्?
Why?
दीधीवेव्योश्छन्दोविषयत्वाद्, दृष्टानुविधित्वाच्च छन्दसः, छन्दसि अदी-
धेत् अदीधयुः इति च गुणदर्शनाद् , अप्रतिषेधः
1. tf is the root; it takes lyut and i takes yan by zraněkācossamyoga.
piurvasya (6,4,82).
2. It takes puul.
3-4. वेवी is the root and the rest is the same as above.

·FOURTH AHNIKA - DIDHIVÉVITĀM 31 Since the roots dīdhi and vēvī are found only in Vedas, and since only the forms found in the Vedas have to be explained and guna is found in the forms adīdhēt and adīdhayuḥ, the pratişēdha is of no avail. दीधीवेव्यो छन्दोविषयौ; दृष्टानुविधिश्च छन्दसि भवति; दीधिवेव्यो- श्छन्दोविषयत्वात् दृष्टानुविधित्वाच्च छन्दसः', अदीधेत् अदीधयुः इति च गुणस्य दर्शनात् अप्रतिषेधः; अनर्थकः प्रतिषेधः, अप्रतिषेधः । प्रजापतिर्वै यत्किञ्चन मनसा दीघेत् । होत्राय वृतः कृपयन्नदोघेत् । अदीधयुर्दाशराज्ञे वृतासः । The roots didhi and vēvī are used only in Vedas; only the forms found in the Vedas have to be explained ?; since dīdhi and vēvī are concerned only with the Vedas, since the forms alone which are found in the Vedas have to be explained and guna is seen in the forms adīdhēt and adīdhayuh found in the following quotations Prajāpatir-vāi yat-kiñcana manasā dīdhēt. Hôtrāya vrlaḥ krpayan-n-adīdhết. Adidhayur-dasarājke vrtasah. -- the pratişēdha serves no purpose. भवेदिदं युक्तमुदाहरणम् अदीघेत् इति । The example adīdhet is deservedly a fitting one. इदं त्वयुक्तम् अदीधयुः इति । अयं जुसि गुणः प्रतिषेधविषय आरभ्यते, स यथैव 'मिति च' इत्येनं प्रतिषेधं बाधते, एवमेनमपि बाधेत । 1. The order of sentences varies in certain editions. 2. Kāiyața says that ādīdhyanam, adidhyakaḥ, āvēvyanam and avēvyakah are not found in the vedas. 3. द्धिति न इत्येतं प्रतिषेधं बाधते एवमिममपि is another reading.

·32 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHABHĀŞYA But the example adīdhayu) is not a fitting one; for the sitra jusi ca (7, 3, 83) which enjoins guņa against the pratişēdha and which is taken to set at naught the effect of the sritra kniti ca may as well set at naught the effect of this Snitra. नैप दोषः, जुसि गुणः प्रतिषेधविषय आरभ्यमाणस्तुल्यजातीयं प्रतिषेधं वाधते । This contra - argument cannot stand, since the guna by the sütra jusi ca, started as a pratişēdha can set at naught the pratişëdha of the same nature. . कश्च तुल्यजातीयः प्रतिषेधः? Which is the pratişēdha of the same nature ? यः प्रत्ययाश्रयः That which is concerned with pratyaya. प्रकृत्याश्रयश्वायम् This is concerned with prakrti or stem. अथवा येन नाप्राप्ते तस्य बाधनं भवति । न चाप्राप्त कङिति न इत्येतस्मिन् प्रतिषेधे जुसि गुण आरभ्यते । अस्मिन् पुनः प्राप्ते चाप्राप्ते च । Or, if a vidhi through a sūtra is introduced where another sūtra is invariably to operate, it becomes its apavāda or bādhaka. Unless gunapratişēdha is settled through the sūtra kriti ca, guna cannot be its pratişēdha through the sūtra jusi Here it is said to be the pratișēdha both when there is a chance for gunapratişēdha and when there is no chance. ca. यदि तर्हि अयं योगो नारभ्यते, कथं दीध्यत्' इति । If this sūtra is not read, how can the form didhyat be explained ? 1. लेट् तिप् (Kaiyata); दीध्यदिति वेव्यदिति is another reading.

·FOURTH AHNIKA - DIDHIVEVITANI
33
दीध्यदिति च श्यन्व्यत्ययेन
1
The root dīdhī may be said to have taken śyan instead
(of the luk of sap).
दीध्यदिति च श्यन् भविष्यति व्यत्ययेन ।
The fourth conjugational suffix is used instead of the
second conjugational suffix after the root dīdhi.
इटश्चापि ग्रहणं शक्यमकर्तुम्
It is possible not to mention it also in the sūtra.
कथम् अकणिषम् अरणिषम् , कणिता श्वः, रणिता श्वः इति ?
How can then the following forms be explained:
akaạişam, aranişam, kaạitā (third person singular, first
future) and ranitā (third person singular, first future)?
Note: The roots kan and ran take it before sic in aorist
and the termination tā of the first future by the
sūtra ārdhadhātukasyēd valādē” (7, 2, 35).
आर्धधातुकस्यड्वलादेः इत्यत्र इट् इडेव यथा स्यात्, यदन्यत् प्राप्नोति
तन्मा भूदिति ।
When it is possible to take it by anuvrtti (from the sūtra
nd vasi kerti (7, 2, 8), Acārya Panini has read it in this sitra.
The motive underlying it is that it should stand as it under
any circumstances and should never change into another.
किं चान्यत् प्राप्नोति?
What can come instead ?
गुणः
Guna.
1. शन् व्यत्ययेन is another reading.
2. दीध्यदिति वेव्यदिति is another reading

·34 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHABHASYA यदि नियमः क्रियते पिपठिषतेरप्रत्ययः पिपठीः, दीर्घत्वं न प्राप्नोति । If it is said that it remains it under any circumstances, the form pipathīḥ derived from pipathișa followed by kvip cannot be achieved since i of it is lengthened here by the sutra rvõr upudhāyāḥ dirgha ikaḥ (8, 2, 76). नैष दोषः, आङ्गं यत्कार्य तन्नियम्यते, न चैतदाङ्गम् । This objection may not stand since the niyama is with reference to angakārya and this-pipathili - is not of that kind. अथवा असिद्धं दीर्घत्वं, तस्यासिद्धत्वानियमो न भविष्यति । Or, the vowel-lengthening is asiddha (since the sūtra enjoining it is in the second pāda of the eighth chapter) and hence there is no need for niyama also, Vārttikakāra considers that the mention of didhi and vēvī in the sütr:z is unneccessary and Mahābhāsyakāra considers that the whole sūtra is unnecessary. हलोऽनन्तराः संयोगः (l, I, 7) There are four topics dealt with in this sūtru :-- (1) Is the compound anantarāḥ made up of na and antaram or na and antarā ? (2) Is the word saha to be added at the end of the sitra? (3) If there are more than two contiguous consonants, is the samyõgasanjñā worthy of being applied to the whole or to every two of them ? (4) Is the word conturāḥ in the sūtra to be replaced by the word svarānantarhitāḥ ? Of these the first is raised by Mahābhāsyakāra and the rest by Värttikakāra. As regards the second, Mahābhāsyakära differs from the view of the Varttikakāra. 1. Pipathisa + kvip; the final « is dropped by ato lopah and ş is changed to go by sasajaso rich and the penultimate is lengthened by the sitru. rior upadhāyā dirgha ikah (8, 2, 76).

·FOURTH ĀHNIKA – HALÖNANTARAH SAMYOGAH 35 1. अनन्तरा इति कथमिदं विज्ञायते, अविद्यमानमन्तरं येषाम् इति आहोस्वित् अविद्यमाना अन्तरा येषाम् इति ? Is the compound anantarāļi to be split as avidyamūnun unturum yêşām or vidyu mānā antura yēşām ? Note. Antaram means intervening space ; here it should be taken in the sense of varnaśünyalı kālıt(i.e.) intercepted time without the presence of a letter. Antarā is an avyaya meaning in the middle. In that case avidyamānā antarā yēşām tells us that anantarāh is a vyadhikararabahuvrīhi, where avidyamānā” means avidyarānāl varnā” and antarā means madhyē. If, on the other hand, antarā is taken to mean, by lakşaņā letter or letters in the middle, it may be taken as a samānādhikaranabahutrīhi'. a किचातः? What if (it is taken in one way or the other) ? यदि विज्ञायते अविद्यमानमन्तरं येषाम् इति, अवग्रहे संयोगसंज्ञा न प्राप्नोति, अप्सु इति अप्ऽसु इति', विद्यते यत्रान्तरम् । अथ विज्ञायते अविद्यमाना अन्तरा येषाम् इति न दोषो भवति । If it is interpreted in the manner avidyamānam antaram yêśām, conjunct consonants which are pronounced with an interval of time between as ps in apssu cannot get the saryogasamjñā ; for there is antara between them. If, on the other hand, it is interpreted in the manner avidyamānā antară yêşām, this defect cannot arise. यथा न दोषस्तथास्तु । 1. This is well explained in Annambhatta's Pradipoddyötana. 2. In the padapātha of the Vedas it is so read. In the second apsv, p and 8 are intervened hy the time needed to pronounce half a mūrā.

·36 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHABHÅŞYA Let it be taken in the manner which is free from any defect. अथवा पुनरस्तु अविद्यमानमन्तरं येषाम् इति । Or, let the interpretation avidyamānain antaram yēşām, stand. ननु चोक्तम् अवग्रहे संयोगसंज्ञा न प्राप्नोति अप्सु इति अप्ऽसु इति ; विद्यते ह्यनान्तरम् इति। Has it not been said that in that case) conjunct consonants which are pronounced with an interval of time between as ps in apssu cannot get the sarnyõgasarnjñā, since there is antara between them? नैव दोषो न प्रयोजनम् There is no harm if it does not get the designation of sainyoga, nor any advantage if it gets the designation. 2. संयोगसंज्ञायां सहवचनं यथान्यत्र In the sūtra dealing with sarnyõgusamjñā, the word saha should be added as is found elsewhere. संयोगसंज्ञायां सहग्रहणं कर्तव्यम् -- हलोऽनन्तराः संयोगः सह इति वक्तव्यम् । किं प्रयोजनम् ? सहभूतानां संयोगसंज्ञा यथा स्यात् एकैकस्य मा भूत् इति । यथान्यत्र तद्यथा अन्यत्रापि यत्रेच्छति सहभूतानां कार्य करोति तत्र सहग्रहणम् । तद्यथा •सह सुपा, उभे अभ्यस्तं सह, इति । In the sūtra dealing with saryogasamjñā, the word saha should be read thus - halösanantarāḥ saryogaḥ saha. Why? So that the whole may get the designation saryoga collectively and not individually. As is found elsewhere-wherever he wants kārya collectively, he reads the word saha. viz. saha supā, ubhe abyastam saha. किं च स्यात् यद्येकैकस्य संयोगसंज्ञा स्यात् ?

·FOURTH AHNIKA HALONANTARĀH SAMYÓGAH 3 What may happen if they get the designation of sariyoga individually? इह निर्यायात् । निर्वायात्, वान्यस्य संयोगादेः इत्येत्वं प्रसज्येत । इह च संहृषीष्ट इति, ऋतश्च संयोगादेः इति इट् प्रसज्येत । इह संह्रियत इति, गुणोर्तिवंयोगाद्योः इति गुणः प्रसज्येत । इह च दृषत्करोति समित्करोति इति संयोगान्तस्य इति लोपः प्रसज्येत । इह च शक्ता वस्ता इति स्कोः संयोगाद्यो- रन्ते च' इति लोपः प्रसज्येत । इह च निर्यातः निर्वातः संयोगादेरातो धातो- र्यण्वतः इति निष्ठानत्वं प्रसज्येत । Here in niryāyāt, nirvāyāt, the ā after the first y in the former and after v in the latter can optionally change to ē by the siitra vānyasya sarmyogādelh (6, 4, 68). Here in sanhrsista an ot (āgama) may come after her (since it is taken as a savyāga) by the sūtra rtaśca saryogādēh (7, 2, 43). Here in samhriyatē, the r after h (which is taken as a sariyoga) may take guna by the sūtra guṇōrtisavyāgādyo!? (7, 4, 29). Here in the words drşatkaroti and samitkaroti, t at the end of drsat and samit will be dropped by the sutra sariyogāntasya lõpa? (8, 2, 23). Here in the words saktā and vastā, k and s which are at the end of a padā or which are followed by a jhal are liable to be dropped by the stītra skāļi sariyogādyõrantē ca (8, 2, 29) (if they are considered sainyoga). Here in the words niryalah and nirvātaḥ, t after a which follows y and v (which are considered as samyoga is liable to be changed to n. नैष दोषः । This defect will not stand. यत्तावदुच्यते इह तावत् निर्यायात् निर्वायात् वान्यस्य संयोगादेः इति एत्वं प्रसज्येत इति; नैवं विज्ञायते 'संयाग आदिर्यस्य सोऽयं संयोगादिः, संयोगादेः' इति । कथं तर्हि ? संयोगी आदी यस्य सोऽयं संयागादिः, संयोगादेः इति । एवं तावत् सर्वमाझं परिहृतम् । 1. Third person singular potential of the root yã with the prepositions nir. 2. Third person singular, potential of the root vā with the preposition nir. 3. Third person singular, benedictive of the root hy with the preposition sam. 4. Third person singular, passive, present of hy with sam.

·38 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHABHĀŞYA In the statement made first that ā in niryāyāt and nirvāyāt is liable to be replaced by ē, sainyögādēļ is not taken as the sixth case of sarıyögādi which is split as sainyogah ādiņ yasya sal. How then? It is considered as the sixth case of symyāgādi which is split as samyögāu ūdī yasya sah. Through this process, all the changes which are related to aliga are avoided. यदप्युच्यते 'इह च दृषत्करोति समित्करोति संयोगान्तस्य इति लोपः प्रसज्येत इति, नैवं विज्ञायते संयोगः अन्तः यस्य तद् इदं संयोगान्तं, संयोगान्तस्य इति । कथं तर्हि ? संयोगौ अन्तौ यस्य तद् इदं संयोगान्तं, संयोगान्तस्य इति । In the statement that t in drșatkaroti and samitkarīti is liable to be dropped since it is sainyāgānta, saryogānlasya in the stitra sarnyõgāntasya lõpah is not taken to be the sixth case of samyāgānta which is split as saiyōgah antaḥ yasya tat. How then? It is considered as the sixth case of sariyogūnta which is split as samyāgāntāu yasya tat. यदप्युच्यते 'इह च शक्ता वस्ता इति स्कोः संयागाद्योः इति लोपः प्रसज्येत इति नैवं विज्ञायते संयोगौ, आदी संयोगादी, संयोगाद्योः इति । कथं तर्हि ? संयोगयोः आदी संयोगादी, संयोगाद्योः इति । In the statement that k and s in saktā and vastū are liable to be dropped by the sūtra skāḥ samyögādyāḥ .., samyögādyāḥ is not taken as the sixth case of samyögādi which is split as savyāgāu ādī. How then? It is taken as the sixth case of samyõgādā which is split as samyōgayon ādī. यदप्युच्यते ‘इह च निर्यातः निर्वातः इति संयोगादेरातो धातोर्यण्वतः इति निष्ठानत्वं प्रसज्येत इति; नैवं विज्ञायते संयोग आदिर्यस्य, सोऽयं, संयोगादिः, संयोगादेः इति । कथं तर्हि ? संयोगौ आदी यस्य सोऽयं संयोगादिः, संयोगादेः इति । In the statement that t in niryātaḥ and nirvātah will be changed to n (since y is considered samyōga on the strength of the sūtra saryogādērāto dhālõryanvataḥ) samyögādēḥ is not taken as the sixth case of samyögādi which is split as samyõgah ādih ·FOURTH ÁHNIKA HALONANTARĀH SAXIYOGAH 39 yasya saḥ, but is taken as the sixth case of saryogādi which is split as samyögāu ādī yasyn saủ. कथं कृत्वा एकैकस्य संयोगसंज्ञा प्राप्नोति! What leads to the interpretation that each gets the designation sainyoga? प्रत्येक वाक्यपरिसमाप्तिदृष्टा इति - तद्यथा वृद्धिगुणसंज्ञे प्रत्येकं भवतः It is seen that the predicate of the sentence relates individually to the subject. For instance the designation guna and vrddhi is applied individually. Note : Kaiyata says that the question katham krtva ēkāikasya saryogasañiſtā prāpnēti arises from the idea that the derivation of the word sainyoga is samyujyantē asmin varṇāḥ and hence it is an anvartasamjña (designation in consonance with the derivation of the word) and consequently it cannot be applied individually. Nāgēśabhatta prefers mahāsamjia to anvarthasamjžia and mentions that the former was the opinion of the ancients. ननु चायमप्यस्ति दृष्टान्तः समुदाये वाक्यपरिसमाप्तिरिति । तद्यथा गर्गाः शतं दण्ड्यन्ताम् , अर्थिनश्च राजानो हिरण्येन भवन्ति ; न च प्रत्येकं दण्डयन्ति । .. Oh, there is, on the other hand, this illustration also that the predicate of a sentence relates collectively to the subject. For instance, if it is said that the descendants of Garga may be fined hundred coins, the government is satisfied with the full amount and is not concerned with getting the amount individually. सत्येतस्मिन् दृष्टान्ते, यदि तत्र प्रत्येकम् इत्युच्यते, इहापि सहग्रहणं कर्तव्यम् । अथ तत्रान्तरेण प्रत्येकमिति वचनं प्रत्येकं गुणवृद्धिसंशे भवतः, इहापि नार्थः सहग्रहणेन ।

·40 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHABHĀŞYA As there exists this example, the word saha is necessary in this sūtra also if the word pratyēkam is mentioned there (i. e.) in the sūtras vrddhiradāic and adēn gunah. If it is possible to construe in those sūtras that the designations guna and vrddhi can be individually applied without the mention of the word pratyēkam, the mention of the word saha in this sūtra also is not necessary. Note : Värttikakāra considers that the word saha is necessary in this sitra and Mahābhāşyakāra considers it unnecessary. The reason for his doing so is this :-There are instances where the predicate relates to the subject individually as in Dēvadatta - Yajñadatta - Vişnumitrā bhõjyantām and where the predicate relates to the subject collectively as in Gargāļ satam dandyantām. In the former sentence the word pratyēkam is not found, nor is the word saha found in the latter. Since the Sūtrakāra has followed the practice current in the world in not using the word pratyēkam in the sūtra vriddhirādāic and adēn. gurali, he has not mentioned the word saha in this sūtra halönantarāļ sainyogah. 3. अथ यत्र बहूनामानन्तर्य, किं तत्र द्वयोर्द्वयोः संयोगसंज्ञा भवति, आहाविदविशेषेण When there are more than two contiguous consonants, does every two get the designation saryoga or the whole alone ? कश्चात्र विशेषः? What difference does it make ? समुदाये संयागादिलोपो मस्जे If the whole gets the designation, the form from the root masj cannot take the elision of the first letter of saryoga.

·FOURTH AHNIKA. HALONANTARAH SANIYOGAH 41 - समुदाये संयोगादिलोपो मस्जेन सिद्ध यति मता, मङक्तुम् । If the whole gets the designation, the elision of s of mas; which is samyõgādi in the forms maiiktā and marktum 2 cannot take place. . इह च निर्लेयात् निर्लायात् निम्तेयात् निर्लायात् इति 'वान्यस्य संयोगादेः' इत्येत्वं न प्राप्नोति ; इह च संवरिषीष्ट इति 'ऋतश्च संयोगादेः इति इट् न प्राप्नोति ; इह च संवर्यते इति 'गुणोर्तिसंयोगाद्योः' इति गुणो न प्राप्नोति ; इह च गोमान् करोति यवमान् करोति इति 'संयोगान्तस्य लोपः' इति लोपो न प्राप्नोति ; इह च निर्लानः निम्लानः इति 'संयोगादेरातो धातो- यण्वतः' इति, निष्ठानत्वं न प्राप्नोति । .. Besides here in nirglęyāt nirglāyāt, nirmlēyāt, nirmlāyāt, the ă of the roots glā and mlă cannot optionally take 7 as its ādēśa by the sūtra Vānyasya samyögādēḥ, since the roots which begin in gl and ml are not saryogādi and rgl and rml alone are sariyoga ; here in sainsvarişīşta 3, the sīyut after the root svr cannot take the optional idāgama by the sutra Rtasca sanyögādēh since it is not sarıyógādi but msyr alone is samyāga ; here in sarsvaryatē, the final ? of the root sur cannot take gura by the sūtra Gunortisariyogādyāḥ since insv is sariöga and not sv; herein gömänkaroti yavamänkarāti, t after n cannot be dropped by the sūtra Sanyōgāntasya lõpaḥ since k is the samyõgānta and not t; here in nirglānah, nirn?ānał, nisthanatvan is not possible by the sūtra Surnyõgādērālā dhātoryanvataḥ since the roots glā and mlā are not sainyögādi, rgl and rml alone standing as sainyoga. 1, 2. Masj + trc and masj +tum take numāgama by the sitra masjinaśörjhali (7,1, 60). If the whole nsj is taken as samyoga, the s cannot be dropped by the sutra Sk:bh sainyogidyorantca (8, 2, 29), since it is not samyõgādi. 3. 8er is the root; asirlin, syut, sut tithoh, Satrastutve, idgeunion. 6 ·42 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHABHĀŞYA अस्तु तर्हि द्वयोर्द्वयोः संयोगसंज्ञा । । - If So, let every two get the designation of samyōga. द्वयोहलोः संयोग' इति चेद् द्विवचनम् If two contiguous consonants get the designation samyoga, reduplication (is not possible.) द्वयोहलोः संयोगसंज्ञा' इति चेद् द्विवचनं न सिद्धयति इन्द्रं इच्छति इन्द्रीयति ; इन्द्रीयतेः सन् - इन्द्रिद्रीयिषति; नन्द्राः संयोगादयः इति द्विवचनं न प्राप्नोति । If two contiguous consonants take the designation sanyöga, d of ndr in the word indrīyati which means 'he desires Indra', cannot be doubled on the strength of the sātra Nandrāḥ samyõgādayah (6, 1, 3) when indrīyati is followed by san, since it becomes the ādi of the samyāga dr; consequently the desired form indidrīyişati cannot be achieved. न वाज्विवधेः न वैष दोषः । किं कारणम्! अज्विधेः; न्द्राः संयोगादयो न द्विरुच्यन्ते; अजादेरिति वर्तते । This objection cannot stand. Why? The pratişēdha depends upon the presence of a vowel; unqualified ndr are not prohibited from doubling; the word ajādēh is taken in the sutra Nandrāḥ saryogādayaḥ from the previous sülra Ajādēr dvitīyasya (6, 1, 2). अथ यद्येवं बहूनां संयोगसंज्ञा अथापि द्वयोर्द्वयोः, किं गतमेतदियता सूत्रेण आहोस्वित् अन्यतरस्मिन् पक्षे भूयः सूत्रं कर्तव्यम् ? Let it be that more than two contiguous consonants get the designation saryoga or every two. Will this sūlra satisfy 1,3. संयोग: is another reading. 2. संयोगसंज्ञा is another reading.

·13 FOURTE ÄHNIKA HALÖNANTARAH SANYÖGAH both the cases or is it necessary to expand it by adding something? गतमित्याह It may be said that this sūtra satisfies both. कथम्? How ? यदा तावद् बहूनां संयोगसंज्ञा, तदैवं विग्रहः करिष्यते अविद्यमान- मन्तरमेषाम् इति । यदा द्वयोर्द्वयोः संयोगसंज्ञा, तदैवं विग्रहः करिष्यते। अविद्यमाना अन्तरा एषाम् इति । When more than two take the designation saiyōga, the word ananlarāh is split avidyamānam antaram ēşām ; when every two get the designation samyoga, it is split avidyamānā antarā ēşam. Note: If both the cases are satisfied by this sūtra, how can the plural-suffix in halal in the sūtra be justified ? Kāiyața answers this question by saying hala iti jātāu bahuracananirdēsāt. Nāgēśabhattu says vastutö halau ca halusca ityēkaśēşaļ. He bases bis view on the following lines of Mahābhāşya under the slitra Svaritāt sainhitāyām Canudāttānām (1, 2, 39) :ēkaśēşanirdēśõyam - anudāttasya ca anudattayāśca anudāttānam ca anudātlānām. The word anantarāli also should be taken as the ēkaśēşa thus - anantarāu ca anantarāśca anantarāk. द्वयोश्चैवान्तरा कश्चिद् विद्यते वा न वा । Is there anything between the two or not? एवमपि बहूनामेव प्राप्नोति । (If you say that there is nothing between the two), the same holds good for more than two.

·44 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHABHĀŞYA . Ta para 377 969 Thiestià, gà ATAT Tara भवितव्यम् । If there is anything between every two of the group which you refer to by the sixth case, it cannot get the designation saryoga. अस्तु तर्हि समुदाये संज्ञा? If so, let the designation go to more than two. ननु चोक्तं समुदाये संयागादिलोपो मस्जेः? Has it not been said that, in that case, the form from the root masj cannot take the elision of the first letter of the sariyoga? नैष दोषः ; वक्ष्यत्येतत् 'अन्त्यात्पूर्वो मस्जेर्मिदनुषङ्गसंयोगादिलोपार्थम्' इति । This defect is removed since Vārttikakāra is going to mention (under the sūtra Midacóntyāt parah 1, 1, 47) that mit (i.e.) num-agama comes just before the final letter of masj for the sake of the elision of nakāra and sakāra when the latter has to be elided as saryogādi.' 1. Tumesjo (rnasj) is the root; in musj tive and nusj + {um, numägumu is enjoined by the suitra Masjinusõrjuuli (7, 1, 60). Hero on the strength of the vārttıka mentioned under Miducuntyāt parah, n is placed before ; ; hence we have masnj +trc and mainj + tum. Now & which is samyõgādi is dropped by the stitra Skõḥ sariyögūdyõrantē ca (8,2, 29); then j is changed to g by the sutra Coll kul (8, 2, 30); which is again changed to k by Khari ca (8, 4, 55) and n is changed to anusvāra by Naścăpadāntasya jhali (8,3, 24) and then ń by Anusvārasya yayi parasavornah (8, 4, 58) hence we get the forms manktā and marktum. Anuşanga means nakāra. In masj + ta, n before j by Masjınaśörjhali; ta is replaced by na by the sūtra Oditaśca (8, 2, 45) and the samyögādi s is dropped by the sūtra Aniditām hala upadhāyāḥ kriti (6, 4, 24), j is replaced by g and we get the form magna.

·FOURTH ĀHNIKA - HALÖNANTARĀỊ SANYOGAĦ 45 अथवा अविशेषेण संयोगसंज्ञा विज्ञास्यते इयोरपि वहूनामपि; तत्र द्वयोर्या संयोगसंज्ञां तदाश्रयो लोपो भविष्यति । Or it is taken without any discrimination that two copsonants or more get the designation sarilyōga. Where two get it, the elision depending upon the two will operate यदप्युच्यते 'इह च निग्लैंयात् नि यात् निम्लेयात् निम्लीयात् इति वान्यस्य संयागादेः इत्येत्वं न प्राप्नोति' इति, अङ्गेन संयोगादि विशेषयिष्यामः अङ्गस्य संयोगादेः इति ; एवं तावत्सर्वमाझं परिहृतम् । We shall restrict the denotation of sainyāgādi by taking ariga as its adjunct in the place where it was said that a of the root glā and mla cannot be replaced by ē optionally by the sūtra Vānyasya sainyogādēļ ; thus shall we solve all cases which pertain to aligādhikāra. यदप्युच्यते 'इह च गोमान् करोति यवमान्करोति इति संयोगान्तस्य लोपः इति लोपो न प्राप्नोति' इति, पदेन संयोगान्तं विशेषयिष्यामः पदस्य संयोगान्तस्य इति । We shall restrict the denotation of sariyoganta by taking pada as its adjunct in the place where it was said that t in gömānkaroti and yavamānkaroli cannot be dropped on the strength of the sūtra Samyāgāntasya lõpał. यदप्युच्यते ‘इह च निर्लानः इति संयोगादेरातो धातोर्यण्वतः इति निष्ठानत्वं न प्राप्नोति इति, धातुना संयोगादि विशेषयिष्यामः धातोः संयोगादेः इति । We shall restrict the denotation of sariigõgādi by taking dhātu as its adjunct in the place where it was said that nişthānatvam may not take place in nirglāna and nirmlāna by the sūtra Sainyögādērāto dhātoryanutah. Note: It is not known why the Vārttikakära has not read the Vārttiki Antyāt pūrvo masjērmid anuşanga sariyogādilõpārtham here, so that it may answer his pūrvapakşavārttika • samudāyā sarnyõgādilāpē masjeħ. As regards this third topic, there is no difference of opinion between Vārttikakāra and Mahābhāsyakāra.

·46 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHĀBHĀŞYA IV खरानन्तहितवचनम् The word anantarā in the sūtra should be qualified by the word svarāih. खरैरनन्तर्हिता हलः संयोगसंज्ञा भवन्ति इति वक्तव्यम् । It should be said that the consonants which are not intercepted by sonants take the designation samyōga. किं प्रयोजनम् । Why? व्यवहितानां मा भूत्, पचति पनसम् । So that the designation may not reach those tbat are intercepted as s and m in the word panasam which are intercepted by the sonant a. ननु चानन्तरा इत्युच्यते, तेन व्यवहितानां न भविष्यति । Oh! the word anantarā is mentioned in the sūtra ; through it the designation will not reach those that are intercepted. दृष्टमानन्तयं व्यवहितेऽपि Anantarya is mentioned even with reference to objects which are intercepted (by others.) व्यवहितेऽपि अनन्तरशब्दो दृश्यते; तद्यथा अनन्तराविमौ ग्रामो इत्युच्यते, तयोश्चैवान्तरा नद्यश्च पर्वताश्च भवन्ति । The word anantara is used even with reference to objects which are intercepted. For instance the expression anantarāu imàu grāmāu (these two villages are adjoining ones) is generally used even though there are rivers and mountains dividing them. यदि तर्हि व्यवहितेऽप्यनन्तरशब्दो भवति, आनन्तर्यवचनमिदानी किमर्थ an स्यात् ?

·FOURTH ĀHNIKA -HALONANTARĀÌ SANIYOGAH 47 If then the word anantara is used even with reference to intercepted objects, what is the purpose served by the word anantarāḥ in the sūtra ? आनन्तर्यवचनं किमर्थमिति चेदेकप्रतिषेधार्थम् The mention of anantarā is to avoid the designation to be applied to one. एकस्य हलः संयोगसंज्ञा मा भूद् इति । So that the designation saryoga may not go to one consonant. किं च स्याद् यद्येकस्य हलः संयोगसंज्ञा स्यात् ? What will happen if one consonant gets the designation samyoga? इयेष उवोष, 'इजादेश्च गुरुमतोऽनृच्छः' इति आम् प्रसज्येत । The in iyēşa and uvāșa will get the samyõgasamjñā and consequently the preceding i will be considered guru by the sūtra Saryōgē guru and consequently the affix âm will happen in lit by the siitra Ijadesca gurumatisnercchah (3, 1, 35). The result is the forms iyêşa and uvõşa cannot be obtained.) न वातजातीयव्यवायात् Not necessary since the interception is by unlike ones. न वैष दोषः। किं कारणम् ? अतज्जातीयस्य व्यवायात् । अतज्जातीयक हि लोके व्यवधायकं भवति । This difficulty does not arise. Why? The interception is only by the unlike; for the unlike alone stands between the like ones in the world. कथं पुनर्ज्ञायते अतजातीयकं लोके व्यवधायकं भवति इति ? How is it known that the unlike alone divides the like?

·48 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHĀBHĀŞYA एवं हि कञ्चित् कश्चित् पृच्छति 'अनन्तरे एते ब्राह्मणकुले? इति । स आह 'नानन्तरे, वृषलकुलमनयोरन्तरा' इति । Some one asks another thus : 'Are these two brahman houses adjoining (i e.) do they not have any antara ? He replies, 'No, they are not anantarē (adjoining); a house of a sudra is between them.' किं पुनः कारणं क्वचिदतजातीयकं व्यवधायकं भवति क्वचिन्न? Why is it that the unlike sometimes intercedes and some. times not? सर्वत्रैव शतजातीयकं व्यवधायकं भवति । The unlike always intercedes. कथम् अनन्तराविमौ ग्रामौ इति ? How is it then such a usage as these two villages are adjoining ? ग्रामशब्दोऽयं बर्थः । अस्त्येव शालासमुदाये वर्तते । तद्यथा ग्रामो दग्ध इति । अस्ति वाटपरिक्षेपे वर्तते । तद्यथा ग्राम प्रविष्ट इति । अस्ति मनुष्येषु वर्तते; तद्यथा ग्रामो गतः, ग्राम आगत इति । अस्ति सारण्यके ससीमके सस्थण्डिलके वर्तते; तद्यथा ग्रामो लब्ध इति । तद्यः सारण्यके ससीमके सस्थण्डिलके वर्तते तमभिसमीक्ष्य एतत् प्रयुज्यते अनन्तराविमौ ग्रामौ इति । The word grāmu has many denotations. It denotes group of houses, as in 'grāma is burnt.' It denotes garden etc. serving as the outer limit or boundary, as in "he has entered grāma.' It denotes the inhabitants, as in grāma has left and grāma has returned.' It denotes everything mentioned above along with the forest ridge etc. (including a river) which serve as the boundary, as in 'grāma has been captured,' Hence the word grāmáu in the expression anantarāu imāu grāmāu denotes what is mentioned last.

·FOURTH ĀHNIKA - MUKHANĀSIKĀVACAYONUNĀSIKAH 49 Note : The use of the word asti in sentences like astyēva śālāsamudāyē vartatë deserves notice. Some may consider it as an expletive. But it seems to me that it is used in the sense of 'it' in the same way as asmi is used in the sense of I', where there is vivakşā only to the pratyayārtha and not to the prakrtyartha. सर्वत्रैव अतज्जातीयकं व्यवधायकं भवति । In all cases it is the unlike alone that intercedes the like ones. Note : Some scholars hold that the word grāma has different connotations and hence they are separate words; while others think that it denotes differently on different occasions and hence the word is only one. मुखनासिकावचनोऽनुनासिकः (1, 1, 8) There are three topics here, of which two are sponsored by the Mahābhāsyakāra and the last by the Pārttikakāra. They are (1) the derivation of the word gequetea: (2) the need or otherwise of the word मुख in मुखनासिकावचनः and (3) the itarétarāśrayatā of sarjñā and sarjñin. I किमिदं मुखनासिकावचन इति? What is this mukhanāsikāvacana? (i.e.) what is meant by it? मुखं च नासिका च मुखनासिकं, मुखनासिकं वचनम् अस्य सोऽयं मुखनासिकावचनः । The word mukhanāsikāvacanaḥ is a bahuvrīhi compound of the words mukhanāsikam and vacanam, where mukhanāsikam is a dvandva compound of mukham and nāsikā. 7 ·50 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHĀBHÂŞYA Note : Mukham here means mouth and vacanam means the place of articulation of sounds. यद्येवं, मुखनासिकवचन इति प्राप्नोति । If so, the compound word should be mukhanāsi kavacanaḥ. Note: Since mukha and nāsikā are the limbs of animals, they componnd together as mukhanāsikam. निपातनादीर्घत्वं भविष्यति । The lengthening may take place by nipātana. Note : Since Mahābhāsyakāra has taken the view bödhakānyēva nipātanāni under the sūtra Sārvādīni sarvanāmāni (1, 1, 27), mukhanāsikāvacanam, if it is taken as a nipatana, should suggest that mukhanásikavacanam is incorrect. Hence the next alternative is suggested. अथवा मुखनासिकम् आवचनमस्य सोऽयं मुखनासिकावचनः । Or it is taken as the compound of mukhanāsikam and āvacanam. अथ किमिदम् आवचनम् इति । Now what is this cīru cunam? (2. «.) what does åvacanam mean ? ईषद्वचनमावचनम् ; किञ्चिन्मुखवचनं किञ्चिन्नासिकावचनम् । Āvacanam means parlial vacan'ı ; partially mukhavacana and partially nāsikāvacanu. Note: Since the element ā which gives the sense of being partial has to qualify mukha and nāsikā, the formation of the compound with mukhanāsikam and āvacaram is not easy. Hence the next alternative is suggested, ·FOURTH ĀHNIKA - MUKHANÁSIKÁVACANÖNTNĀSIKAŅ 51 मुखद्वितीया वा नासिका वचनमस्य सोऽयं मुखनासिकावचनः । Mukhanāsikāvacanal is formed from mukhanāsika and vacunom where mukhanāsikā is split into mukhadvitīyā nāsika (Here dvītīyah means sahāya??). Vote : Mukhadvitīyā nāsikā should mean the nose near the mouth, since vacanam is taken to mean the place of articulation. The expression-nose near the mouth does not give a clear idea. Hence the next alternative is suggested. मुखोपसंहिता वा नासिका वचनमस्य सोऽयं मुखनासिकावचनः । Mukhanāsikāvacanal is formed of mukhanāsika and vacanam where mukhanasikā is split into mukhāpasarihita nāsikā. Note : 1. Here the word means that which has the portion bordered by mouth and nose as the place of articulation (i.e.) the portion near the uvula. Note : 2. Bhattāji Dīkşit, Nāgēśabhatta and others prefer to take vacana mean ucсārana and hence according to them the word mukhanāsikāvacanah means that which is pronounced through the nose along with the mouth. To give prominence to nose, mukhanāsika is split mukhasahitā nāsikā. II अथ मुखग्रहणं किमर्थम् । Now what is the need for the mention of the word mukha (in the stitra)? नासिकावचनोऽनुनासिकः इति इयत्युच्यमाने यमानुखाराणामेव प्रसज्येत; मुखग्रहणे पुनः क्रियमाणे न दोषो भवति ।

·52 LECTURES IN PATAJJALI'S MAHĀBHĀŞYA If the sūtra is read thus nasrkāvacanosnunāsikal without the word mukha, the designation will reach only yamas and anusvāra (and not ii, ii, ņ, n and m); if, on the other hand, the word mukha is mentioned, there will be no defect. अथ नासिकाग्रहणं किमर्थम् । What is then the need for the mention of the word nāsikā (in the sūtra)? मुखवचनोऽनुनासिकः इति इयत्युच्यमाने कचटतपानामेव प्रसज्येत ; नासिकाग्रहणे पुनः क्रियमाणे न दोषो भवति । If the sūtra is read thus--mukhavacanosnunāsikah omitting the word nāsikā, the designation will be liable to reach K, C, ļ, t, p etc. and not anusvāra and yama; but, on the other hand, if the word nāsikā is mentioned, there will be no defect. Note : K, , , t and p are upalalesamas to the other sounds of their respective varga and to semivowels and fricatives. मुखग्रहणं शक्यमकर्तुम् । It is possible to manage without the word mulcha in the sutra. केनेदानीमुभयवचनानां भविष्यति? How will the sounds whose place of articulation is both get the designation anunāsika ? प्रासादवासिन्यायेन । तद्यथा, केचित् प्रासादवासिनः केचिद् भूमिवासिनः केचिद् उभयवासिनः । तत्र ये प्रासादवासिनो गृह्यन्ते ते प्रासादवासिग्रहणेन ; ये भूमिवासिनो गृह्यन्ते ते भूमिवासिग्रहणेन ; ये तु उभयवासिनो गृह्मन्ते एव ते प्रासादवासिग्रहणेन भूमिवासिग्रहणेन च । एवमिहापि, केचिन्मुखवचनाः केचिन्नासिकावचनाः केचिदुभयवचनाः । तत्र ये मुखवचना गृह्यन्ते ते मुख- ·FOURTH ĀHNIKA JUKHANĀSIKĀVACANONUNĀSIKAH 53 ग्रहणेन ; ये नासिकावचना गृह्यन्ते ते नासिकाग्रहणेन ; ये उभयवचना गृह्यन्ते एव ते मुखग्रहणेन नासिकाग्रहणेन च । Through the prāsādavāsinyāya. It is thus :-Some are residents of upper storey, some are of the down-floor and some are of both. Of them, the residents of the upper storey come into operation if the word upper-storey-resident is mentioned ; those of the down-floor come into operation if the word downfloor-resident is mentioned; those who reside in both come into operation both when the word upper-storey-resident is • mentioned and when the word down-floor-resident is mentioned. Similary here also there are certain sounds which have mouth for their place of articulation, there are some which have nose for their place of articulation and there are others which have both of them for their place of articulation. Of them the mouth-sounds come into operation when the word mukha is mentioned, the nasal sounds come into operation when the word nāsika is mentioned and those that are both come into operation when either the word mukha or nāsikā is mentioned. भवेदुभयवचनानां सिद्धम् ; यमानुखाराणामपि प्राप्नोति । It is accomplished with reference to those sounds which have both the mouth and the nose as the place of articulation; the same may happen to yamas and anusvāra. नैव दोषो न प्रयोजनम् । But there is neither advantage nor disadvantage in it. III इतरेतराश्रयं तु But it is open to interdependence. का इतरेतराश्रयता? How is it, the state of interdependence ?

·51
LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHABHĀŞYA
सतोऽनुनासिकस्य संशया भवितव्यम् ; संशया च नाम अनुनासिको
भाव्यते; तदितरेतराश्रयं भवति ।
Designation is given to that. (anunāsiku) which already
exists and it is made to exist as such through the designation.
Hence (the flaw of) interdependence arises.
इतरेतराश्रयाणि कार्याणि न प्रकल्पते ।
Objects which are accessible to the flaw of interdepen.
dence are not achieved.
अनुनासिकसंज्ञायामितरेतराश्रये उक्तम्
It has been answered about itarēturāśrayata which is
mentioned here with reference to anuncsikasamjñā.
किमुक्तम्:
What has been answered ?
सिद्धं तु नित्यशब्दत्वात् इति।
The object is accomplished since words are perpetual.
नित्याः शब्दाः; नित्येषु शब्देषु सतोऽनुनासिकस्य संज्ञा क्रियते; न
संशया अनुनासिको भाव्यते |
Words exist perpetually; designation is given to the
anunāsikas among the sounds which already exist; anunāsika
is not made to exist through the designation.
यदि तर्हि नित्याः शब्दाः, किमर्थ शास्त्रम् ?
If then words perpetually exist, what is the purpose
served by the Science of Grammar ?
किमर्थ शास्त्रमिति चेत् निवर्तकत्वात् सिद्धम् ।
If it is asked what for the Science of Grammar is, it is
useful, being restrictive in nature.

·FOURTH AHVIKA TULYASYAPRAYATNIJI SAVARNIJI 55 निवर्तकं शास्त्रम् । कथम् ? आङमायविशेषेणोपविष्टोऽननुनालिका ; तस्य सर्वत्र अननुनासिकवुद्धिः प्रसक्ताः तत्रानेन निवृत्तिः क्रियते 'छन्दस्यचि परत आङोऽननुनासिकस्य प्रसङ्गेऽनुनासिकः साधुर्भवति' इति । Šāstra is restrictive in nature. How? The ai is said to be non-nasal; when it is considered that it is so everywhere, the sitra Aiosnunāsikaschandasi (6,1, 126) restricts its applica. tion and says that ai in Vedas is nasal if it is followed by a vowel. तुल्यास्यप्रयत्नं सवर्णम् (1-1-9) There are three topics dealt with here. They are (1) the four-fold splitting of the compound word tulyāsyaprayatnam; (2) the need or otherwise of the addition of the word tasya in the sutra and (3) the necessity of declaring that rand 7 are like sounds. 0 0 I 1. किमिदं तुल्यास्यप्रयत्नम् इति ? 1 What is it that is known by the expression tulyāsyaprayatna.? तुलया सम्मितं तुल्यम् ; आस्यं च प्रयत्नश्च आस्यप्रयत्नम् ; तुल्यास्यं च तुल्यप्रयत्नं च सवर्णसंशं भवति । Tulyan means the state of being balanced ; asyaprayatnam is a dvandva compound of asyam and prayutnul ; that which has the same asya and the same prayatna as a another becomes like to it (i.e.) tulyasya prayatnam is taken as a bahuvrīhi compound thus :tulyam asyaprayatnam yasya tat. Note : Kāiyața mentions that the word tulyam is no longer used in its derivative sense as the words pravīna, kusala, pratiloma and anuloma and its 1 This is not found in manuscripts and certain editions,

·56
LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHABHAŞTA
present sense is sadrśa. Annambhația gives
the derivative meaning of the above four
words thus :-prakrstā vīņāyām, kuśān lāti,
lõnāni anugataḥ and lõmāni pratigata).
किं पुनरास्यम्।
What is meant by the word asyam ?
लौकिकमास्यम् - ओष्ठात्प्रभृति प्राकाकलकात् ।
(Evidently) the mouth as is known to the world, which
extends from the lips to the pharynx.
कथं पुनरास्यम्'
How is it then derived 2
अस्यन्ति अनेन वर्णान् इति आस्यम् ।
Āsyam is that through which letters are produced if)
vyakti is taken into consideration) and are exhibited (if jāti
is taken into consideration.)
अन्नमेतदास्यन्दते इति वा आस्यम् ।
Or āsyam is that which secretes saliva when it comes in
contact with food or which is made to secrete saliva by the
food.
अथ कः प्रयतः
?
Now what is prayatna ?
प्रयतनं प्रयत्नः, प्रपूर्वाद्यततेर्भावसाधनो नङ्प्रत्ययः ।
Prayatna means the mode of articulation and it is formed
by adding the preposition pra before the root yat and the
suffix na in the sense of bháva.
यदि लौकिकमास्यम् , किमस्योपादाने प्रयोजनम् ? सर्वेषां हि तत्तुल्यम् ।

·us to the second mode of splittino FOURTH ĀHNIKA - TULTĀSYAPRAYATNAM SAVARŅAM 57 If asya mpans mouth as is interpreted by the world, what is the use of mentioning it, since it is common to all letters ? वक्ष्यत्येतत् प्रयत्नविशेषणमास्योपादानम् इति । He is going to say that the mention of disya is that it may serve as an adjunct to prayatna. Note: This line tells us the defect in splitting tulyāsyaprayatnam as āsyam ca prayatnaśca āsyaprayatnam, tulyam āsyaprayatnam yusya tat and also introduces सवर्णसंज्ञायां भिन्नदेशेष्वतिप्रसङ्गः प्रयत्नसाम्यात् Liability of letters born in different places to be considered like on account of their having the same prayatna. सवर्णसंज्ञायां भिन्नदेशेष्वतिप्रसङ्गो भवति जबगडदशाम् । किं कारणम् ? प्रयत्नसाम्यात् ; एतेषां हि समानः प्रयत्नः । The designation savarņa is liable to reach the letters like j,b,g, d and d which have different places of articulation; Why? On account of their having the same mode of articulation ; for these have the same mode of articulation. Note: Here the compound tulyāsyaprayatnam is split thus : asyē prayatnah-āsyaprayatna); tulya! āsyaprayatnah yasya tat. Here the place of articulation is not taken into account and the bāhyaprayatna which is not a deciding factor is taken into account. Hence is the defect. सिद्धं त्वास्ये तुल्यदेशप्रयत्नं सवर्णम् The object is accomplished by reading the sūtra thus :- āsyê tulyadēśaprayatnam savarnam (which means that which has the same place of articulation and the same mode of 8 ·58 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHĀBHAŞYA articulation within the mouth as another letter becomes like to it.) सिद्धभेतत् । कथम् ? आस्ये येषां तुल्यो देशः प्रयत्नश्च ते सवर्णसंज्ञा भवन्तीति वक्तव्यम् । It is accomplished. How? Those which have the same place of articulation and the same mode of articulation within the mouth should be taken as like etters. एवमपि किमास्योपादाने प्रयोजनम्। सर्वेषां हि तत् तुल्यम् । What is the need for the word asya even in this interpretation, since it is the same for all letters? प्रयत्नविशेषणमास्योपादानम् । सन्ति हि आस्याद् बाह्याः प्रयत्नास्ते हापिता भवन्ति । तेषु सत्सु असत्स्वपि सवर्णसंज्ञा सिद्धा भवति । Mention of āsya is that it may serve as an adjunct of prayatna. Consequently the prayatnas which are outside the mouth will be avoided; the designation of savarna exists whether there is agreement in them or not. के पुनस्ते? What are they? विवारसंवारो, श्वासनादौ, घोषवदघोषता, अल्पप्राणता महाप्राणता इति । They are vivara and sarvära, śvāsa and nāda, ghoṣavatta and aghôşavattā, alpaprāmatā and mahāprāņatā Note: The first six are due to the position of vocal chords. If they stand very close to each other, very narrow space is left between them and hence there is sarvara ; the air from the wind-pipe strikes against them and hence there is nāda; consequently resonant sound is produced on the other side in the direction of the mouth aud hence there is ghosa. If, on the other hand, they stand away from each other, there is openness or vivāra, ·HOURTH ÅHNIKA — TULYÀSYAPRAYATNAM SAVARŅAM 59 the air escapes without obstruction (i.e.) śvāsa and hence very little voice is produced (i.e.) aghosa. If great quantity of air is spent in pronunciation, it is mahāprāna and if less quantity of air is spent, it is alpaprāna. तत्र वर्गाणां प्रथमद्वितीया विवृतकण्ठाः श्वासानुप्रदानाः अघोषाश्च ; एकेऽल्पप्राणाः, अपरे महाप्राणाः । तृतीयचतुर्थाः संवृतकण्ठा नादानप्रदाना घोषवन्तः 1; एकेऽल्पप्राणा अपरे महाप्राणाः । यथा तृतीयास्तथा पञ्चमा आनुनासिक्यवर्जम् ; आनुनासिक्यमेषामधिको गुणः । Of them the first and the second letters of each carga have vivāra, śvāsa and aghoşatū ; some (the first letters) have alpaprānatā and others (the second letters) have mahuprāņatū. The third and the fourth letters (of each varga) have sayilvāra nada and ghosavattā; some (the third letters) have alpaprāṇatā and others (the fourth letters) have mahāprānatū. The fifth are of the nature of the third except being nasal ; they have the additional characteristic of being nasal sounds. .. Note: Nada and svūsa are the immediate effects of samvāra and vivāra. This is clearly suggested by the word anupradāna in the bhāsya. एवमप्यवर्णस्य सवर्णसंज्ञा न प्राप्नोति, बाह्य ह्यास्यात् स्थानमवर्णस्य । Even then the letter a cannot be like to any other letter, since its place of articulation is beyond the mouth. Note: Kuiyața says that, in the opinion of some, a is produced below pharynx near the region of the collar-bone. सर्वमुखस्थानमवर्णमेक इच्छन्ति । Others opine that the whole mouth is the place of articulation of a. 1. It is better if we have cu at the oud as in the provious sentenoe.

·60 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHABHĀŞYA Note: This suggests that Vārttikakūrit does not agree with the former opinion regarding the place of articulation of a. एवमपि व्यपदेशो न प्रकल्पते 'आस्ये येषां तुल्यो देशः' इति । Even then the expression āsyê yêşām tulyó dēśaḥ cannot convey any meaning. Vote: Since the whole üsya is the place of articulation of a, the expression asyē dēśn which means ūsyê asyam is meaningless. व्यपदेशिवद्भावेन व्यपदेशो भविष्यति । Though the üsya and dēśa are identically the same, they are considered to be different in the mind of the speaker and the expression āsyê dēśah is used (like rāhāḥ śiral.) सिध्यति ; सूत्र तर्हि भिद्यते । Yes, the desired object is completely achieved ; but the sutra (Tulyüsyaprayatnam savarnam) is recast into Asyē tulyadēśaprayatnam savarnam. यथान्यासमेवास्तु । Let the sitra remain as it is. ननु चोक्तम् सवर्णसंज्ञायां भिन्नदेशेष्वतिप्रसङ्गः; प्रयत्नसामान्यात् इति । Oh, it was said that the designation savarna is liable to reach the letters having different places of articulation on account of their having the same mode of articulation. नैष दोषः, न हि लौकिकमास्यम् । This defect cannot stand ; for (isya does not mean mouth. किं तर्हि ? What then?

·FOURTH ĀHNIKA - TULYĀSYAPRAYATNAM SAVARŅAM
61
तद्धितान्तमास्यम् -
आस्ये भवम् आस्यम्; शरीरावयवाद्यत् ।
It is a word having taddhita suffix at the end. It means
that which exists in the mouth ; its formation is based on the
sūtra Śarīrīvayavācca (4, 3, 55) which enjoins the pratyaya
yat.
किं पुनरास्ये भवम् ?
What is it that exists in the mouth ?
स्थानं करणं च ।
The place of articulation and the mode of articulation
(abhyanturaprayatnet).
एवमपि प्रयत्नोऽविशेषितो भवति ।
Even then the word prayatra is not restricted in its
application (in e.) it may denote bāhyaprayatna also.
Note :
If the word üsyam refers to both sthāna and
karana, the word prayatur is unnecessary.
प्रयत्नश्च विशोषितः ।
Prayatna too is restricted in its application.
कथम् ?
How?
न हि प्रयतनं प्रयत्नः |
For it does not mean prayatan i.
किं तर्हि ?
What then ?
प्रारम्भो यत्नस्य, प्रयत्नः ।

·LECTURES IN PATAĦJALI'S MAHABHĀŞYA Pruyatni is derived thus :-prārambho yatnasyri. Note: The expression prārambho yatnasya means the commencement of the effort. Kāiyața says that the four prayatnas sprsta, işatsprsta, vivrta and samurta are at the commencement, and the air then returns from the head and reaches the neck so that the bāhyaprayatnas come later. But since the exhaling air is converted into speech sounds and since it passes thro' the neck before it comes to the mouth, it is not easy to understand what Kāiyața means. Vāsudēvadīkşit, the author of the Bālumanoramā, a commentary on Bhattāji Dīkşit's Siddhāntakāumudi, explains prayatna as prakrstö yatnah, perhaps feeling the above difficulty. यदि प्रारम्भो यत्नस्य प्रयत्नः, एवमपि अवर्णस्य एडोश्च सवर्णसंज्ञा प्राप्नोति । Even if prayatna is derived as prārambho yatnasya, there is the chance for the lettera to become like with 2 and 7 (since the former part of them are a). yfrguraufalati These two a's in 7 and 7 are so mixed (with i and u like dust and water that they cannot be separated.) अवर्णस्य तर्हि ऐचोश्च सवर्णसंज्ञा प्राप्नोति । If so, the letter a becomes savarna with lãi and āu (since their former part is a and it is distinctly heard separated from the latter part i and u.) विवृततरावर्णावेतौ । These two akāras are more open than akāra. एतयोरेव तर्हि मिथः सवर्णसंज्ञा प्रामोति । Then these two-āi and āu become like with each other.

·FOURTH ÁHNIKA – TULYĀSYAPRAYATNAM SAVARNAM नैतौ तुल्यस्थानौ । These two do not have the same place of articulation. उदात्तादीनां तर्हि सवर्णसंज्ञान प्राप्नोति । If so, the udatta a etc. cannot be treated as like with anudātta a, svarita a (since it is determined only within the mouth whether a is udatta, anudātta and suarita and consequently their ābhyantaraprayatna is different.) अभेदका उदात्तादयः । Udātta etc. are not the discriminating elements to decide the savarnya. Note: Since udātta, anudātta and svarita are not taken as the discriminating elements to decide the sāvarṇya, they are considered as bāhyaprayatnas. अथवा किं न एतेन - प्रारम्भो यत्तस्य प्रयत्नः इति । Or what do we gain by taking this way that prayatna is to be split as prārambho yatnasya ? प्रयतनमेव प्रयत्नः; तदेव च तद्धितान्तमास्यम् । यत्समानं तदाश्रयिष्यामः । Prayatna is the same as prayatanam; āsya is the same word with the taddhita suffix at the end. We shall take that which is common as the deciding factor, किं सति भेदे ? 1 Are we to do it even when there is dissimilarity ? सति इत्याह । They say, • Yes, when there is dissimilarity'. सत्येव हि भेदे सवर्णसंशया भवितव्यम् । 1. Some editions rend किं सत्ति। भेदे सतीत्याह ।

·64 LECTURES IN PATAJJALI’S MAHĀBHĀŞYA For, one can be savarna to another only when there is dissimilarity between them, कुत एतत् ? How is it? भेदाधिष्ठाना हि सवर्णसंज्ञा । यदि हि यत्र सर्व समानं तत्र स्यात् सवर्णसंज्ञावचनमनर्थकं स्यात् । The designation savarna has the dissimilarity for its basis. If one is identically the same as another, the sūtra enjoining likeness is unnecessary. यदि तर्हि सति भेदे किञ्चित् समानमिति कृत्वा सवर्णसंज्ञा भविष्यति, शकारच्छकारयोः षकारठकारयोः सकारथकारयोः सवर्णसंज्ञा प्राप्नोति ; एतेषां हि सर्वमन्यत्समानं करणवर्जम् । If the designation savarna is applied to two letters which have some similarity even though they are dissimilar in certain other respects, each of the pairs ś and ch, ş and th and s and th will become similar; for they are similar in all respects other than in ābhyantaraprayatna (i.e.) the former of each pair is a fricative and the latter is an explosive. एवं तर्हि प्रयतनमेव प्रयत्नः; तदेव हि तद्धितान्तमास्यम् । न त्वयं द्वन्द्वः आस्यं च प्रयत्नश्च आस्यप्रयत्नम् इति । If so, prayatna is the same as prayatana ; āsyum is the same word with the taddhita suffix at the end; but it is not dvandvr thus :-āsyam ca prayatnaś ca āsyaprayatnam. किं तर्हि ? What then ? त्रिपदोऽयं बहुव्रीहिः - तुल्य आस्ये प्रयत्न एषाम् इति । It is a bahuvrīhi compound consisting of three members thus:-tulyam āsy prayatnah isām (i.e.) those who have the ·FOURTH ĀHNIKA - TULYĀSYAPRAYATNAM SAVARŅAM 65 same mode of articulation in their common place of articulation are like. Note 1: Here the word āsya does not mean mouth but the different parts like palate, lips etc. of the mouth. Hence ić is iaddhitānta. Note 2: Generally the word in the seventh case deserves to become the first member of the compound. अथवा पूर्वस्तत्पुरुषः ततो वहुव्रीहिः तुल्यः आस्ये तुल्यास्यः, तुल्यास्यः प्रयत्नः एषाम् इति । Or the first two words form a tatpuruşa compound thus : tulyaḥ āsyê tulyāsyah; it with the third word becomes a bahuvrīhi compound thus: tulyāsyaḥ prayatnah ēşām. - अथवा परस्तत्पुरुषः ततो बहुव्रीहिः आस्ये प्रयत्नः आस्यप्रयत्नः, तुल्य आस्यप्रयत्न एषाम् इति । Or the last two form a tatpuruşa thus : āsyē prayatnahāsyaprayatnaḥ; it then forms a bahuvrihi compound with the first thus :-tulyaḥ āsyaprayatnaḥ ēşām. - II तस्य Mention of tasya. तस्य इति तु वक्तव्यम् The word tasya should be mentioned in the stītra. किं प्रयोजनम् ? Why? यो यस्य तुल्यास्यप्रयत्नः स तस्य सवर्णसंज्ञो यथा स्यात् , अन्यस्य तुल्यास्यप्रयत्नः अन्यस्य सवर्णसंशो मा भूत् । 9 ·66 LECTURES IN PATAÑJALI'S MAHABHĀŞYA That which has the same place of articulation and the same mode of articulation as another should become like to it and not one which has the same place of articulation and the same mode of articulation as another may become like to a third which has a different place of articulation and a different mode of articulation but the same as the fourth. on तस्यावचनं वचनप्रामाण्यात् Non-mention of the word tasya, account of the prāmānya of the word (savarna.) तस्येति न वक्तव्यम् । अन्यस्य तुल्यास्यप्रयत्नोऽन्यस्य सवर्णसंज्ञः करमान्न भवति? वचनप्रामाण्यात् सवर्णसंशावचनसामर्थ्यात् । यदि हि अन्यस्य तुल्यास्यप्रयत्नोऽन्यस्य सवर्णसंज्ञः स्यात् सवर्णसंज्ञावचनमनर्थकं स्यात् । - The word tasya need not be mentioned. How is it that one which is tulyāsyaprayatna to a third but different from it does not become savarna ? From the validity of the word (i.e.) from the capacity of the designation savarņa. becomes savarna to another which has a different āsyaprayatna, but has the same asyaprayatna as a third, the mention of the designation savarna is of no use. If one - सम्बन्धिशब्दैर्वा तुल्यम् Or similarity with words of relationship. सम्बन्धिशब्दैर्वा पुनस्तुल्यमेतत् । तद्यथा सम्बन्धिशब्दाः मातरि वर्तितव्यम् , पितरि शुश्रूषितव्यम् इति । न चोच्यते, स्वभ्यां मातरि, स्वस्मिन् पितरि, इति। सम्बन्धाच्चैतद् गम्यते, या यस्य माता, यश्च यस्य पिता, इति । एवमिहापि तुल्यास्यप्रयत्नं सवर्णम् इत्यत्र शम्बन्धिशब्दौ एतौ, तत्र सम्बन्धादेतद् गन्तव्यम् - यत्प्रति यत्तुल्यास्यप्रयत्नं तत्प्रति तत् सवर्णसंक्षं भवति इति । Or this is similar to words of relationship. This may be explained thus : the injunctions — treat the mother thus', 'serve the father' are expressions containing words of relationship. Here the word oun is not made to qualify father or ·FOURTH A HNIKA — TULYĀSYAPRAYATNAM SAVARŅAM 67 mother. From the word of relationship it is to be understood own mother and own father. So also here in the sūtra Tulyasyaprayatnam savarṇam, the two words are related to each other and through this relation it is understood that the letter which has the same sthāna and prayaina as another, is like to it. III ऋकारलवर्णयोः सवर्णविधिः Injunction of sāvarnya to r and l. . ऋकारलकारयोः सवर्णसंज्ञा विधेया, होत लकारः होतृकार इति । It should be enjoined that qe and I are like so that hotr+lkāraḥ may combine and become hotrkāraḥ. . ०० ० . किं प्रयोजनम् ? Why? अकः सवर्णे दीर्घः इति दीर्घत्वं यथा स्यात् So that r and I may be replaced by ī by the sutra, Akal savarnē dīrghah. नैतदस्ति प्रयोजनम् । वक्ष्यत्त्येतत् सवर्णदीर्घत्वे 'ऋति क्र वा वचनम्', लति ल वा वचनम्' इति । This (r +?=?) is not the benefit (accrued by rkāralkārayāḥ savarņavidhih) but it is the benefit accrued by the C vārtlikas Rti ravā vacanam, Lti i vã vacanam which the ० ० Vārttikakāra is going to mention under the sūra Akaḥ savarné dirghah. तत् सवर्णे यथा स्यात्, इह मा भूत् दध्यकारः मध्वकारः इति ।

·68 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHĀBHĀŞYA . (The vârttika Rkāralkārayo? savarnavidhiḥ must be mentioned) so that the two vārttikas Rti r vā vacunam and Lti l vă vacanam may operate only wben the previous vowel is r and is followed by a like vowel and not otherwise, so that they may not operate in the sandhi of dadhi + Ikārah and madhu+lkāraḥ, where the previous vowel is an ak other than ri. . सदेतत् सवर्णदीर्घत्वे 'ऋति' इति, एतद् 'ऋतः' इति वक्ष्यामि । ततः 'लति'; लकारे परत लकारो वा भवति; ऋत इत्येव । . I shall replace rtē in the vārttika Rtir vā vacanam under the sitra Akah savarņē dīrghaḥ by the word rtaḥ and read the vārttika Lti I vā vacanam after it, where rtaḥ is taken from the previous vārttika. ० Note: The word savarno should be taken in the first vārttika from the sülra Akaḥ savarnē dirghał. तन्न वक्तव्यं भवति । It need not be said (i.e.) neither the two vārttikas nor the emendation need be said. अवश्यं तद्वक्तव्यम् । It must be said. 'ऊकालोझखदीर्घप्लुतसंझो भवति' इत्युच्यते, न च ऋकार लकारो षा अजस्ति। The stītra Ūkalöjjhrasvudirghaplutasamjſő bhavati tells us that the ac which has one, two or three mātrās is called 1. Otherwise there will be chance for akun to be taken here from the sūtra Akah savarné dirghak.

·FOURTH AHNIKA TULYĂSYAPRAYATNAM SAVARŅAM 69 Frasva (short), dirgha (long) and pluta. Neither , nor l is an ac (i.e.) neither of them comes within the pratyāhāra ac, since they are not read in the Pratyāhārasūtris. Note: The go and I noted here are not the sonant ० ० ० r and I which are of vivrtaprayatna, but they are made up of y + glide and 1+ glide and hence they are of īşatsprsta-prayatna. ऋकारस्य लकारस्य वा अच्त्वं वक्ष्यामि । I shall make rand l included under ac. . तञ्चावश्यं वक्तव्यम् , प्लुतो यथा स्यात् होत ऋकारः; होतृकारः; होतृ३कार इति; होत - लकारः-होलकारः होल३कारः इति । It should be necessarily done so that both of them may be used as pluta thus hôtrakāral and hótlz kāraḥ which are the compounds of hötr and rkāraḥ and hótr and lkāral. किं पुनरत्र ज्यायः? Which is better of the two, reading of one târttika Rkāralvurnayo! savarşavidhil or reading the two vârttikas ० under Akah savarnē dirghah and making the necessary changes ? सवर्णसंज्ञावचनमेव ज्यायः । Enjoining their sāvarnya is certainly better. %3 दीर्घत्वं चैव हि सिद्धं भवति ; अपि च ऋकारग्रहणेन लकारग्रहण सन्निहितं भवति ऋत्यकः, खट्वऋष्यः मालऋष्यः इदमपि सिद्धं भवति - खट्व लकारः, माललकारः; वा सुप्यापिशलेः, उपर्कारीयति उपार्कारीयति, इदमपि सिद्धं भवति उपल्कारीयति उपाल्कारीयति ।

·LECTURES IN PATAHJALI'S MAHABHASYA ; O to O For it is achieved that ý takes the place of r+l; besides whererer r is mentioned, I also may follow. For instance khatva-lkiiral and māla-lkāra? may be formed similar khatva-lisyah and māla-rsyaḥ on the strength of the sutra Rtyakah and upalkarīyati and upālkarīyatı similar to uparkārīyati and upārkārīyali on the strength of the sūtra Vā supyāpiśalēļ. यदि तर्हि ऋकारग्रहणेन लकारग्रहणं सन्निहितं भवति, उरण रपरः - लकारस्यापि रपरत्वं प्राप्नोति । If it is said that mention of r may take along with it o O then I will be replaced by ar in the same way as r which is O replaced by ar on the strength of the sūtra Uran raparah. लकारस्य लपरत्वं वक्ष्यामि । I shall state that I will be replaced by al. तच्चावश्यं वक्तव्यम् असत्यां सवर्णसंज्ञायां विध्यर्थम् । तदेव सत्यां रफ- बाधनार्थ भविष्यति । It must be stated; for the sake of injuction in the absence of savarşasarjñā and for the sake of prohibiting qr in its presence. इह तर्हि 'रषाभ्यां नो णः समानपदे' इति ऋकारग्रहणं चोदितं मातृणां पितृणामित्येतदर्थम् । तदिहापि प्राप्नोति 'क्लप्यमानं पश्य' इति । Just as there is natva in the words mātinām and pitīnām of n following ? on the strength of the vārttika Rvarṇānnasya ratvam vācyam under the sutra Raşābhyām nõnaḥ samānapadē, So also there is a chance for n in klpyamānam in the sentence klpyamanam paśya to be changed to ņ.

·FOURTH ÄHNIKA - NAJJHALAU 71 अथ असत्यामपि सवर्णसंज्ञायामिह कस्मान्न भवति प्रक्लप्यमानं पश्य इति । How is natva avoided in praklpyamānam paśya when ? is not considered with r on the strength of the sutra Krtyacah (8, 4, 29)? चुटुतुलशर्व्यवायेन इति वक्ष्यामि । अपर आह त्रिभिश्च मध्यमैवगैल- शसैश्च व्यवाये नेति वक्ष्यामि इति । I shall state that ņatva is prohibited if there is inter- Another says ception by cavarga, tavarga, tavarga, I and sar. that there is prohibition of natva at the interception of the three middle vargas l, s and s. वर्णैकदेशाश्च वर्णग्रहणेन गृह्यन्ते इति योऽसौ लकारे लकारस्तदाश्रयः प्रतिषेधो भविष्यति । Prohibition takes place on the basis of l which is taken to exist in l on the maxim that a part of a letter is taken cognisance as a letter. यद्येवं, नार्थो रषाभ्यां णत्वे ऋकारग्रहणेन । वर्णैकदेशाश्च वर्णग्रहणेन गृह्यन्त इति योऽसौ ऋकारे रेफः तदाश्रयं णत्वं भविष्यति । - . If so, the vārttika, Raşābhyām atvē rkāragrahanam is not necessary under the sūtra, Raşābhyām nő naḥ samānapadē, since r is considered to exist in ļ and sincea part of a letter is taken cognisance as a letter. नाज्झलौ (1, 1, 10), अज्झलोः प्रतिषेधे शकारप्रतिषेधोऽज्झल्त्वात् । If there is prohibition (of savarnya) between ac and hal, there is chance for the prohibition (of sāvarnya) between Ś and s as it is both ac and hal, ·72 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHABHĀŞYA अज्झलोः प्रतिषेधे शकारस्य शकारेण सवर्णसंज्ञायाः प्रतिषेधः प्राप्नोति । किं कारणम् ! अज्झल्त्वात् ; अञ्चैव हि शकारो हल् च । कथं तावदच्त्वम् ? इकारः सवर्णग्रहणेन शकारमपि गृह्णाति इत्येवमच्त्वम् । हल्षु चोपदेशाद्धस्त्वम् । If there is prohibition (of sāvarnya) between ac and hal, there is chance for the prohibition of sávarnya between Ś and Ś. Why? Since it is both ac and hal; § is both ac and hal. What, first, makes it ac ? It is ac since i takes ß also as savarna by the savarṇagrāhakasūtra Anudit savarnasya cô pratyayaḥ. It is hal because it is included in the pratyāhāra hal. Note : Since i and ś both have the palate as the place of articulation and vivrtatva as the ābhyantaraprayatna, · Ś is considered savarna to i. Since i is included in the pratyāhāra ac, s also is considered ac. तत्र को दोषः? What harm is there? तत्र सवर्णलोपे दोषः If So, there is harm with reference to savarnalöpa. तत्र सवर्णलोपे दोषो भवति इति लोपो न प्राप्नोति । परश्शतानि कार्याणि ; झरो झरि सवर्णे If so, there is harm with reference to the elision of like letters. The elision by the sutra Jharo jhari does not take place in the word paraśšatāni of the expression parassatāni kāryāni. Note : Paras + satāni parassatāni. It becomes puraśśśatāni by the sūtra Anaci ca. If the sūtra Jharo jhari does not operate, there is no likelihood for one ś to be dropped.

·FOURTH ĀHNIKA -- NAJJHALAU 73 सिद्धमनच्त्वात् The desired object is achieved on account of its being non-vowel (anac.) सिद्धमेतत् । कथम् ? अनच्त्वात् । The desired object (the löpa of sakāra by the sūtra Jharo jhari savarnē) is achieved. How? Since (śakāra) is not an ac. कथमनच्त्वम् ? How is it that it is not an ac? ; स्पृष्टं करणं स्पर्शानाम् ईषत्स्पृष्टमन्तस्थानाम् ; विवृतमूष्मणाम् ; ईषत् इति अनुवर्तते; स्वराणां च विवृतम् ; ईषत् इति निवृत्तम् । Complete contact of the vocal organs is the ābhyantaraprayatna of sparsas (explosives); light contact of the vocal organs is that of antasthas (semiyowels) ; light openness is that of ūşmās (fricatives): the word isat is taken here from the previous sentence; complete openness is that of svaras (sonants): the word īşat is not taken here. Note : The three sentences sprştam prayatanam sparśānām', īşatsprstam antasthānām, vivrtam ūşmaņām svarāņāñ ca are quotations from the Saunakaprātiśākhya. From the last sentence it is clear that openness was taken as the prayatna of both the fricatives and the sonants. Paniniśikṣā too says, Svarāņām üşmanāñ cãiva vivrtan karanam smrtam The earlier grammarians did not recognise any difference in the ābhyantaraprayatna of fricatives and sonants Hence Acārya Panini has read this sūtra Nājjhalāu. Vārttikakāra, on the other hand, has noticed the difference in the abhyantaraprayatnı between fricatives and sonants, that the former are lightly open sounds and the latter are 10 ·74 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHABHĀŞYA completely open sounds. Hence he has sought a device to interpret the last sentence of the Prātiśākhya in a different way. According to this interpretation, the sūtra Nājjhalau is not necessary, since the sonant į and the fricatives do not have tulyaprayatna, वाक्यापरिसमाप्ता Or on account of the non-completion of the vākya. वाक्यापरिसमाप्तेर्वा पुनः सिद्धमेतत् । Or this is achieved through the incompletion of the vākya. किमिदं वाक्यापरिसमाप्तेरिति । What is meant by this expression vākyāparisamāptēḥ ? वर्णानामुपदेशस्तावत्, उपदेशोत्तरकाला इत्संज्ञा; इत्संशोत्तरकालः आदिरन्त्येन सहेता' इति प्रत्याहारः; प्रत्याहारोत्तरकाला सवर्णसंशा सवर्णसंशोत्तरकालम् अणुदित्सवर्णस्य चाप्रत्ययः इति सवर्णग्रहणम् । एतेन सर्वेण समुदितेन वाक्येनान्यत्र सवर्णानां ग्रहणं भवति । न चात्र इकारः शकारं गृहाति । First the fourteen sütras where letters are mentioned ; then the designation it; then the formation of pratyāhāra through the operation of the sūtra Adir-antyēna sahētā ; then the designation of savarna; then the decision whether any two letters are savarna. Hence whether any two letters are savarna or no is decided after the above whole process is complete. Therefore i cannot take s as savarna in the sūtra. Näijhalāu on the strength of the sūtra Anudit savarnasya cāpratyayah. Note: Hence ś cannot be considered as an ac. Consequently the desired object of the lõpa by the sutra Jharo jhari savarné is achieved. The sūtra Nūjjhrlūu, therefore, is not necessary. यथैव तीकारः शकारं न गृह्णाति एवमीकारमपि न गृहीयात् ।

·FOURTH AHNIKA NĀJJHALAU 15 Just as i cannot take Ś as savarna, so also it may not take 7 as savarna. तत्र को दोषः ? What is the harm then? कुमारी + ईहते = कुमारीहते, अकः सवर्णे इति दीर्घत्वं न प्रानोति । The dirghasandhi in kumārīhatē by the combination of kumārī and thatē does not take place on the strength of the sūtru Akaḥ savarņē dirghuḥ. नैष दोषः ; यदेतद् अकः सवर्णे दीर्घ इत्यत्र प्रत्याहारग्रहणं, तत्र इकारः ईकारं गृह्णाति, शकारं न गृह्णाति । This defect does not arise ; for the mention of pratyāhāra in the sūtru Akaḥ savarıē dīrghuḥ is capable of enabling i take ī by savarna and not ś. ก अपर आह अज्झलोः प्रतिषेधे शकारप्रतिषेधोऽज्झल्त्वात् - अज्झलोः प्रतिषेधे शकारस्य शकारेण सवर्णसंज्ञायाः प्रतिषेधः प्राप्नोति ; किं कारणम् ? अज्झल्त्वात् – अञ्चैव हि शकारः हल् च । कथं तावदच्त्वम् इकारः सवर्ण- ग्रहणेन शकारमपि गृह्णाति इत्येवमच्त्वं, हल्षु उपदेशात् हल्त्वम् ; तत्र को दोषः। तत्र सवर्णलोपे दोषः तत्र सवर्णलोपे दोषो भवति-परश्शतानि कार्याणि झरो झरि सवणे इति लोपो न प्राप्नोति । सिद्धमनच्त्वात् सिद्धमेतत् ; कथम् ? अनच्त्वात् । Another says, Ajjhalõh anaclvati - कथमनच्त्वम् How is it not an ac ? वाक्यापरिसमाप्तेर्वा । Or by vākya-aparisamūpti. 1. The meaning of this is found at the commencement of this sutra.

·76
LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHABHASYA
उक्ता वाक्यापरिसमाप्तिः ।
Vākya-aparisamāpti has been explained.
अस्मिन्पक्ष वा इत्येतदसमर्थितं भवति ।
The word vā does not seem to be appropriately explained
in this interpretation.
एतञ्च समर्थितम् ।
It is also appropriately explained.
कथम् ? How?
अस्तु या शकारस्य शकारेण सवर्णसंज्ञा, मा वा भूत् ।
Let Ś be savarna to ś or let it not.
ननु चोक्तं, परश्शतानि कार्याणि, झरो झरि सवर्णे इति लोपो न
प्राप्नोति इति ।
Has it not been said that the elision by the sutra
Jharo jhari savarnē does not take place in the word parassatuni
of the expression paraśśatāni kāryāni ?
मा भूल्लोपः।
Let there be no elision.
.
ननु च भेदो भवति, सति लोपे द्विशकारकम् , असति लोपे त्रिशकारकम् ।
Oh, difference will exist (in the forms); there will be two
sakāras if there is elision and three sakāras if there is no
elision.
नास्ति भेदः
असत्यपि लोपे द्विशकारकमेव ।
There is no difference; even when there is no elision,
there are only two śakāras.
कथम्? How?

·FOURTH AHNIKA-NAJJHALAU
17
विभाषा द्विवचनम् ।
Reduplication (by the sūtra Anaci ca) is only optional.
एवमपि भेदः असति लोपे कदाचित् द्विशकारकं कदाचित्
त्रिशकारकम् । सति लोपे द्विशकारकमेव ।
Even then there is difference there may be two śakāras
or three sakāras in the absence of the elision and in the
presence of the elision there will be only two śakāras.
..
s
स एष कथं भेदो न?
When will not this difference exist ?
स्याद्यदि नित्यो लोपः स्यात्, विभाषा तु स लोपः ।
It will exist when the elision is primary, but, on the other
hand, it is optional.
यथाभेदस्तथास्तु ।
Let it be taken in such a way as will not give room to
any difference.
HOURTH AHNIKA ENDS.

·FIFTH ĀHNIKA ईदेद्विवचनं प्रगृह्यम् (1, 1, 11) There are two topics dealt with here: (1) What is the use of taparakarana in it, üt and ēt? (2) Possibility of interpreting id-ūd-ēd-dvivacanam in four ways and the choice of the correct one. 1 I किमर्थम् ईदादीनां तपराणां प्रगृह्यसंज्ञा उच्यते ? Why is the designation pragrhya enjoined to ī, ū and ē followed by the anubandha t? तपरस्तत्कालस्य इति तत्कालानां सवर्णानां ग्रहणं यथा स्यात् । So that their savarnas having the same matri may get the designation on the strength of the sutra Taparas tatkālasya (1, 1, 70) केषाम् ? To which varņas? उदात्तानुदात्तखरितानाम् । To udātta, anudātta and svaritu. अस्ति प्रयोजनमेतत् Is this the prayöjana ? किं तहीति What then ?

·FIFTH AHNIKA - IDUDĒDDVIVACANAM PRAGRHYAM 79 प्लुतानां तु प्रगृह्यत्वाप्रसङ्गोऽतत्कालत्वात् । Possibility of apragrhyatva to plutas on account of their having different mātrās. प्लुतानां तु प्रगृह्यसंज्ञा न प्राप्नोति । The designation pragrhya does not reach plutas. किं कारणम् Why? अतत्कालत्वात्। न हि प्लुतास्तत्काला: । On account of their not having the same mātrā ; for plutas do not have the same mātrā as ī, ū and ē. असिद्धः प्लुतः । तस्यासिद्धत्वात् तत्काला एव भवन्ति । Pluta is non-existent. Since it is non-existent, they will have the same mātrās as 7, ū and ē. Note: The pragshyasamjñā is enjoined here in the first pāda of the first adhyāya and the sūtras dealing with the kārya of pluta are found in the second pāda of the eighth adhyāya. On the strength of the sūtra Pūrvatrāsiddham (8, 2, 1), the operation of any sūtra in the last three pādas of the eighth chapter is non-existent if any sūtra found in Sapādasaptadhyāyī begins to operate. सिद्धः प्लुतः स्वरसन्धिषु । In the sandhi of sonants pluta is not non-existent. कथं ज्ञायते सिद्धः प्लुतः खरसन्धिषु इति ? 1. This vārttaka is not found in certain editions, It deserves the notice of scholars that this vārltika does not have a corresponding siddhanta, vārttika, ·80 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHABHÄŞYA How is it known that pluta is not non-existent in svarasandhis? यदयं प्लुतः प्रकृत्या इति प्लुतस्य प्रकृतिभावं शास्ति । Since he (Sūtrakāra) enjoins in the sūtra Plutapragrhyā aci nityam (6, 1, 125) pralertibhava (no change) to pluta. कथं कृत्वा ज्ञापकम्? How does it become a jñā paka? सतो हि कार्यिणः कार्येण भवितव्यम् ? Operation needs the object to be operated upon. किमेतस्य ज्ञापने प्रयोजनम् ? What is the benefit of this jñāpana (i. e.) that pluta is siddha in svarasandhis ? अप्लुतादप्लुत इत्येतन्न वक्तव्यं भवति । The sūtra Ato-rör-aplutād aplutē (6, 1, 113) need not be said. किमतो यत्सिद्धः लुतः स्वरसन्धिषु? संज्ञाविधावसिद्धः, तस्यासिद्धत्वात् तत्काला एव भवन्ति । What is gained by it if it is siddha in svurasandhis? It is not considered siddha in samjñāvidhi and since it is asiddha, they will have the same mātrās as 7, ū and ē. संशाविधौ च सिद्धः | It is siddha in samjñāvidhi also. कथम्? How? 'कार्यकालं संज्ञापरिभाषम्', यत्र कार्य तत्रोपस्थितं द्रष्टव्यम् , प्रगृह्यः प्रकृत्या इति उपस्थितमिदं भवति ईदूदेद्विवचनं प्रगृह्यम् इति । From the paribhāṣā · Käryakālam samjñāparibhāşam', the sanjña is to be considered existent where there is kārya for ·FIFTH ĀHNIKA - IDUDEDDVIVACANAM PRAGRHYAM 81 the same. When the sūtra Plutapragrhyā aci nityam comes into operation, the sūtra Id-ud-od dvivacanrım prugrhyam is considered to exist there. किं पुनः प्लुतस्य प्रगृह्यसंशावचने प्रयोजनम् ? What is the benefit that accrues from ascribing the desig. nation pragrhya to pluta ? प्रगृह्याश्रयः प्रकृतिभावो यथा स्यात् | So that it may get no change in sandhi, it having received the designation pragļhya. मा भूदेवम्। प्लुतः प्रकृत्या इत्येवं भविष्यति । It need not be in this manner; pluta gets no change in sandhi from the sūtra Plutapragrhyā aci nityam directly without getting the designation pragrhya. नैवं शक्यम् , उपस्थिते हि दोषः स्यात् - 'अप्लुतवदुपस्थिते' इति । This is not possible since there will be difficulty if the pluta is followed by the word iti not used in the Vēdas, when the sūtra · Aplutavad upasthite' operates. अत्र पठिष्यति आचार्यः वद्वचनं प्लुतकार्यप्रतिषेधार्थम्, प्लुतप्रतिषेधे हि प्रगृह्यप्लुतप्रतिषेधप्रसङ्गोऽन्येन विहितत्वात् इति । तस्मात् प्लुतस्य प्रगृह्यसंज्ञैषि- तव्या, प्रगृह्याश्रयः प्रकृतिभावो यथा स्यात् । The Ācārya (Vārttikakāra) is going to read with reference to this (under the sūtra Aplutavad upasthitē (6, 1, 119) the vārttikas Vadvacanam plutakāryapratişēdhartham and Plutapratişēdhë hi pragrhyaplutapratişēdhaprasangosnyēna vihitatvāt. Hence it is desirable that pluta gets the designation pragyhya so that the no-change-sandhi based on pragrhyabhāva may take place. 11 ·82 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHABHĀŞYA Note : Mahābhāsyakāra mentions under the sūtra Aplutavad upasthitë that vat in aplutavat suggests that there is no prohibition of its having three mātrās but there is the prohibition of its getting pragyhyasamjña and otherwise the prakrtibhāva in agni iti, based on pragrhyasamjñā may not take place. यदि पुनः दीर्घाणामतपराणां प्रगृह्यसंशोच्येत, एवमप्येकार एव एकः सवर्णान् गृह्णीयात्, ईकारोकारौ न गृह्णीयाताम् | If, the long T, ū and ē are read in the sütra without taparakarana and the designation pragrhya is enjoined to them, it will apply only to the varieties of ēkāra and not to the savarņas (i. e. the short i and u and the pluta į and u) of ī and ū. किं कारणम् ? Why? STUCTA Since i and ū are not included in the pratyāhāra an, formed from a in the sūtru Aiun to n in the sūtru Lan (they not being read there.) ease Note : The taparakarana with reference to į and ū is intended only for the of pronunciation (mukhasukhārtha). यदि पुनर्हखानामतपराणां प्रगृह्यसंज्ञा उच्यते | Suppose pragrhyasamjñā is enjoined to the short i and u without taparakaranır. नैवं शक्यं । इहापि प्रसज्येत, अकुर्वहि + अत्र = अकुर्वह्यत्र । Even then the desired object is not achieved ; for the pragrhyasamjñā may have a chance to operate when the words akurvahi and atra come together and prevent the ·FIFTH ÅHNIKA — IDŪDEDDVIVACANAM PRAGRHYAM 83 yanbhāva of the final i of akurvahi and hence the form akurvahyatra cannot be achieved. Note : Though there are only two letters i and U about which there is discussion, the plural form hrasvānām is used. Strictly speaking it is incorrect, since é is not considered short. But it has to be explained by chatrinyāya. तस्माहीर्घाणामेव तपराणां प्रगृह्यसंज्ञा वक्तव्या; दीर्घाणां चोच्यमाना प्लुतानां न प्राप्नोति । Therefore the long 7 and ū should be read with taparukarana (for the sake of ease of pronunciation and for not referring to their suvarnis); for that which is enjoined to the long ones should not refer to pluta ones. एवं तर्हि किं न एतेन यत्नेन यत् 'सिद्धः पलुतः खरसन्धिषु' इति । असिद्धः प्लुतः, तस्यासिद्धत्वात् तत्काला एव भवन्ति । If so, why should we bother about siddhah plutuh svarusandhişu. Pluta is asiddha and hence they will have the same mātrās as ī, ū and ē. कथं यत्तद् ज्ञापकमुक्तं 'प्लुतप्रगृह्या अचि' इति । What then about the jñāpaku suggested by the sūtru Pluta pragrhyā uci nityum. प्लुतभावी प्रकृत्या' इत्येवमेतद्विज्ञायते । It is interpreted thus: that which will become pluta takes no-change-sandhi. कथं यत्तत्प्रयोजनम् ? What about the prayojana mentioned with reference to it ? क्रियते तन्न्यास एव अप्लुतादप्लुते इति । The expression aplutād aplutē is read in the sūtra Atö rõr aplutād aplutē (6, 1, 113) ·84 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHABHĀŞYA एवमपि यत्सिद्धे प्रगृह्यकार्य तत् प्लुतस्य न प्राप्नोति 'अणोऽप्रगृह्यस्यानु- नासिकः' इति । If so, the progrhyakārya enjoined in the siddhakānda (Sapādasaptādhyāyī of Aştadhyāyī) may not hold good for pluta. Hence the pluta (in agnī iti) will be considered as apragîhya and hence the sūtra Aņēspragrhysyānunāsika” will operate (there so that is in agni३ will become nasal). एवं तर्हि किं न एतेत यत्नेन कार्यकालं संज्ञापरिभाषम् इति । यथोद्देशमेव संज्ञापरिभाषम् । अत्र चासावसिद्धः, तस्यासिद्धत्वात् तत्काला एव भवन्ति । If so, why should we stick to the paribhāşā Kūryakalam samjiiāparibhāşam. We shall take recourse to the paribhūšā Yathöddēśam samjñāparibhāşam. It is asiddha here (with reference to samjña) and since it is asiddha, they will have the same mātrās as ī, ū and ē. Note: , Since there is no vārttika in answer to the vārtlika • Plutānām tu pragrhyatvāprasaiigo tatkūlatvūd in the editions in which it is found, and the same vārttika is not found in other editions, it is to be investigated which edition is correct. कथं पुनरिदं विज्ञायते 'ईदादयो यद् द्विवचनम्' इति आहोखिद् ईदाद्यन्तं यद् द्विवचनम्' इति । Is this (the expressiou 7d-ūd-ēd dvivacanam) to be interpreted as īdādayo yad dvivacanam (that wbich is dual and id, ūd or ed) or īdādyantam yad dvivacanam (that which is dual and ends in id, üd or ēd )? Note: Nagēšabhatta says that the word anta means avayava. कश्चात्र विशेषः? What is the difference between them?

·FIFTH ĀHNIKA - IDUDEDDVIVACANAM PRAGRHYAM
85
ईदादयो द्विवचनं प्रगृह्या इति चेदन्त्यस्य विधिः
If those which are dual and id, ūd or ēd are taken to be
pragrhyas, injunction is necessary for those that end in them.
ईदादयो द्विवचनं प्रगृह्या इति चेद् अन्त्यस्य प्रगृह्यसंज्ञा विधेया, पचेते इति,
पचेथे इति ।
If pragrhyasamjñā is enjoined to those which are dual
and id, ūd or ēd by this sūtra, the same has to be enjoined
in a separate sūtra to those which are dual and which have them
as its part (avayava) as in the words pacētē and pacēthë.
Note:
Since itē and ithë alone are dual and not të and thē,
there is room for the above objection.
वचनाद्भविष्यति।
The samjñā shall operate on account of its being a part
of vacana.
Note : Vacuna is taken to mean vacunāikudēśa by lrksaņā.
अस्ति वचने प्रयोजनम् ।
There is use for the mention of vucunu.
किम् ? What ?
खट्वे इति, माले इति ।
The words khatvē and mūlē get the sumnjšiū.
अस्तु तर्हि ईदाद्यन्तं यद् द्विवचनम् इति ।
If
so, let it be īdādyuntum yad dviv.canam.
ईदाद्यन्तमिति चेदेकस्य विधिः
If it is interpreted as īdūdyuntam yad dvivucanum,
injunction is necessary where the dual is of one letter.
ईदाद्यन्तं द्विवचनम् इति चेदकस्य प्रगृह्यसंशा विधेया खट्टे इति माले इति ।

·86 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHABHĂŞYÁ If it is interpreted as idadyantim yud dvivacanam, pragrhyasamjñā has to be enjoined when the dvivacana consists of one letter as in the words khatvē and mālē. न वाधन्तवत्वात् Not necessary, since the same may be taken as the adi and the same as the untry. न वैष दोषः । किं कारणम् ? आद्यन्तवदेकस्मिन् कार्य भवति इत्येव- मेकस्यापि भविष्यति । This defect cannot stand. Why? Since action is taken on one considering it both as ādi and untu, the sumnjñā reaches one letter also. अथवा एवं वक्ष्यामि ईदाद्यन्तं यद् द्विवचनान्तम् इति । Or shall I interpret it thus : idūdyantum yad dvivucunāntam. Note: Kāiyotu says thus: dvivacana is taken in the sense of dvivacanūntam by the paribhasū Pratyayagrahaņē yasmāt sa vihitaḥ tadādēņ tadantasya grahanam and since it is taken as the viśēsya of ididēd, the latter is taken to mean idūdēdanta by the sūtra Yēna vidhis tadantasya. ईदावन्तं द्विवचनान्तमिति चेल्लुकि प्रतिषेधः If it is interpreted as idādyantam dvivacanănlam, prohibition where luk is found is necessary. ईदाद्यन्तं द्विवचनान्तम् इति चेल्लुकि प्रतिषेधो वक्तव्यः । कुमार्यों अगारं कुमार्यगारं, वध्वोः अगारं वध्वगारम् । एतद्धि ईदाद्यन्तं च श्रूयते द्विवचनान्तं च भवति प्रत्ययलक्षणेन । If it is interpreted idādyantam dvivacanantam, prohibition is to be mentioned where there is luk. For instance when the pairs kumāryāḥ agāram and vadhvõļ agāram are compounded, ·FIFTH ĀHNIKA IDUDĒDDVIVACANAM PRAGRHYAM 87 they become kumāryagāram and vadhvagāram. Since the former members of compounds respectively end in 7 and a and are also considered dvivacanānta though the pratyaya denoting it has luk by the sūtra Pratyayalõpē pratyayalaksanam (1, 1, 62), į and û may be considered pragrhya and consequently there will be no sandhi between kumārī and agāram and vadhū and agāram. सप्तम्यामर्थग्रहणं ज्ञापकं प्रत्ययलक्षणप्रतिषेधस्य Mention of the word artha in saptamyarthë suggests the prohibition of pratyayalaksana. यदयम् ईदूतौ च सप्तम्यर्थे इति अर्थग्रहणं करोति, तद् ज्ञापयत्याचार्यों न प्रगृह्यसंज्ञायां प्रत्ययलक्षणं भवति इति । Since Acārya Pāṇini mentions the word artha in the sūtra Idūtāu ca saptamyarthē (1, 1, 19), he makes us infer that the sūtra Pratyayalõpē pratyayalaksanam does not operate with reference to pragrhyasarjñā. तत्तर्हि शापकार्थमर्थग्रहणं कर्तव्यम् । If so, the word artha in that sūtra must needs be men. tioned for the sake of jñāpaka. Note : The necessity, for the above sentence is this: Mahabhāsakāra concludes the discussion under the Sūtra Idütāu ca saptamyarthë by saying that the word artha there is unnecessary. Varttikakära, on the other hand, takes the sūtra mentioned by Ācārya Pāņini as it is and tells us that the word artha there, is a jñāpaka for not adopting pratyayalakṣaṇa with reference to pragrhyasañjñā. न कर्तव्यम् । ईदादिभिर्द्विवचनं विशेषयिष्यामः, ईदादिविशिष्टेन च द्विवचनेन तदन्तविधिर्भविष्यति, ईदाद्यन्तं यद् द्विवचनं तदन्तम् ईदाद्यन्तम् इति ।

·88 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHABHASYA (The word artha) need not be mentioned. We first take īdādi to be the viśēşana to dvivacana and then tadantavidhi is applied to dvivacana qualified by idādi so that īdūdēd dvivacanam may be interpreted ūdādyantam yad dvivacanam, tadantam. Note : Kāiyața says that idādyantam means idādyantāntam since idādi should mean īdādyanta. एवमपि अशुक्ले वस्त्रे शुक्ले समपद्येतां शुक्ल्यास्ताम् 1 वस्त्रे इत्यत्र प्राप्नोति । अत्र हि ईदादि च द्विवचनं, तदन्तं च भवति प्रत्ययलक्षणेन । Even then, when the word śuklī which means the two cloths which were not white, but which were subsequently made white combines with the verb āstām, there is chance for prakrtibhāva, since śuklī here may get pragrhyasainjñā; for īdādi qualifies dvivacana through tadantavidhi and the idādidvivacuna is taken in the sense of idādidvivacanānta by the sūtra Pratyayalõpē pratyayalakṣaṇam. अनाण्यकृते शीभावे लुग्भविष्यति । Even here before ī is made to replace au by the sülra Napuinsakācca (7, 1, 19), sup is dropped by the sūtra Supo dhātuprāti padikayõh (2, 4, 71.) इदमिह संप्रधार्य लुक् क्रियतां शीभाव इति । This is here to be decided whether luk is to be given precedence or śībhāva. किमत्र कर्तव्यम् ? What may be done here? 1. शुक्शब्दात् द्विवचनम् औ, तस्य नपुंसकाच इति शीभावः, ततः विप्रत्ययः; शी शब्दस्य सुप इति लुक्, अस्य च्चौ इति ईत्वम् ; तद्धितान्तत्वात् सुप्, तस्य अव्ययात् इति लुक् (प्रदीपे) ·FIFTH AHNIKA IDUDEDDVIVACANAM PRAGRHYAM 89 परत्वाच्छीभावः । Śībhāva must be given precedence, since the sūtra enjoining it is read after the sitrui enjoining luk. नित्यो लुक्; कृतेऽपि शीभावे प्राप्नोति, अकृतेऽपि प्राप्नोति । Luk is nity, since it operates whether sibhāva operates before it or after it. Note : The paribhāsā Paranityāntararigā pavādānām uttarõttaram balīyah is to be taken into account here. अनित्यो लुक्; अन्यस्य कृते शीभावे प्राप्नोति, अन्यस्य अकृते ; शब्दान्तरस्य च प्रानुवन्विधिरनित्यो भवति । Luk is not nitya, since in one case it operates when śībhāva has come and in another case where there is no śībhāva and since it is admitted that an injunction which operates both in the presence and in the absence of something else is considered anitya with reference to it. शीभावोऽपि अनित्यः, न हि कृते लुकि प्राप्नोति । Śībhāva, too, is not nitya, since it has no room after lık makes its appearance. उभयोरनित्ययोः परत्वाच्छीभावः । When two rules which are anitya have to operate, the rule regarding sībhāva operates first since it is para. शीभावे कृते लुक् । After sībhāva is accomplished, there is luk. अथापि कथंचिन्नित्यो लुक् स्याद् एवमपि दोषः। वक्ष्यत्येतत् 'पदसंज्ञाया- मन्तग्रहणमन्यत्र संज्ञाविधौ प्रत्ययग्रहणे तदन्तविधिप्रतिषेधार्थम्' इति । इदं चापि प्रत्ययग्रहणम् ; अयं चापि संज्ञाविधिः । अवश्य खल्वस्मिन्नपि पक्षे आद्यन्तवद्भाव एषितव्यः । [2 ·90 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHABHĀSYA Even if with great difficulty we prove that luk is nitya, there is this defect:-Vārttikakāra is going to say (under the sūtra Suptinantam padam) that the word anta here suggests that there is no tadantavidhi in pratyayagrahaņu except in samiñavidhi. Here is pratyayagrahana and here is samjñāvidhi too. Even here the ādyantavadbhāva has to be resorted to. तस्मादस्तु स एव सध्यमः पक्षः । Hence let the middle alternative (i. e.) the second be resorted to Vote : There are four alternatives in the second topic of this sutra, of which the first three belong to the Vārttikakāra and the last to the Mahābhāsyakuru. The last has sprung on the assumption of the latter that the mention of the word artha is not necessary in the sutra Id-idāu ca saptamyarthe. From the procedure of the vīrttikus. it seems that the Vārttikakiira prefers the third alternative. But Mahābhāşyakāra has definitely stated that the middle alternative should be preferred. The middle is interpreted by Kaiyata to refer to the second. Since both the second and the third deserve to be called madhyama, Nágēšabhatta says that the third and the fourth may be taken as one since there is tadaniavidhi in the pratyayāmśn in both. But, since the Virttikakāra has stated only three alternatives and the fourth is only an offshoot on the third based on the assumption of the Mahābhāsyakarn that the mention of artha in the sūtra Idudūu ca saptanıyarthe is not necessary, the second alone deserves to be called the madhyama. 3GHT ATT (1, 1, 12) मात्प्रगृह्यसंज्ञायां तस्यासिद्धत्वादयावेकादेशप्रतिषेधः If the designation pragrhya is enjoined to 7 and ū after m in adas, prohibition of the ādēśas ay, āv and ēkūdēsa is needed since 7 and ū are asiddha.

·FIFTH ÁHNIKA - ADASO MĀT 91 TRT 1 मात् प्रगृह्यसंज्ञायां तस्य ईत्वस्य ऊत्वस्य च असिद्धत्वात् अयावेका- देशाः प्राप्नुवन्ति, तेषां प्रतिषेधो वक्तव्यः अत्र, अमी आसते, अमू' अत्र, अमू आसाते | If the designation pragrhya is enjoined to ī and iſ after m in adas, pratisēdhıe of ayādēśa, āvādēsu and ēkādēśa has to be enjoined since ī, ū and m are asiddha in the following: ami t atra ; ami t å saté; amū to atra ; ama + āsūtē. Note 1: Since the sūtrus Eta id bahuvacanē (8, 2, 81) and Adasēssērdādudő maḥ (8, 2, 80) are in usiddhakanda, their kārya in the words amī and amū is asiddha (i.e.) m, ī and it are asiddha when they combine with other words where the sūtras found in the siddhakānda have to operate. Hence when they begin to operate, the forms here should be considered to be adē + atra, adē + āsate, adau + atra and adau + āsātē. In the first Erah padāntād ati will operate and bring about ēkādēśa ; in the second Ecāyrivāyāvuh will operate and bring about uyādēści, in place of ē; and in the third and the fourth the same siitra will bring about ūvādēsi in place of au. These have to be avoided. Note 2: Since ituri and útva are within the word udus and ayādēśa, īvādēsa and ēkādēsu depend upon two words, the former is antiruliga and the latter is bahiraiga. On the strength of the paribhāsā Asiddham bahirangam antararigē, uyādēśa etc. asiddha before itva, ütvu etc. and hence the sūtrit Purvatrāsiddham does not operate here. This is are 1. अदस् + जस्; अदस् + शी by the siztra जसः शी (7, 1, 17); अद + ई · by त्यदादीनामः (7, 2, 102); अदे by आद्गुणः (8, I, 87); अदी by एत ईद्वहुवचने (8, 2, 81), अमी by अदसोऽसेर्दादु दो मः (8, 2, 80) 2. अदस्+औ; अद-+-औ by त्यदादीनामः (7. 2, 102); अदो by वृद्धिचि (6, 1, 88); अमू by अदसोऽसेर्दादु दो मः (8, 2, 80) ·92 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHABHASYA true ; but the paribhāṣā. Asiddham bahir, igim untururigē is nullified by nājānanturyő. Nāgesabhațța says that the same object is achieved by the statement in the whāsya under Rharuvusūrayör visarjanīyah (8, 3, 15) that buhira iiga paribhāşii does not operate when the antarangaśāstra is in Tripādī. ननु च प्रगृह्यसंशावचनसामर्थ्यादयादयो न भविष्यन्ति ? Can it not be said that the mention of prugrhyusaijrit. prevents ayādēśı etc.? वचनार्थो हि सिद्धे For the mention (of pragrhyusanjñii) is made use ol in places which are not usiddh . नेदं वचनाल्लभ्यम् । अस्ति ह्यन्यदेतस्य वचने प्रयोजनम् । किम् ? यत् सिद्ध प्रगृह्यसंज्ञाकार्य तदर्थमेतत् स्यात् - अणोऽप्रगृह्यस्यानुनासिकः इति । This cannot be achieved by the mention (of pragrhyasumnjñā.) For there is another pratyojana for the same. What is it? It is intended where the sutra Añospragrhynsyanunāsikal, (8, 4, 57) operates, since ilva and ülvu. are siddha before it. नैकं प्रयोजनं योगारम्भं प्रयोजयति । यद्येतावत् प्रयोजनं स्यात् तत्रैवायं ब्रूयात् , अणोऽप्रगृह्यस्यानुनासिकः, अदसो न इति । A sūtra is not read with reference to only one prayojancı. Had the Sūtrakāra meant that this sülra operates only with reference to the sūtra Añospragrhyasyānunāsikaḥ, he would have read this sütra after it thus ' Adaső na.' विप्रतिषेधाद्वा Or by conflict. 1. TTLEFRİH is another reading.

·FIFTH ĀHNIKA ADASŌ MĀT - 93 अथवा प्रगृह्यसंज्ञा क्रियताम् अयादयो वा इति, प्रगृह्यसंज्ञा भविष्यति प्रतिषेधेन इति । Or there is conflict between prugrhya samjric and ayādēśn etc. ; let the former operate. नैष युक्तो विप्रतिषेधः; विप्रतिषेधे परम् इत्युच्यते, पूर्वा च प्रगृह्यसंज्ञा, परे अयादयः । This solution based on vipratisèlha is not appropriate ; for, it is said that, if there is conflict between two rules, the following rule predominates and here the rule enjoining the pragihyasamjížā precedes those enjoining ayādēśa and ēkādēša. परा प्रगृह्यसंज्ञा करिष्यते । The rule enjoining the pragrhyasarijñā is taken later. सूत्रविपर्यासः कृतो भवति । The order of sūtras is then changed. एवं तर्हि परैव प्रगृह्यसंज्ञा If so, the sūtra enjoining prugrhyasamjiū operates later. कथम्? How : कार्यकालं हि संज्ञापरिभाषम् ; यत्र कार्य तत्रोपस्थितं द्रष्टव्यम् । प्रगृह्यः प्रकृत्या इति: उपस्थितमिदं भवति अदसो मात् इति । Let us take recourse to the paribhāşā Kāryakālam samjižāparibhāşam. When the sūtra Plutapragrhyā aci nityam begins to operate, the sūtra Adasē māt makes its appearance on the scene. एवमप्ययुक्तो विप्रतिषेधः Even then the vipratişēdhu is not appropriate. 1. इति is not found in some editions.

·94 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHABHĀSTA कथम्? How? द्विकार्ययोगो हि विप्रतिषेधः । न चात्रैको द्विकार्ययुक्तः । एचामयादयः, ईदूतोः प्रगृह्यसंज्ञा । For there is oipratişēdha only when two rules operato on the same target. Here there is not one and the same thing which is operated upon by two rules. Ayūdēša etc. are enjoined to ēc and pragîhyasainjnākāryu to it and üt. Note: Pragihyasarjšīă here refers, by laksanīt, to its kārya. नावश्यं द्विकार्ययोग एव विप्रतिषेधः । only when two conflict- Vipratışēdha need not operate ing rules have the same target. किं तर्हि What then should they have? असम्भवोऽपि Neutralizing effect too. सचास्त्यत्रासम्भवः That neutralizing effect, then, exists here. कोऽसावत्रासम्भवः? What is the neutralizing effect here? प्रगृह्यसंक्षा अभिनिवर्तमाना अयादीन् बाधते, अयादयः अभिनिर्वर्तमानाः प्रगृह्यसंज्ञाया निमित्तं विघ्नन्तीत्यषोऽसम्भवः । सत्यसम्भवे युक्तो विप्रतिषेधः । Accomplishment of pragrhyasanjñā prevents the formation of ayādēsa etc. and ayādēsa etc, being accomplished, kill the nimitta of pragshyasamjñā. This is asambhava. "When there is asambhava, it is but proper to have vipratizëdha.

·FIFTH ÄHNIKA -- ADASO MĀT 95 एवमप्ययुक्तो विप्रतिषेधः । सतोर्हि विप्रतिषेधो भवति । न चात्नत्त्वोत्त्वे स्तः, नापि मकारः; उभयमप्यसिद्धम् । Even then it is not proper to resort to vipratişēdha; for vipratişēdha operates only when two conflicting forces exist. Here neither itva nor līton exists ; nor makāra; both are asiddhu. आश्रयात्सिद्धत्वं च यथा रोरुत्वे Siddhutva is admitted as of ru when it is to be replaced by U, since it is the āśrayn or adhāra. आश्रयात्सिद्धत्वं भविष्यति । तद्यथा रुरुत्वे आश्रयात् सिद्धो भवति । Siddhatva of (īt, üt) is admitted since they stand as the āśraya of pragrhyasamjñā. For example the rutva by the sūtra Sasajuşā ruh (8, 2, 66) is considered siddha, since it becomes the ūśraya of utva enjoined by the sūtra Atö rõraplutad aplutē (6, 1, 113) (i. e) even though the latter sūtra is in Sapādasaptādhyāyī and the former is in Tripādī and consequently the kūrya of the former should be considered nonexistent when the latter operates, still it is not considered so on account of the kārya of this former being the ūśraya of the kārya of the latter. किं पुनः कारण रुः उत्वे आश्रयात् सिद्धो भवति, न पुनर्यत्रैव रुः सिद्धः, तत्रैवोत्त्वमप्युच्यते? Why is it that ru is considered siddha when utva has to be achieved as its āśraya and not that, whenever t'u is siddha, utva goes there? नैवं शक्यम् । It is not possible to consider so. असिद्धे ह्युत्वे आद्गुणाप्रसिद्धिः If utva is asiddhn, the sülru Ad gunah cannot operate.

·96 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHĀBHĀŞYA असिद्धे झुत्वे आद्गुणस्याप्रसिद्धिः स्यात् - वृक्षोऽत्र, प्लक्षोऽत्र । Utva being asiddha, non-operation of the sūtra Ad gunalı will set in, so that the forms vrksõstra and plaksõstra cannot be explained. तस्मात् तत्र आश्रयात् सिद्धत्वमेषितव्यम् । तत्र यथाश्रयात् सिद्धत्व भवति, एवमिहाप्याश्रयात् सिद्धत्वं भविष्यति । Therefore, it is necessary to admit there siddhatva. on account of its bing āśraya. As is done there, so also siddhatva may be admitted here also on the basis of its being iśraya. वचनसामर्थ्याद्वा Or on the strength of this sitru. अथवा प्रगृह्यसंज्ञावचनसामर्थ्यादयादयो न भविष्यन्ति । Or on the strength of the mention of this sūtra enjoining pragrhyasaṁjížā, ayādēsa and others have no room to make their appearance. Vote 1 : Guruprasă daśāstri thinks there would have been two vārttikas Vacunasāmarthyad vū and Yogavibhāgūd vā one above and one below and would have been omitted by the scribe on the strength of Nāgēśa's statements. They are not found in some editions Note 2: The opinion here is based on yathöddēsupakşa. योगविभागाद्वा Or by splitting the sūtra into two. अथवा योगविभागः करिष्यते । अदसः - अदसः ईदादयः प्रगृह्यसंशा भवन्ति । ततो मात् - माच्च परे ईदादयः प्रगृह्यसंज्ञा भवन्ति इति, अदस इत्येव । Or the sūtra is split into two: Adasuḥ and Mūt, where Adasaḥ means that the it, üt etc. of adus get the pragrhyasamjñā and Māt means that the it, üi eto, after m in adas get the pragrhyasamjñā.

·FIFTH AHNIKA -- ADASO MĀT 97 किमर्थों योगविभागः? What for is the sūtra-split? एको यत्तत्सिद्धे प्रगृह्यकार्य तदर्थः, अपरो यदसिद्धे | One is intended for pragrhyakarya to the siddha and the other to the asiddha. इहापि तर्हि प्राप्नोति अमुया अमुयोः' इति । It will then reach even here-amuyā, amuyöh. किं च स्याद्यदि प्रगृह्यसंज्ञा स्यात् ? What will happen if they get pragſhyasamjñā ? प्रगृह्याश्रयः प्रकृतिभावः प्रसज्येत । No-change-sandhi based upon pragrhyasamjñā will have a chance to set in there. नैष दोषः ; पदान्तप्रकरणे प्रकृतिभावः, न चैष पदान्तः । This defect cannot arise, since the prakrtibhāva here is concerned with padānta and it is not .padānta (in amuya and amuyāḥ.) एवमपि 'अमुकेऽत्र' अनापि प्राप्नोति । Even then prakrtibhāva will set in here too-amukēstra (i. e.) the sūtra Enaḥ padāntād ati will not operate. द्विवचन मिति वर्तते । The word dvivacanam is there (i. e.) the word dvivacanam which is found in the previous sūtra is taken here along with īdūdēt. . 1. अदस् + आ अद + आ by त्यदादीनामः; अद+आ+आ by अजाद्यतष्टाप, अदे + आ by आङि चापः, अदय् + आ by एचोयवायावः; अमुय् + आ by अदसोऽसेर्दादु दो मः (8, 2, 80); अमुया. 2. The formation of अमुयोः is similar to that of अमुया. 13 ·98 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHĀBHĀŞYA यदि द्विवचनम् इति वर्तते, अमी अत्र, अत्र न प्राप्नोति । If the word dvivacanam is taken here, prakrtibhāva will not make its appearance in amī atra (since amī is not dual in number). If so, एवं तर्हि एदन्तम् इति निवृत्तम् । the word ēdantam is not taken here from the previous slitra. (Hence there will be no prakrtibhāva in amukēstra). Note 1: Adhikāra, on the strength of the sitra Svaritēna adhikāraḥ is of two kinds :-arlhādhikāraḥ and sabdādhikārah. The former is taking over the words (suggested by svarita) in the subsquent sutrus from the previous ones in the sense in which they are used there. The latter is taking over the words from the previous sūtras and giving them meaning suited to the place. For instance if idūdēd is taken here in the senso idudēdantam, it is arthādhikūraḥ; if it is taken here and is not given that meaning, it is sabdadhikāraḥ. Note 2 : The defect here is that, in the previous sūra, Idūd alone has to be read with svarita. मार्थादीदाद्यर्थानां वा Or of idādyarthas aſter märtha. अथवा आह अयम् अदसो मात् इति । न च ईत्वोत्वे स्तः, नापि मकारः; त एवं विज्ञास्यामः, मार्थात् ईदाद्यर्थानाम् । Or (i. e. if yõgavibhāga is not admitted,) we interpret the sūtra Adaső māt, which the Sūtrakāra has said, to refer to īdādyartha after märtha (i.e.) īdādi and ma are taken, by laksaņā to mean idādyartha and mārtha to avoid asiddhatva. Note : There is not sufficient testimony to suggest that laksyārtha should be taken into account here.

·FIFTH ĀHNIKA - ADASO MĀT 09 उक्तम् वा It has been said किमुक्तम् । What has been said ? अदस ईत्वोत्वे खरे बहिष्पदलक्षणे सिद्धे वक्तव्ये, प्रगृह्यसंज्ञायां च इति । The it and ūt of adas should be considered as siddha with reference to accent in external sandhi and with reference to pragrhyasamjñā. Note: Under the sūtra Svaritā vānudāttē padādāu (8, 2, 6), the two vārttikas Adasa itvõtvē svarē bahispadalakşanē and Pragrhyasaṁjñāyām ca are found. Mahābhāşyakāra seems to refer to it. In that case the expression uktam vā may better be taken to be the words of Mahābhāşyakāra. But all editions take it to be a vārttika. If so, vakşyati vā may be appropriate. It also deserves to be investigated whether vacanasamarthyad vā, yogavibhāgād vā, mārthādīdādyarthānām vā might not be the vārttikas of the Vārttikakāra and that he finished the topic with the vārttika Asiddhë hyutvē ādguṇāprasiddhih. If so, one may question how to explain the existence of the vārttikas Tatra saki dāsaḥ and Na vâ grahaņaviśēşanatvāt. They too may be the words of the Mahābhāşyakāra like Atha sabdānuśāsanam. तत्र सकि दोषः In that case there will be difficulty when it is with kakāra. तत्र सककारे दोषो भवति, अमुकेऽत्र । In that case there will be difficulty if it is with kakāra as in amuköstran ·100 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHABHĀŞYA Note: This arises by taking idādi in the sense īdādyantam. - न वा ग्रहणविशेषणत्वात् No, on account of its being viśēşana to what is mentioned. न वैष दोषः । किं कारणम् ? ग्रहणविशेषणत्वात् । न माद्रहणेन ईदाद्यन्तं विशेष्यते । किं तर्हि ? ईदादयो विशेष्यन्ते - मात्परे ये ईदादयः इति । No, this difficulty does not arise. Why? Since it qualifies what is mentioned. The word māt in the sūtra does not qualify idādyantam (which we get by arthādhikāra from the previous sūtra). What then? It and üt (which we get by śabdādhikāra) are qualified thus :-the.īt, üt etc. which follow m. Note: The final answer of the Vārttikakāra to the ākşēpa māt pragrhyasamjñāyām tasyūsiddhatvāt ayāvēkā. disapratisedhah' seems to be : āśrayāt siddhalvam ca yathā rõrutvē' and that of the Mahābhāsyakāra the two värttikas mentioned under the sūtra Svaritā vānudāttē padādāu (8, 3, 6). शे (1, 1, 13) इह कस्मान्न भवति, काशे कुशे वंशे इति? Why does not śê in kāśē, kuśē and vamśē get the pragrhyasamjñā ? शेऽर्थवद्ग्रहणात् On account of taking śē which has a meaning. अर्थवतः शेशब्दस्य ग्रहणम्। न चैषोऽर्थवान् । Account is taken of the pratyaya sē with meaning; the sē in kāść etc. has no meaning. एवमपि हरिशे बभ्रुशे इत्यत्रापि प्राप्नोति । Even granting it, it may happen in hariśē, babhruśē.

·FIFTH ĀHNIKA – NIPĀTA EKĀJANĀN iol Note: The words hari, babhru eto. take the taddhitapratyaya sa by the Sūtra Lõmādipāmādipicchadibhya) śanelacaḥ (3, 2, 100) and they then take the seventh case singular suffix į so that they become hariśē, babhruśē etc. Here sa has one meaning and i another meaning. एवं तर्हि लक्षणप्रतिपदोक्तयोः प्रतिपदोक्तस्यैव इत्येवं न भविष्यति । If so, the sūtra operates on the word mentioned and not on the word inferred through laksaņā and hence the pragrhyasarjñā does not apply to śē in hariśē etc. अथवा पुनरस्तु अर्थवद्ग्रहणे नानर्थकभ्य इति । Or let the paribhāṣā Arthavadgrahanē na anarthakasya operate. कथं तर्हि हरिशे बभ्रुशे इति ? How to avoid the operation of this sūtra in hariśē, babhruśē etc.? एकोऽत्र विभक्तयर्थेनार्थवान्, अपरस्तद्धितार्थेन, समुदायोऽनर्थकः । A part of it (the latter part) has the case-suffix meaning and another part (the former) has the taddhita suffix meaning, that the whole se cannot be said to have any meaning. Note: From the above it is clear that, if two paribhāṣās Arthavadgrahaņē nānarthakasya and Lakşanapratipadoktayõh pratipadoktasyāiva have room to operate at the same place, the former has greater claim.? farra Capitale (1, 1, 14) There are four topics dealt with here: (1) the need of the word nipāta in the sūtra, (2) the meaning of the word 1. Nagesabhatta says here प्रत्यक्षानुमानिकन्यायापेक्षया रूपग्रहणानुगतार्थवत्परिभाषा प्रबला ।

·102 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHABHĀŞYA ēkāc, (3) the need of ēkre in ēkāc and (4) the need of the word anān in the sitra. I निपात इति किमर्थम् ? What is the need for the word nipāta ? Note : According to Kāiyata this question arises thus : The word nipāta here should eliminate pratyaya ; but since one-vowelled nipata alone has meaning, since pratyaya cannot be used independently, since it has no meaning, since it has its existence only through the creation of grammarians and since they are not unanimous in its form, pratyaya will have no room here and hence there is no need for elimination. Nāgēśabhatta, on the other hand, states that it is clear from the bhāsya under the sūtra Ōt that nipāta here refers to even those which have no meaning and hence the question arises since anāń may suggest nipāta. The answer is that it is not sufficient and the mention of nipāta enables this sutra to operate even when there is anuvāda of pratyayas. TATTET, ETTET I If the word nipata is not mentioned in the sutra, pratyaya also will come within the range of the sūtra and consequently the a at the end of cakāra end of cakāra and jahāra which is vowelled and which is not ar will get the designation of pragthyasamjñā and consequently there will be no dirghasandhi between cakāra and atra and between jahāra and atra. one- IT Welfara किमर्थम्? What for is the word ēkāc ? प्रेदं ब्रह्म, प्रेदं क्षत्रम् ।

·FIFTH AHNIKA -- NIPATA ĒKĀJANĀN 103 So that pra in pra idam brahma and pra idam ksatram may not take pragrhyasamjñā एकाजित्यप्युच्यमानेऽत्रापि प्राप्नोति । एषोऽपि हि एकाच । Even at the mention of ēkāc, it (pragrhyasamiña) makes its appearance even here; for this too is ēkāc. Note: The answer was given taking ēkāc as a karmadhāraya compound and the objection is raised taking it as a bahuvrihi compound. एकाजिति नायं बहुव्रीहिः, एकोऽज् यस्मिन् सोऽयमेकाज एकाजिति । This word ēkāc is not bahuvrīhi so that it that it may be expanded as ēkah ac yasmin sah. किं तर्हि What then ? तत्पुरुषोऽयं समानाधिकरणः, एकः अच् एकाच एकाजिति । It is the tatpurusa where both the members stand in apposition and it is expanded as ēkah ac. III यदि तत्पुरुषोऽयं समानाधिकरणः, नार्थ एकग्रहणेन । If it is a samānādhikarana-tatpuruşa, there is no need for ēka in ēkāc. इह कस्मान्न भवति, प्रेदं ब्रह्म प्रेदं क्षत्रम् ? How will not then this sūtra operate in the sandhi between pra and idam in prēdam brahma and prēdam ksatram ? may be Note: If the word ac alone is read in the sutra, it taken in the sense ajanta so that pra becomes ajanta and hence has a chance to get the designation pragrhya and consequently there will be no gunasandhi between pra and idam,

·104
LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHĀBHÁŞYA
अजेव यो निपात इत्येवं विज्ञायते ।
It is interpreted thus :
-the nipāta which consists of
a vowel alone.
किं वक्तव्यमेतत् ?
Is this to be said ?
न हि ।
Not necessary.
कथमनुच्यमानं गंस्यते?
How will it be so understood unless it is explained in that
manner ?
अज्ग्रहणसामर्थ्यात् । यदि हि अञ्च अन्यच्च तत्र स्यात् अज्ग्रहणमनर्थकं
स्यात् ।
On account of the capacity of the word ac. If a vowel
and one other than a vowel happen to be there, the mention
of the word ac will become useless.
अस्ति हि अन्यद् अज्ग्रहणस्य प्रयोजनम् ।
(No); for there is another prayojana for the mention of ac.
किम् ? What ?
अजन्तस्य यथा स्यात् , हलन्तस्य मा भूत् ।
So that the designation may reach that which ends in
a vowel and not that which ends in a consonant.
नैव दोषो न प्रयोजनम् ।
There is neither merit nor demerit (in it).
Note : Hence ac is not taken in the sense of ajanta.
एवमपि कुत एतत्, द्वयोः परिभाषयोः सावकाशयोः समवस्थितयोः
आधन्तवदेकस्मिन् ' इति 'येन विधिस्तदन्तस्य' इति च, इयमिह परिभाषा

·FIFTH ÄHNIKA -- NIPĀTA EKĀJANĀN 105 भविष्यति 'आद्यन्तवदेकस्मिन् ' इति, इयं च न भविष्यति येन विधिस्तदन्तस्य' इति । Even then, how is it that, of the two paribhāṣās Ādyantavad ēkasmin, Yēna vidhis tadantasya which have application elsewhere, it is taken that Adyantavad ēkasmin is to be applied here and not Yēna vidhis tadantasya ? आचार्यप्रवृत्तिापयति, इयमिह परिभाषा भवति आद्यन्तवदेकस्मिन् , इयं च न भवति येन विधिस्तदन्तस्य इति यदयम् अनाङ् इति प्रतिषेधं शास्ति । The procedure of Acārya suggests that the paribhāṣā Ādyantavad ēkasmin applies here and not the paribhāṣā Yēna vidhis tadantasya, since he prohibits ār by the expression anān. Note 1: Though Yēna vidhis tadantasya is a sajñāsūtra and Adyantavad ēkasmin is an atidēśasūtra, still both are called paribhāṣās. The reason for it, Kāiyata says, is that all the three have the common characteristic of pārārthya (the quality of being for others). Note 2: If nīpata is viśēşana and ac is viśēsya, there is no room for Yēna vidhis tadantasya to operate ; if ac is viśēşana and nipāta is viśēsya, there is no room for Adyantavad ēkasmin to operate. Since anār suggests that the sūtra should be taken in the ān-bhinna-nipāta-bhūta-ac pragrhyasamiño bhavati, Adyantavad ēkasmin operates. sense एवं तर्हि सिद्धे सति यद् अज्ग्रहणे क्रियमाणे एकग्रहणं करोति, तद् ज्ञाप- यत्याचार्यः 'अन्यत्र वर्णग्रहणे जातिग्रहणं भवति' इति । Therefore since Ācārya Pāṇini reads ēka though the desired object is achieved without it, he makes us infer that genus is referred to except with reference to letters. किमेतस्य शापने प्रयोजनम् ? What is the use of this jñāpana ? 14 ·106 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHĀBHĀŞYA दम्भेर्हल्ग्रहणस्य जातिवाचकत्वात् सिद्धम्' इति यदुक्तं, तदुपपन्नं भवति ।। The statement Dumbhēr halgrahaņasya jātivācakatvāt siddham under the sūtra Halantācca (1, 2, 10) is justified. अनाङिति किमर्थम् ? - What is the purpose gained by the mention of the word anan? आ उदकान्तात् ओदकान्तात् So that pragrhyasamjñā may not come to the nipāla ā which is not a nit as a in ā udakāntāt which becomes, in sandhi, õdakāntāt. . - इह कस्मान्न भवति आ एवं नु मन्यसे,' 'आ एवं किल तत्' इति? Why does not vrddhisandhi take place between a and ēvam in the sentences ā ēvam nu manyasē and ā ēvam kila tat? Here सानुबन्धकस्येदमाकारस्य ग्रहणम् । अननुबन्धकश्चात्राकारः । Here the ā with the anubandha (12) is mentioned. in ā udakântāt, ā without the anubandha is mentioned. व पुनरयं सानुबन्धकः, क निरनुबन्धकः ? 1. The root dambh takes san after it by the sutra Dhālõh Icarmanaḥ samānakartykād icchāyān vā (3, 1, 7); san is optionally procoded by i by tho sutra Sanivanlardhabhrasja dambhusrisvryürnubharañapisanām (7, 2, 49). When it does not take idāgama, the abhyāsa is dropped by the sutra Atra lõpo abhy āsasya (7, 4, 58). Then we have damblu + sa '+ ti ; now i or ī follows d by the sülra Dambha icca (7, 4, 56). Thus we have dimbh + sa + ti. Here m has to be dropped by the sutra Aniditām hala upadhāyāḥ kriti (6, 4, 24); for this the san has to be declared kit; it has to be declared so by the su Ira Halantācca (1, 2, 10) which means that the san which is jhalādi and which follows the consonant near ik is kit. In dimbh sati, m is near i and san is preceded by bh which is not near 1. Hence hal in this sütra refers to all consonants following i (i.e.) to haljati.

·FIFTH ĀHNIKA-ÖT 101 Where is it with anubandha and where is it without anubandha ? ईषदर्थे क्रियायोगे मर्यादाभिविधौ च यः । एतमातं तिं विद्याद् वाक्यस्मरणयोरङित् ॥ One should understand that it is siit if it is used in tho sense of lightly, along with a verb and in the senses of inner limit and outer limit and it is not nit if it is used to suggest a contrary meaning to a sentence or to bring to memory the idea contained in the sentence. . ओत् (1, 1, 15) किमुदाहरणम् ? What is the example ? आहो इति उताहो इति । . The words āho and utāho. .. नैतदस्ति प्रयोजनम् ; निपातसमाहारोऽयम् - आह उ आहो इति, उत आह उ उताहो इति । तत्र निपात एकाजनाङ् इत्येव सिद्धम् । This (pragrhyasamjñā of āho and utāho) need not be the prayðjana (of this sūtra); for this āhő or utāho is only a conglomeration of the nipātas āha and u or uta, ūha and u and (since the nipāta at the end is u which is an ēkāc), either of them gets the pragrhyasamjñā by the (previous) sūtra Nipāta ēkājanān. एवं तर्हि एकनिपाता इमे ओ षु यातं मरुतः ओ षु यातं बृहती शक्करी च ओ चित्सखायं सख्या ववृत्याम् (R. V. 10, 11, 1) ·108 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHABHĀŞYA If so, these are single nipātas. They are so taken in the padapāthas of Vedic Samhitās as is seen in şu yātam marutah şu yātam brhatī sakvarī ca Ō cit sakhāyam sakhyā vavrtyām (R. V. 10, 11, 1) अथवा प्रतिषिद्धार्थोऽयमारम्भः । Or this sūtra is intended to sanction what has not been sanctioned in the previous sūtra). Note 1: This line is read before 7 şu yātam marutah in all editions. The order is slightly changed here for two reasons: (1) The three quotations from the Vedas are to serve as examples to the statement ēvam tarhi ēkanipātā imē. (2) The vārttiku õlas cvipratişēdah naturally follows athava pratişiddhārthöyam ārambhaḥ. Note 2: Kāiyața, Haradatta, Bhattőji Dīkşita and Nāgëśabhatta have taken that the pratişiddha here refers to anāri of the previous sūtra. But they differ in their views in that reference. Kāiyața and Haradatta state that anāň should be taken as paryudāsa and not prasajyapratișēdha. Bhațțðji Dīkşita, in his Kaustubha and Nāgēśabhatta think that it is defective whether it is taken as prasajyapratişëdha or paryudāsa. Hence Dikşita says • Bhāşyēspi pratişiddhārtham ētad ityuktiḥ abhyuccayamātram'. It seems to me that pratişiddha may be taken to refer to something else other than anān. In the previous sūtra, there is no tadantagrahana for ēkāc since it is taken as the viśēsya and nipāta as visēşana and hence tadantagrahana was pratişiddha in the previous sütra. This sutra is ·FIFTH AHNIKA OT 109 intended to have tadantagrahara by taking ot as viśēşana and nipāta as viśēsya. If we interpret it in this way, the vārttika Otaś cvipratişēdhal naturally follows. Besides, since ahā, utāho are all ödantas, there will be no difficulty to take them as single nipātas. ओतश्चिप्रतिषेधः Prohibition of cui ending in öt (is necessary). ओदन्तो निपात इत्यत्र व्यन्तस्य प्रतिषेधो वक्तव्यः | अनदः अदः अभवत् -- अदोऽभवत्, तिरोऽभवत् । If the sūtra is taken to mean that the nipāta ending in ō gets pragrhyasanjñā, prohibition of those which end in cui and 7 is necessary as in the examples adosbhavat, tirösbhat where adósbhavat is the contracted form of the expression anadaḥ, adaḥ, abhavat. न वक्तव्यः । लक्षणप्रतिपदोक्तयोः प्रतिपदोक्तस्य इत्येवं न भविष्यति । It need not be mentioned, since the above cannot come under the purview of this sūtra if we take recourse to the paribhāṣā Lakşaņa-pratipadāktayāḥ pratipadoktasya grahaņam. एवमपि अगौरॊः समपद्यत गोऽभवत्, अत्र प्राप्नोति । Even then the pragrhyasarjñā will reach go in gosbhavat, where gösbhavat is the contracted form of agāuḥ gāuḥ samapadyata. Note : Mahābhāşyakāra refers to a resident of Bāhika (Balkh) that he became a cow. Here the word gõ is pratipada and not lākşanika. Hence is the āksēpa. एवं तर्हि गौणमुख्ययोर्मुख्य कार्यसंप्रत्ययः इति । तद्यथा गौरनुबन्ध्योऽग्नी- षोमीय इति न वाहीकोऽनुबध्यते ।

·110 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHĀBHĀŞYA If so, the paribhāṣā Gāuṇamukhyayół mukhyē kāryasampratyayah' (is applied here). For example on hearing the Vēdic sentence Gaur anubandhyö agnīşāmīyah (a go should be tied to the yūpa to propitiate the dēvatās Agni and Sõma, a resident of Vāhīka is not tied, (but only a cow). कथं तर्हि वाहीके वृद्धयात्वे भवतः गौस्तिष्ठति, गामानय इति? If so, how can vrddhi in gauh in the sentence Gūul tişthati with reference to a vāhīka and ātva in gām in the sentence gām ānaya with reference to the same, be used ? अर्थाश्रय एतदेवं भवति । यद्धि शब्दाश्रयं TE 70ETTU TOATE asala; शब्दाश्रये च वृद्धयात्वे । This (gaunamukhyanyāya) takes place when the object denoted is taken into acoount. That (grammatical rule) takes place when the word alone is taken to account; vrddhi and atva are connected only with the words. 399 (1, 1, 17) इह कस्मान्न भवति, आहो इति, उताहो इति: How does it not take place here in āhô iti and utāhö iti. Note: This question arises by splitting āho and utāhā into ā + ha t u and uta+a+ha+u respectively. उअ इत्युच्यते । न चात्रोनं पश्यामः । The word uñaḥ is mentioned in the sūtra). We do not see uñ here (in āho aud utāho). उसोऽयम् । अन्येन सहकादेश उग्रहणेन गृह्यते । 1. Of the two-the primary denotation, and the socondary denotation, of a word, the former is taken for the purposes of action' is the meaning of the paribhāṣā.

·FIFTH AHNIKA - UÑA V 111 This is uñ; it is mentioned as ēkādēsa along with another. आचार्यप्रवृत्तिर्शापयति, न उञ् एकादेशः उग्रहणेन गृह्यते इति, यदयम् ओत् इत्योदन्तस्य निपातस्य प्रगृह्यसंज्ञां शास्ति । The procedure of Acārya Pāṇini suggests that, since he enjoins pragrhyasumjñā to ādanta by the sūtra Ot, the uñ which is ēlādēśa with another is not taken into account as uñ here. नैतदस्ति ज्ञापकम् ; उक्तमेतत् प्रतिषिद्धार्थोऽयमारम्भः इति । दोषः खल्वपि स्याद्यधुओकादेश उग्रहणेन गृह्येत जानु उ अस्य रुजति, जानू अस्य रुजति, जान्वस्य रुजति मय उजो वो वा इति वत्वं न स्यात् । - - This does not serve as jñāpaka, since it has been said that the sūtra is intended to sanction what has not been sanctioned. Harm also will be done if operation takes place on uſ which is mentioned as ēkādēśa with another, since v cannot optionally replace u by the sūtra Maya uño vā vā in jānu u asya rujuti so that the form jānvasya rujati cannot be achieved, on account of its first becoming jānū asya rujati. एवं तर्हि एकनिपाता इमे । If so, they are single nipātas. अथवा द्वावुकाराविमौ; एकोऽननुवन्धक, अपरः सानुबन्धकः । तद्योऽननुबन्धकस्तस्यैष एकादेशः । Or there are two kinds of ukura; one of them is without anubandha and the other is with anubandha. Here the ēkādēša is with that which has no anubandha after it. उन इति योगविभागः The sūtra is split into two sūtras, of which Uñaḥ is one. Note: It is better if this vārttika reads thus uña iti ŭ iti Yogavibhāgah.

·*] 112 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHĀBHĀSYA उः, शाकल्यस्याचार्यस्य मतेन प्रगृह्यसंज्ञा भवति उइति, विति। ततः, ऊँ; उन ऊँ इत्ययमादेशो भवति शाकल्यस्याचार्यस्य मतेन दीर्घोऽनु- नासिकः प्रगृह्यसंज्ञकश्च ऊं इति । The sūtra Uñaḥ means that uſ gets the pragrhyasarnjña in the opinion of Ācārya sākalya. Hence we get the form u iti; the other form is viti. Then the sūtra ū is read. It means that uñ gets the ādēša ū which is long û which is anunāsika and which has pragrhyasarjñā in the opinion of Acārya Śākalya thus-ū iti. किमर्थो योगविभागः? Of what use is stītra-split? ॐ वा शाकल्यस्य So that (the ūdēša) ū may become optional in the opinion of Sakalya. शाकल्यस्याचार्यस्य मतेन 'ऊँ' विभाषा यथा स्यात् - ऊँ इति, उ इति । अन्येषामाचार्याणां मतेन विति' । So that the sūtra å may enjoin i optionally in the opinion of the acārya, Sakalya, from which the forms å iti and u iti are achieved. From the opinion of other acāryas the form viti is achieved. scat a ante (1, 1, 18) There are four topics that are discussed under this sūtra : (1) What is the harm if the word artha is absent in the sūtra ? (2) What is the harm if the vedic locative singular is considered to be got by pūrvasavarna and not by the elision of the casesuffix ? (3) The word artha may be a jñāpaka to the absence of tadantavidhi with reference, to pragrhya. (4) It suggests ·FIFTH AHNIKA -- IDOTĀU CA SAPTAMYARTHỂ 113 that the former word of compounds like vapyaśva does not get the designation pragrhya. ईदूतौ सप्तमीत्येव It is enough if the sūtra is read Idūtāu saptamī. ईदूतौ सप्तमी इत्येव सिद्धं नार्थोर्थग्रहणेन । The desired object is accomplished if the sūtra is read Idūtāu saptamī and hence there is no use of mentioning the word artha (in the sūtra). लुप्तेऽर्थग्रहणाद्भवेत् The samjñā may be applied even when there is the elision (of case-suffix) if the word artha is mentioned. लुप्तायां सप्तम्यां प्रगृह्यसंशा न प्रामोति । क? सोमो गौरी अधिश्रितः (R. V. 7, 108, 2)। इष्यते चात्रापि स्यादिति । तच्चान्तरेण यत्नं न सिध्यति इत्येवमर्थम् अर्थग्रहणम् । If the seventh case-suffix is dropped, there is no chance for pragrhyasarjñā. Where? In the word gāurī found in the Vedic sentence Sömā gāurā adhiếritaḥ. It is desired to have the samjñā thereto. It cannot be achieved without special effort and hence the word artha is mentioned in the sūtra). नात्र सप्तमी लुप्यते । The seventh case-suffix is not elided here. किं तर्हि ? What then? पूर्वसवर्णोऽत्र भवति । There is pūrvasavarnu here (i.e.) the locative suffix has taken pūrvasāvarnya by the sūtra Supām sulukpūrvu savarņā. cchęyāðadyāyājālaḥ (7, 1, 39). 15

·114
LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHABHAŞYA
पूर्वस्य चेत्सवर्णोऽसावाडांभावः प्रसज्यते
If pūrvasavarna is preferred (to luk), ābhāva and dāmbhāva
may have to be preferred.
यदि पूर्वसवर्णः आडाम्भावश्च प्राप्नोति ।
If pūrvasavarna is preferred (to luk), there is chance for
ābhāva and dambhāva to make their appearance (since they
are para to pitrvasavarna in the siltra Supam sulhule... (7, 1, 39).
एवं तर्हि आहायम् ईदूतौ सप्तमीति |
If so, he says that it in gāurī and ūt in tanī are seventh
case-suffixes (since they were with the seventh case-suffix which
has been dropped).
न चास्ति सप्तमी ईदूतौ।
It and ut are never seventh case-suffixes.
तत्र वचनाद्भविष्यति ।
The same happens by so mentioning it.
वचनाद्यत्र दीर्घत्वम् ।
It will happen where the long vowel is enjoined by a vidhi.
नेदं वचनाल्लभ्यम् । अस्ति यन्यदेतस्य वचन प्रयोजनम् । किम् ? यत्र
सप्तम्या दीर्घत्वमुच्यते- दृतिं न शुष्क सरसी शानम् इति ।
This cannot be got by the mention of it. For there is
another prayojana for the mention. What? Where the
lengthening of the final vowel of the seventh case is as in
sarasī of the Vedic sentence Drtim na śuşlcam sarasī śayānam
by the vārttika Iyādiyājīkārāņām upasankhyānam.
सति प्रयोजने इह न प्राप्नोति सोमो गौरी अधि श्रितः ।
Since there is prayojana (elsewhere), it cannot be applied
to gauri in somo gāuri adhisritah.. ',

·FIFTH ÄHNIKA - IDŪTĀU CA SAPTAMYARTHË 115 तत्रापि सरसी यदि Even then if the word sarasī exists. तत्रापि सिद्धम् । कथम्। यदि सरसीशब्दस्य प्रवृत्तिरस्ति । अस्ति च लोके सरसीशब्दस्य प्रवृत्तिः । कथम् ? दक्षिणापथे हि महान्ति सरांसि सरस्य इत्युच्यते । It can be got by vacana even there. How? If the word sarasī is current in the nominative singular. Yes, the word sarasī is current in the world. How can it be so said ? For big lakes are called by the name sarasyah in Deccan. Note: The currency of the word lõkē in Deccan suggests that the word sarasī quoted from the Vēda stands on the same footing as gāurī. ज्ञापकं स्यात्तदन्तत्वे It serves as jñāpalca that there is no tadantagrahanam. एवं तर्हि ज्ञापयत्याचार्यों न प्रगृह्यसंज्ञायां प्रत्ययलक्षणं भवति इति । If so, Acārya Panini suggests that the paribhāşā Pratyayagraharē tadantā grāhyāḥ does not prevail with reference to pragrhyasainiña. Note : Since the desired object is said to be achieved merely by the mention id-ūdār cil saptamī, the word artha is unnecessary and hence is taken as jñāpaku. किमेतस्य ज्ञापने प्रयोजनम् ? What is the use of this jñā pana? कुमार्योरगारं कुमार्यगारम्, वध्वोरगारं वध्वगारम्, प्रत्ययलक्षणेन प्रगृह्य- 'संज्ञा न भवति । The designation pragyhya through pratyayalaksana will not reach the words lumārī and vadhū in the compounds ·116 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHABHAŞYÀ kumāryagāram, vadhvagāram whose vigrahavākyas are kumāryāḥ agaram and vadhvõḥ agāram. Note : Since it has already been decided that there is no pratyayalakşaņa in samjñāvidhi, and pragrhya is a sanijñā, such a jñāpaka as this is unnecessary. Hence is the following statement मा वा पूर्वपदस्य भूत् Let it not be applied to the former member. अथवा पूर्वपदस्य मा भूत् इत्येवमर्थम् अर्थग्रहणम् , वाप्यामश्वः वाप्यश्वः, नद्यामातिः नद्यातिः । Or the mention of artha in the sūtra is for the purpose of telling that the pragrhyasamjñā may not reach the former member of the nityasamāsas vāpyaśvaḥ and nadyūtih whose vigrahavākyas are vāpyām aśvaḥ and nadyām ātiḥ. Note : Since the expressions vāpyām aśvaḥ and nadyam ulih do not help us in determining the meaning of the words vūpyaśvaḥ and nadyatik and they are saṁjñāvācakas, vāpyaśvaḥ and nadyātiḥ are said as nityasamāsas. अथ क्रियमाणेऽप्यर्थग्रहणे कस्मादेवात्र न भवति ? How is it that pragshyasamjñā does not roach here even when the word artha is read ? Note : This ākşēpa arises from the notion that saplamyartha exists in the former members of vūpyasva and nadyāti. जहत्वार्था वृत्तिः इति | Since the vrtti that operates here is jahatsvārthā (i.e.) the individual members of compounds cast off their meaning and the compound alone is taken to have the meaning and hence there is no saptamyartha in the former member.

·FIFTH AHNIKA -IDUTAU CA SAPTAMYARTHE 117 अथ अजहत्स्वार्थायां वृत्तौ दोष एव । The difficulty is sure to arise if the vriti is taken to be ajahatsvārtha. अजहत्वार्थायां च न दोषः । There is no harm even if the vrtti is taken to be ajahatsvārtha. समुदायार्थोऽभिधीयते । For each member of a compound has for its meaning that of the whole compound mixed with its own meaning. Note 1: Kaiyața says that the meaning of the individual components of a compound is so merged with that of the whole compound like dust and water that they cannot be differentiated. Note 2: Those noted above as vārttika are the parts of the following slökavārttika : ईदूतौ सप्तमीत्येव लुप्तेऽर्थग्रहणाद्भवेत् । पूर्वस्य चेत्सवर्णोऽसावाडाम्भावः प्रसज्यते ॥ वचनाद्यत्र दीर्घत्वं तत्रापि सरसी यदि । सापकं स्यात्तदन्तत्वे मा वा पूर्वपदस्य भूत् ॥ This slökavārtlikakāra seems to be different from the Vārttikakāra Kätyāyana from the slökavārttika at the end of the Pratyāhārāhnika. Note 3: According to Ślökavurttikukara, the word artha in the sūtra is intended to prevent the pragrhyasamjñā from operating on the former member of the compound words vāpyaśva and nadyāti. Mahābhāşyakāra differs from him saying that the component members of a compound do not convey any meaning or convey their meaning merged in ·118 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHABHÁŞYA the meaning of the whole compound. Hence this sūtra is intended only to prevent the pragrhyasamjñā from operating on uncompounded words like gāurī in the Vedic sentence. If the sūtra is read without the word artha, the desired object is achieved from vacanasamarthya; if it is read with the word artha, it is achieved without taking recourse to vacanasāmarthya. Since Katyāyana has not mentioned anything under this sūtra, he seems to favour arthagrahana. 1 दाधा वदाप् (1, 1, 16) There are four topics dealt with here: (1) the need or otherwise of reading the word prakrtayaḥ in the sutra ; (2) the need of pratişēdha of words of the same form from taking the designation ghu; (3) the, need or otherwise of pratişēdha of dīri with reference to itva; and (4) whether dap in adāp includes dãip or not. I घुसंज्ञायां प्रकृतिग्रहणं शिदर्थम् 1. The roots dudan (3rd conj.), dāņ (1st conj.), do (4th conj.) ond den (1st conj.) are included under dā of the sūtra and the roots ludhāñ (3rci conj.) and dhēt (1st conj.) The roots dāp (2nd conj.) and dāip (1st conj.) are not included under da. Of the four included under dā, the first two naturally end in à and tho last two (do and dē) assume the form ā before all terminations othor than git by the sūtra ad-ēca upadeśassiti (6, 1, 45). Similarly of the two included under dhā, the former naturally ends in ū and the latter (dhet) which ends in ē assumes the form a before all terminations other than sit by the same sutra. Hence the roots that come for discussion are do and dé which assume the form of dā and dhe which assumes the form dha. The root dāi comes for discussion whether it is included in dap or no.

·FIFTH AHNIKA - DADHA GHVADĀP 119 (The need for) the mention of the word prakrti in the sūtra enjoining the designation ghu for the sake of sit. घुसंज्ञायां प्रकृतिग्रहणं कर्तव्यम् दाधाप्रकृतयो घुसंज्ञा भवन्तीति वक्तव्यम् । - Mention of the word prakrti is needed in the sūtra enjoining ghusarjñā; it needs be said that dādhāprakrtayaḥ gets the ghusamjñā. किं प्रयोजनम् ? What is the benefit ? आत्वभूतानामियं संज्ञा क्रियते, सा आत्वभूतानामेव स्यात् अनात्वभूतानां न स्यात् । The samjñā is enjoined to those that end in ā; hence it will hold good only to those that end in ã and not to those that do not end in ā. ननु च भूयिष्ठानि घुसंशाकार्याणि आर्द्धधातुके ? तत्र च एत आत्वभूता दृश्यन्ते । Is it not that most of the operations based on ghusamjñā are with reference to ārdhadhātu ka ? These (that do not radically end in ū) end in ā there. शिदर्थम् - शिदर्थ प्रकृतिग्रहणं कर्तव्यम् - शिति आत्वं प्रतिषिध्यते तदर्थम् -प्रणिदयते, प्रणिधति, प्रणिधयति इति । For the sake of terminations which have s. for the anubandha. The mention of prakrti is needed for the sake of sit. The ātva is prohibited before the termination which is sit 1 and it is for its sake (that the mention is to be made). Ex..-pranidayati, pranidyati pranidhayati. 1, आदेच उपदेशेऽशिति (6, 1, 45) ·120 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHABHAŞYA Note : Pranidayatë is the third person singular present of dē with the prepositions pra and ni. The è of dē takes ayādēša before the first conjugational suffix sap and n of ni is changed to ņ by the sūtra Nēr-gadanada-pata-ghu-mă-syati ... cināti-dēgdhişu (8, 4, 17). In pra -ni-dē-a-tē, n becomes ņ only if dē has the ghusamjñā. Pranidyati is the third person singular of the root do with the prepositions pra and ni. Since dö belongs to the fourth conjugation, the formation of the word is thus: pra-ni-do-ya-ti where ya is syan. The n of ni can change to ņ only when do has the ghusamjñā. The 7 of do is dropped by the sūtra ātaḥ śyani (7, 3, 71) and is changed to ņ by the sūtra Nēr gada.... (8, 4, 17). Pranidhayati is the third person singular of the root dhe with the prepositions pra and ni. Since dhe belongs to the first conjugation, the formation of the word is thus: pra-ni-dhe-a-ti where a is sap. Here ē takes ayādēsa and n changes to ņ by the same sutra. Hence the roots do and dhe have to take ghusainjñā for the sake of natva as the root dē. n भारद्धाजीयाः पठन्ति घुसंज्ञायां प्रकृतिग्रहणं शिद्विकृतार्थम् The school of Bharadvāja read that the prakrtigrahana is needed in the ghusamjñāvidhāyakasūtra for the sake of sit and vikrta. घुसंज्ञायां पृकृतिग्रहणं क्रियते Mention of prakrti is made in the sūtra which enjoins ghusaijñā. किं प्रयोजनम्।

·FIFTH ĀHNIKA - DĀDHĀ GHVADĀP 121 What is the benefit ? शिदर्थ विकृतार्थ च For the sake of sit and vikrta. शित्युदाहृतम् Examples where sit occurs have been given. विकृतार्थ खल्वपि, प्रणिदाता', प्रणिधाता For the sake of forms where roots change their forms, as in pranidātā, pranidhātā. किं पुनः कारणं न सिध्यति ? How will not the forms be achieved (if vikrta is not mentioned)? लक्षणप्रतिपदोक्तयोः प्रतिपदोक्तस्यैव इति प्रतिपदं ये आत्वभूतास्तेषामेव स्यात्, लक्षणेन ये आत्वभूतास्तेषां न स्यात् । Through the operation of the paribhāṣā Laksanapratipadoktayāḥ pratipadoktasyāiva, only such roots as are read to end in ã are taken into account and not such roots that end in ā through lakşaņā. अथ क्रियमाणेऽपि प्रकृतिग्रहणे कथमिदं विज्ञायते दाधाः प्रकृतय इति आहोखिद् दाधां प्रकृतय इति ? Even if there is prakrtigrahaņa, how is dādhāprakrtayaḥ split? Is it taken as a karmadhāraya compound so that it may be split as dādhāḥ prakrtayaḥ or as a tatpuruşa compound so that it may be split as dādhām prakrtayaḥ ? किं चातः? What if it is taken this way or the other ? 1. Here the root is do or dē. 2. Here the root is dhē. 16 ·122 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHĀBHĀŞYA - यदि विज्ञायते 'दाधाः प्रकृतयः' इति, स एव दोषः आत्वभूतानामेव स्याद् अनात्वभूतानां न स्यात् । अथ विज्ञायते 'दाधां प्रकृतयः' इति अनात्व- भूतानामेव स्याद् आत्वभूतानां न स्यात् । If it is taken as a karmadhāraya compound, the same difficulty will arise (i.e.) those that end in ā will get the samjñā and those that do not in ā will not get it. If, on the other hand, it is taken as a tatpur use compound, those that do not end in a will get the samjñā and those that end in it will not get it. एवं तर्हि नैवं विज्ञायते, दाधाः प्रकृतय इति नापि दाधां प्रकृतय इति । If so, it is not interpreted either as dādhāḥ prakrtayaḥ or as dādhām prakrtyaḥ. कथं तर्हि ? How then ? दाधा घुसंज्ञा भवन्ति, प्रकृतयश्चैषाम् इति । Dadhāḥ take ghusamjñā and their prakrtis too. तत्तर्हि प्रकृतिग्रहणं कर्तव्यम् In that case it is necessary to mention prakrti in the sūtra. न कर्तव्यम् । इदं प्रकृतमर्थग्रहणमनुवर्तते । It need not be read. The word artha which is ready at hand is taken here. क प्रकृतम् Where is it ready? ईदूतौ च सप्तम्यर्थे इति । ततो वक्ष्यामि दाधा ध्वदाप् , अर्थ इति । There is the sūtru Id-ūtāu ca saptamyarthē. Then shall I read the sūtra Dādhā ghvadāp followed by the word arthē.

·FIFTH ẢHNIKA DĀDHĀ GHVADĀP 123 नैवं शक्यम् ; ददातिना समानार्थान् रातिरासतिदासतिमंहतिप्रीणाति- प्रभृतीन् आहुः । एतेषामपि धुसंज्ञा प्रामोति । तस्मान्नैवं शक्यम् । न चेदेवं, प्रकृतिग्रहण कर्तव्यमेव । This is not possible; they will include all roots which have the meaning to give' like rā, rās, dās, mah, prī ? etc. These too will get the ghusamjñā. Hence it is not possible. If so, mention should be made of prakrti. न कर्तव्यम् । शिदर्थेन तावन्नार्थः प्रकृतिग्रहणेन । अवश्यं तत्र मार्थ प्रकृतिग्रहणं कर्तव्यम्, प्रणिमयते प्रण्यमयते इत्येवमर्थम्; तत्पुरस्तात् अप- ऋक्ष्यते घुप्रकृतौ माप्रकृतौ च इति । This need not be mentioned. Prakrtigrah'ına is not necessary for the sake of sit. T'he word prakrti has to be read there in the sūtra Nēr gada-nada-pata-pada-ghu-māsyati... (8. 4, 17) for the sake of mā so that natva may occur in pra-ni-me-a-tē and pra-ni-a-mē-a-ta (with reference to the root mēri of the first conjugation). It is taken with reference to ghu also (which immediately precedes mā in the sūtra), so that ghu and mã may mean ghuprakrti and māprakrti. यदि प्रकृतिग्रहणं क्रियते, प्रनिमिनोति, प्रनिमीनाति अत्रापि प्राप्नोति । If the word prakrti is read there, natva will take place in the words praniminõti (third person singular present of miñ of the 5th conjucation) and pra-ni-mi-nā-ti (third person singular present of mīñ of the ninth conjucation), (since the roots miñ and mīñ are the prakrti of mā on account of their taking the form mä on the strength of the sūtra Mināti-minētidīnām lyapi ca (6, 1, 50) अथ अक्रियमाणेऽपि प्रकृतिग्रहणे इह करमान्न भवति, प्रनिमाता, प्रनिमातुं, प्रनिमातव्यम् इति? 1. In the sentence pitrbhyah prinati, pri means to give. 2. अपकृष्यते is another reading.

·124 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHABHÄŞYA Even if the word prakrti is not read, what prevents natva from making its appearance in pra-ni-mātā, pra-nimātum, pra-ni-mātavyam? आकारान्तस्य ङितो ग्रहणं विज्ञास्यते । It is interpreted that it refers to that which ends in a and is nit. यथैव तर्हि अक्रियमाणे प्रकृतिग्रहणे आकारान्तस्य डितो ग्रहणं विज्ञायते, एवं क्रियमाणेऽपि प्रकृतिग्रहणे आकारान्तस्य ङितो ग्रहणं विज्ञास्यते । Just as even when the word prakrti is not read it is interpreted that it refers to that which ends in ā and is nit, so also even when the word prakrti is read, it is interpreted that it refers to that which ends in ā and is vit. Note : Katyāyana wants the prakrtigrahana in the slitra, whole Mahābhāşyakāra does not want it. But the latter wants it after mā in the sülra Nēr-gadanada-pata-pada-ghu-mā... (8, 4, 17). But it is mentioned in the bhāşya under that sūtra. विकृतार्थेन चापि नार्थः । दोष एवैतस्याः परिभाषाया लक्षणप्रतिपदोक्तयोः प्रतिपदोकस्यैव इति, गामादाग्रहणेष्वविशेषः इति । The word vikrta need not be ; for the paribhāsā Laksanapratipadöktayāḥ pratipadūktasyāiva does not hold good with reference to gā, mā and dā. Note 1: The fact that pitva in adap refers to daip also, suggests that ghusamjñā refers to da in general whether it is pratipada or lākşanika. Note 2: Mahābhāşyakāra does not agree with the Bhāradvājīyas about prakrtigrahana in the sūtra and the reasons adduced by them.

·FIFTH AHNIKA - DADHA GHVADAP 125 II समानशब्दप्रतिषेधः Pratişēdha of samānaśubdas (from taking the samjñā). समानशब्दानां प्रतिषेधो वक्तव्यः -प्रनिदारयति प्रनिधारयति ; दाधा घुसंज्ञा भवन्तीति घुसंज्ञा प्राप्नोति । Pratişēdha of words which assume the same form has to be done. The roots drii (sixth conjugation), dhrn (first conjugation) assume the form pranidārayati and pranidhārayati in the causal third person singular present when they are preceded by the prepositions pra and ni. Since dr and dh? become dā and dhā after taking vrddhi and before the sūtra Uran raparaḥ operates, they take ghusarjña from this sūtra. Note: If they take ghusamjñā, the n of the upasarga ni will be changed ton. समानशब्दाप्रतिषेधोर्थवद्ग्रहणात् No need of pratişēdha of samānaśahdas, on account of taking forms having meaning. समानशब्दानामप्रतिषेधः । अनर्थकः प्रतिषेधः अप्रतिषेधः । घुसंज्ञा कस्मान्न भवति? अर्थवद्ग्रहणात् ; अर्थवतोधिोर्ग्रहणं, न चैतावर्थवन्तौ । There is no need.of pratişēdha of forms which are similar. Apratişādha means pratişēdha which has no benefit. How is it that ghusamjñā does not reach here? Op account of taking forms having meaning. Dä and dhā referred to in the sūtra have reference to those which have meaning; dā and dhā which are part of dār and dhār have no meaning. अनुपसर्गाद्वा On account of (pra and ni) not becoming upasargas (with reference to them). अथवा यक्रियायुक्ताः प्रादयः तं प्रति गत्युपसर्गसंशे भवतः । न चैतौ दाधौ प्रति क्रियायोगः ।

·126 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHĀBHĀŞYA Or pra etc. take gatisanjñā and upasargasarjñā only with reference to those roots with whose meanings they are connected. These two dā and dhā are not roots having meaning. यद्येवम् इहापि तर्हि न प्राप्नोति प्रणिदापयति, प्रणिधापयति; अत्रापि नेतौ दाधावर्थवन्तौ, नाप्येतौ दाधौ प्रति क्रियायोगः । If so, ghusamjñā will not reach here too (with reference to dāp and dhāp) in pranidāpayati and pranidhāpayati (so that natva may not take place); for these two dā and dhā here have no meaning, nor are they connected with any action. Note: Since the causal meaning is to be taken to account, it is only dāp and dhāp that have meaning and that are connected with action. न वार्थवतो ह्यागमस्तद्गुणीभूतस्तद्ग्रहणेन गृह्यते यथान्यत्र No; for the agama is enjoined to that which has meaning and is subordinate to it and hence the whole is considered not to vary from the original in the same way as it is seen in other places. न वैष दोषः No, this objection does not arise. किं कारणम् ? Why? अर्थवत आगमस्तद्गुणीभूतोऽर्थवद्रहणेन गृह्यते । The āgama is enjoined to that which has meaning and is subordinate to it; (the whole) is taken not to vary from the original. यथान्यत्र तद्यथा अन्यत्राप्यर्थवत आगमोऽर्थवद्रहणेन गृह्यते । . As elsewhere. For instance āgama is enjoined in other places to that which has meaning and the whole is considered to have the meaning of the original.

·FIFTH AHNIKA -DADHA GHVADAP 127 कान्यत्र? Where elsewhere? लविता, चिकीर्षिता इति । Lavitā, cikīrsitā. Note : The idāgama is enjoined to the pratyaya trc and itā has the same meaning as trc. युक्तं पुनर्यन्नित्येषु नाम शब्देष्वागमशासनं स्यात्? Is it proper to enjoin āgamas to śabdas which are nitya ? न; नित्येषु नाम शब्देषु कूटस्थैरविचालिभिर्वर्णैर्भवितव्यमनपायोपजन- विकारिभिः । आगमश्च नाम अपूर्वः शब्दोपजनः | No; sabdas which are nitya should be made up of letters ever existing, undying and not allowing elision, augmentation and substitution. Agama is that which is newly introduced. बाढं युक्तम् । शब्दान्तरिह भवितव्यम्। तत्र शब्दान्तरे शब्दान्तरस्य प्रतिपत्तियुक्ता । Yes, it is quite correct, They should be taken here as different sabdas; but it is but proper one word gives the same sense as another. आदेशास्तहि भविष्यन्ति अनागमकानां सागमकाः । In that case words with agama replace those without agama. तत्कथम् How is it? सर्वे सर्वपदादेशा दाक्षीपुत्रस्य पाणिनेः । एकदेशविकारे हि नित्यत्वं नोपपद्यते ॥ In the opinion of Pāṇini, the son of Dākşi, all are the ādēsas of the rest ; for the nityatva will be marred even if there is slight change (of the word).

·128 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHABHĀŞYA III दीङ प्रतिषेधः स्थानोरित्वे With reference to the sitra Sthāghvõr icca (1, 2, 17) pralişēdha of din is needed. - दीङः प्रतिषेधः स्थाध्वोरित्वे वक्तव्यः उपादास्तास्य स्वरः शिक्षकस्य इति। मीनातिमिनोत्यात्त्वे कृते, स्थाध्वोरिच इति इत्त्वं प्राप्नोति । .. There is need to mention that the root dīn (of the fourth conjugation) does not come within the operation of the sūtra Sthāghvõr icca. Hence alone we can have the form upādāsta which is found in the expression upādāsta asya svaraḥ śikṣakasya (the tone of this pupil has gone down). For the formation of that word is thus: The root is dī, a the augment, upa is the preposition, s is the sic of aorist and ta is the third person singular termination ; dī in upa-a-di-s-ta is changed to dā by the sūtra Mūnāti-minõti-dīnām lyapi ca (6, 1, 50). Now assuming that dā gets the ghusaṁjñā, the ā has a chance of changing to į by the sūtra Sthūghvor icca (1, 2, 17). कुतः पुनरयं दोषो जायते? किं प्रकृतिग्रहणाद् आहोस्विद् रूपग्रहणात् ? Wherefrom does this difficulty arise ? Is it by taking the prakrti to be ghu or the actual form got to be so ? रूपग्रहणादित्याह ; इह खलु प्रकृतिग्रहणादोषो जायते 'सनि मीमाधुरभलभः ...' इति । उपदिदीषते, He says that it is by taking the actual form. If the prakrti is taken into consideration, there will be difficulty in the formation of the word upa-di-di-ş-a-tē since the sūtra Sani mi-mā-ghu-rabha-labha-saka-pata-padām aca is (by which the form should be upaditsate). नैष दोषः । दाप्रकृतिः इत्युच्यते; न चेयं दाप्रकृतिः ; आकारान्तानामेजन्ताः प्रकृतयः, एजन्तानामपीकारान्ताः, न च प्रकृतेः प्रकृतिः प्रकृतिग्रहणेन गृह्यते । 3B ·FIFTH ÁHNIKA -- DĀDHĀ GHVADĀP 129 The difficulty does not arise if prakrtigrahana is taken recourse to. For it is mentioned that dāprakrti takes ghusarjñā. This (din) is not the prakrti of dā; those that end in ā have their prakrtı in those that end in 7c 1 and those that end in ēc have their prakrti in those that end in 7. That which is one's prakrti's prakrti is not taken as its prakrti. Note : From this it is seen that there is difficulty if rūpagrahana is taken into consideration. स तर्हि प्रतिषेधो वक्तव्यः । In that case the pratișēdha has to be mentioned. न वक्तव्यः । It need not be mentioned. घुसंशा कस्मान्न भवति? How does not dā (of din) get ghusamjñā ? सन्निपातलक्षणो विधिरनिमित्तं तद्विघातस्य' इत्येवं न भविष्यति । Ghusamjñā does not reach it on the application of the paribhāṣā Sannipātalaksaņā vidhiḥ animittam tad-vighātasya. Note : The application of the paribhāşā may be explained thus : Di in upa-a-di-s-ta changes to ā. This atva which comes in @jvişaya is dependent upon the akitva of the sic. If this takes ghusamjñā and changes to i on the strength of the sūtra Sthāghvor icca, sic has to become kit. Hence the akara which came to existence depending upon kitva will not be responsible to enable the root take ghusamjñā which will change the kit into akit. 1. Bhattāji Dikşit's vitti under the sutra Mināti minoti dīnām lyapi ca may be noted, 17

·130
LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHĀBHĀŞYA
IV
दाप्रतिषेधे न दैप्यनेजन्तत्वात
The pratişēdha adap does not refer to the root dāip also,
since it is not ējanta.
दाप्प्रतिषेधे दैपि प्रतिषेधो न प्राप्नोति -- अवदातं मुखम् ।
Prohibition of dāp does not include that of the root dāip
also. Hence the form avadātam in the expression avadātam
mukham has no authority for its formation.
ननु चात्त्वे कृते भविष्यति ।
Oh! it comes into existence when ai is changed to ā.
तद्धि आत्वं न प्राप्नोति ।
But the change of āi to ā cannot take place.
किं कारणम्
Why?
अनेजन्तत्वात्
Since the root does not end in 2c
Note:
Since the root in upadēša is read as dāip, it is
pakārānta and not ējantn.
सिद्धमनुबन्धस्यानेकान्तत्वात्
The object is accomplished since the anubandha is not
a determining factor.
सिद्धम् एतत्
This (the desired object) is accomplished.
कथम्?
How?

·FIFTH AHNIKA DADHĀ GHVADĂP 131 अनुबन्धस्यानेकान्तत्वात्; अनेकान्ता अनुबन्धाः । On account of the non-determining nature of anubandha. Anubandhas are not determining factors. Note : Though the root is read as dāip and hence pakārānta, yet it may be taken to end in ai which is ēc, since the anubandha is dropped when words are formed from roots. पित्प्रतिषेधाद्वा Or by reading apit in place of adap in the sūtra. अथ वा 'दाधा ध्वपित्' दाधा ध्वपित्' इति वक्ष्यामि । तच्चावश्यं वक्तव्यम्; अदाप् इति ह्युच्यमाने इहापि प्रसज्येत प्रणिदापयति । Or shall I read the sūtra thus: Dādha ghapit. It is necessary to do the change. Otherwise, if adap is read, the pratiņēdha of ghusainjñā may operate in the formation of the word pranidāpayati (and hence there will be no chance for iņatva.) शक्यं तावदनेन अदाबिति ब्रुवता बान्तस्य प्रतिषेधो विज्ञातुम् । Since adābiti is read, it may be split as adāb iti (in place of adap iti) and hence it may be taken that the pratişēdha is only to dab and not to dāp. Note: In that case dāp and daip would have to be read as dāb and daib in the sütras and hence this argument has been made as a passing one permanently stand. सूत्रं तर्हि भिद्यते । यथान्यासमेवास्तु । The sūtra, then, changes in form, Let it be as it is. ननु चोक्तं दाप्रतिषेधे न दैपि इति? Has it not been said that the pratişēdha with reference to dap cannot refer to dāip?

·132 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHABHĀŞYA परिहृतमेतत् , सिद्धमनुबन्धल्यानेकान्तत्वात् इति । The difficulty has been solved by saying that the object is accomplished on account of the non-determining nature of anubandhas. अथ एकान्तेषु दोष एव । Then the difficulty is sure to arise, if they are considered to have the determining bature. एकान्तेष्वपि न दोषः। आत्त्वे कृते भविष्यति । There is no difficulty even if they have the determining nature. The pratișēdha comes into existence when ai is changed to a. ननु चोक्तं तद्धि आत्वं न प्राप्नोति? Has it not been said that āi cannot be changed to a? किं कारणम् ? Why? अनेजन्तत्वात् । Since the root does not end in ec. पकारलोपे कृते भविष्यति। It ends in ēc after p is dropped. न ह्ययं तदा दाब्भवति । In that case it does not become a dāp. भूतपूर्वगत्या भविष्यति । It becomes a dap since it was a dāp. एतच्चान युक्तं -- यत्सर्वेष्वेव सानुबन्धकग्रहणेषु भूतपूर्वगतिर्विज्ञायते । अनैमित्तिको ह्यनुबन्धलोपस्तावत्येव भवति । This will be appropriate here to adopt bhūta pūrvagati in all forms with anubandha and the elision of lopa is of a nondetermining nature.

·FIFTH ĀHNIKA - ADYANTAVADĒKASMIN 133 अथ वा आचार्यप्रवृत्तिापयति, नानुबन्धकृतमनेजन्तत्वम् इति यदयमुदीचां माडो व्यतीहारे इति मेङः सानुवन्धकस्य आत्त्वभूतस्य ग्रहणं करोति । Or the usage of Ācārya Pāṇini suggests that anējantatvam cannot be determined by anubandha since he reads mārah to denote mēnah in the sūtra Udīcām māño vyatīhārē (3, 4, 19) अथ वा दाबेवायं न देबस्ति । Or there is no separate root as dāib ; it is only dâb. कथम् अवदायति' How to get the form avadāyati ? श्यन्विकरणो भविष्यति । It may be taken to belong to the fourth conjugation. Note : Vārttikakāra thinks that the sūtra Dādhā ghvadāp should be changed into Dādhāghvapit. Mahābhāşyakāra differs from him and solves the difficulty raised if the sūtra is kept intact in three ways, But of them the third is not so important as the first and the second. आद्यन्तवदेकास्मिन् (1, 1, 20) There are three topics dealt with here: (1) The need for substituting vyapadēśivad for adyantavad or otherwise. (2) There is no need for this sūtra and (3) The merits accrued by the presence of this sūtra. किमर्थमिदमुच्यते ? Why is this said? सत्यन्यस्मिन्नाद्यन्तवद्धावादकस्मिन्नाद्यन्तवद्वचनम् Since an object is ādi or anta relative to another, the need for the mention of adyantavad with reference to a single unit.

·134 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHABHÄŞYÀ सत्यन्यस्मिन् यस्मात् पूर्व नास्ति परमस्ति स आदिरुच्यते; सत्यन्यस्मिन् यस्मात्परं नास्ति पूर्वमस्ति सोऽन्त इत्युच्यते ; सत्यन्यस्मिन् आद्यन्तवद्भावात् एतस्मात् कारणादेकस्मिन् आद्यन्तापदिष्टानि कार्याणि न सिध्यन्ति ; इष्यन्ते च स्युरिति । तान्यन्तरेण यत्नं न सिध्यन्तीति एकस्मिन्नाद्यन्तवचनम् एवमर्थ- मिदमुच्यते । That which has nothing preceding it and has one following it, is called ādi relative to that which follows; that which has nothing following it and has one preceding it, is called anta relative to that which precedes. Since the fact of being ādi and anta of a unit is only with reference to another, the kārya relating to ādi or anta enjoined by the sūtras cannot take place when there is only one unit; but such kūryas are wished for in the śāstra). This cannot be achieved except through the effort of enjoining that a single unit may be considered both as ādi and as antu. This is said only to achieve this purpose. अस्ति प्रयोजनमेतत् ? Is this the benefit ? किं तहीति What then? तत्र व्यपदेशिवद्वचनम् In that case adyantavad may be replaced by vyapudësivad. तत्र व्यपदेशिवद्भावो वक्तव्यः; व्यपदेशिवदेकस्मिन् कार्यं भवति इति वक्तव्यम् । In that case, mention should be made there of vyapadësivadbhāva. It should be said that operations should be made on a single unit by taking recourse to vyapadesivadbhāva. किं प्रयोजनम्। What benefit will thence be ?

·FIFTH ĀHNIKA -- ĀDYANTAVADĒKASMIN 135 एकाचो द्वे प्रथमार्थम् For the operation of the sūtra Ekācā dvē prathamasya. वक्ष्यति एकाचो द्वे प्रथमस्येति बहुव्रीहिनिर्देश इति । तस्मिन् क्रियमाणे इहैव स्यात् पपाच पपाठ; इयाय आर इत्यत्र न स्यात् । व्यपदेशिवदेकस्मिन् कार्य भवति इत्यत्रापि सिद्धं भवति । He (Vārttikakāra) is going to say under the sūtra Ekācā dvē prathamasya (6, 1, 1), the vārttika Ekācā dvē prathamasya iti bahuvrīhinirdēšah (by which it is clear that the word ēkāc is a bahuvrīhi compound and not a karmadhāraya compound). According to it the pa of the roots pac and path will be reduplicated; but reduplication cannot take place with reference to the roots i (to go) and ? (to go.) The object is achieved thereto by adopting the principle that what happens to the primary ēkāc, happens even when there is only one vowel." Note: The same idea is expressed in the vārttika Ekavarnēşu ca vyapadēśivadvacanāt under (6, 1, 1) षत्वे चादेशसम्प्रत्ययार्थम् For the sake of operation of the sūtra dēśapratyayāḥ with reference to satva. वक्ष्यति ‘आदेशप्रत्ययोरित्यवयवषष्ठयेषा इति । एतस्मिन् क्रियमाणे इहैव स्यात् करिष्यति हरिष्यति ; इह न स्यात् इन्द्रो मा वक्षत्, स देवान्यक्षत् इति । व्यपदेशिवदेकस्मिन् कार्य भवति इत्यत्रापि सिद्धं भवति । He is going to say that the sixth case in the word ādēšapratyayoḥ is avayavaşasthi. According to it, şatva will take place only in karisyati and hırişyati (since s is a part of the pratyaya sya) and not in the words vakşat and yaksat in the Vēdic expressions Indro mā vakşat and Sa dāvān yaksat (since s is the pratyaya itself and not a part of the pratyaya). The 1. Of. मुख्य एकाज्व्यपदेशः येषामस्ति ते व्यपदेशिनः पचादयः ; ते यथा द्विवचनं प्रतिपद्यन्ते तथैकवर्णा अपि (Pradipa under 6, 1, 1).

·136 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHĀBHĀŞYA object will be achieved here too by taking recourse to the principle that the operation takes place even to one in the same way as it takes place to vyapadēģin. स तर्हि व्यपदेशिवद्भावो वक्तव्यः । Then the vya padėsivadbhāva should be mentioned in the sutra). न वक्तव्यः । It need not be mentioned. अवचनाल्लोकविज्ञानात्सिद्धम् The object is achieved from worldly experience without any mention of vyapadēśivadbhāva here. अन्तरेणैव वचनं लोकविज्ञानात्सिद्धमेतत् । This is accomplished from the experience of the world without its being mentioned here. शालासमुदायो ग्राम इत्युच्यते भवति चैतदेकस्मिन्नपि एकशालो ग्रामः' इति । तद्यथा लोके For instance in the world a village is that which is a collection of houses and even when there is only one house it is said that the village consists of one house. Note : Certain editions read ēkaśālā for ēkaśālah. In that case the meaning is this : -a group of houses is generally called a village and even when there is only one, it is also called village. - विषम उपन्यासः । ग्रामशब्दोऽयं बह्वर्थः अस्त्येव शालासमुदाये वर्तते, तद्यथा ग्रामो दग्ध इति; अस्ति वाटपरिक्षेपे वर्तते, तद्यथा ग्राम प्रविष्ट इति ; अस्ति च मनुष्येषु वर्तते, तद्यथा ग्रामो गतः, ग्राम आगत इति, अस्ति सारण्यके ससीमके सस्थण्डिलके वर्तते, तद्यथा ग्रामो लब्ध इति । तद्यः सारण्यके ससीमके सस्थण्डिलके वर्तते, तमभिसमीक्ष्यैतत्प्रयुज्यते एकशालो ग्राम इति ।

·FIFTH ÄHNIKA - ADYANTAVADĒKASMIN 137 Unsound is the argument. The word grāma has many connotations: it connotes a group of houses, as in 'grāma is burnt'; it connotes a garden which forms the boundary, as in he has entered the grāma'; it connotes the inhabitants, as in 'grāma is gone', grāma is come'; it connotes the space including forests, boundary limits, altars etc., as in grāma is got'. The usage ēkaśālo grāmaḥ is based upon the last connotation (i.e.) the space including forests, boundary limits, altars etc. यथा तर्हि वर्णसमुदायः पदं, पदसमुदाय ऋक्, ऋक्समुदायः सूक्तम् इत्युच्यते, भवति चैतदेकस्मिन्नपि एकवर्ण पदं, एकपदा ऋक्, एकचे सूक्तम् इति । If so, just as we have that a word is made up of a group of sounds, a rk is made up of a group of words and a sūkta is made up of verses, so also we have the expressions that the word is made up of one sound, a rk is made up of one word and a sūkta is made up of a rk. 347 Tifa Hyati, qe ATT:, FATT:, FLAT ETATS: इति । Even here the usage is connecting one object with another, pada has one connotation, rk has one connotation and sūkta has one connotation. यथा तर्हि, बहुषु पुत्रेषु एतदुपपन्नं भवति, अयं मे ज्येष्ठः, अयं मे मध्यमः, O À faterra fa, para ag gaffhaft, TTT :, quìa मध्यमः, अयमेव कनीयान् इति । If then just as the usage that, among three sons, this is my eldest, this is my middle, and this is my youngest is appropriate, so also the usage that, when there is only one son, this is my eldest, this is my middle and this is my youngest is appropriate. Note: Since the minimum number that is necessary to be denoted by plural sufix is three, bahuşu putrēşu 18 ·138 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHĀBHĀŞYA . is translated here among three sons'. This is well explained in the kapiñjalādhikarana of Pūrvamamarnsa. तथा असूतायाम् असोष्यमाणायां च भवति प्रथमगर्भेण हता | Similarly it is said that the lady is dead at the first garbha, though she has not given birth to any child previously nor is she going to give birth to any child in future. Note: Kāiyata says that the usage of the first garbha here is in imitation of a similar usage with reference to a lady who has given birth to many children. तथा अनेत्य अनाजिगमिषुराह, इदं मे प्रथममागमनम् इति । Similarly he who has not gone here previously and who is not going to come here in future says 'this is my first arrival'. Note : Varttikakāra, having raised the question whether the word vyapadēśivad may replace ādyantavad in the sūtra, has decided that it is not necessary, since it can be understood from the worldly experience. Mahābhāsyakāra agrees with him. II आद्यन्तवद्भावश्च शक्योऽवक्तुम् The expression ādynntavad may be removed from the sūtra (i.e.) the whole sūtra may be omitted. कथम्? Why? अपूर्वानुत्तरलक्षणत्वादाधन्तयोः सिद्धमेकस्मिन् It is achieved in one, since ādi is that which has nothing to precede it and anta is that which has nothing to follow it. अपूर्वलक्षण आदिः, अनुत्तरलक्षणोऽन्तः; एतच्चैकस्मिन्नपि सम्भवति । अपूर्वानुत्तरलक्षणत्वात् - एतस्मात् कारणात् - एकस्मिन्नपि आद्यन्तापदिष्टानि कार्याणि भविष्यन्ति इति नार्थ आद्यन्तवद्भावेन ।

·FIFTH ĀHNIKA ĀDYANTAVADĒKASMIN 139 Adi is that which has nothing to precede it; anta is that which has nothing to follow it. Because of the nature of having nothing to precede it and having nothing to follow it, for this reason, the kāryas enjoined to ādi and anta may happen in one and consequently no purpose is served by the expression ādyantavad (in the sūtra.). गोनीयस्त्वाह सत्यमेतत् सति त्वन्यास्मन्निति । Gõnardīya says that the argument adduced for the necessity of the stītra Sati tvanyasmin adyantavadbhāvās ēkasminnadyantavacanam stands true. Note: The appellation Gõnardīya refers, in the opinion of Kāiyata and Nagēśabhatta, to Mahābhāşyakāra and in the opinion of Haridīkşita, it refers to a Värttikakāra. According to the former two, this sentence tells us that Mahābhāşyakāra wants the sūtra against the opinion of Vārttikakāra. But in the opinion of Haridīksita, another Varttikakāra who went by the name of Gõnardīya did not agree with the opinion of Vārttikakāra and Mahābhāsyakāra. III कानि पुनरस्य योगस्य प्रयोजनानि ? What are the benefits accrued by this sūtra ? आदिवत्वे प्रयोजनं प्रत्ययनिदायुदात्तत्वे The benefit of considering it to be the ādi is found in single-lettered pratyayas, ñit and nit taking the udātta enjoined to the adi. प्रत्ययस्य आदिरुदात्तो भवति इति, इहैव स्यात् कर्तव्यं तैत्तिरीयः", 1. Fou morater: (3, 1, 96) 2. artacagaralegur (4, 3, 102) ·140 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHABHAŞYA औपगवः1 कापटवः इत्यत्र न स्यात् । 'नित्यादिनित्यम्' इति, इहैव स्यात् अहिचुम्बकायनिः आग्निवेश्यः, गार्ग्यः कृतिः' इत्यत्र न स्यात् । (In the absence of this sūtra) from the injunction that the ādi of pratyaya becomes udātta, the ta of tavya in kartavyam and i of īya in tāittirīya may become udātta and not the a enjoined after upagu and kapatu in apatyārtha. Since it is said in the sūtra Nnityādir nityam (6, 1, 197) that the adi of ñidanta and nidanta is udātta, a which is the adi of ahicumbaka and the ā which is the modified form of the ādi of agnivēša become udatta and gā of gārgya and kr of krti which are single syllables cannot become udatta. वलादेरार्द्धधातुकस्वेट The idāgama to the ārddhadhātuka commencing with a val. बलादेरार्द्धधातुकस्येट प्रयोजनम् । आर्द्धधातुकस्येड् वलादेः इति, इहैव स्यात् करिष्यति हरिष्यति, जोषिषत् मन्दिषत् इत्यत्र न स्यात् । The benefit is idagama to the ārddhadhātuka commencing with a val (irrespective of its being ēkāc or no). (In the absence of the sūtra), idāgama will come to the s of sya in karişyali and harişyati, but not to the s after the roots juş and mand, by the sūtra, Arddhadhātukasyēd valādēḥ, यस्मिन्विधिस्तदादित्वे Operation of an injunction on the basis of the initial member. 1. तस्यापत्यम् (4,1,92). 2. वाकिनादानां (फिञ्) कुक्च (4, 1, 168). 3. वृद्धत्कोसलाजादाभ्यङ् (4, 1, 171). 4. गर्गादिभ्यो यञ् (4, 1, 105) 5. स्त्रियां क्तिन् (3, 3, 94) ·FIFTH AHNIKA - ADYANTAVADÉKASMIN 141 - यस्मिन् विधिस्तदादित्वे प्रयोजनम् | वक्ष्यति यस्मिन् विधिस्तदादावल्ग्रहणे इति । तस्मिन् क्रियमाणे 'अचि इनुधातुभ्रुवां य्वोरियडवङौ' इहैव स्यात् श्रियः भ्रवः, श्रियो भ्रुवौ इत्यत्र न स्यात् । The benefit is to apply the injunction with reference to the initial irrespective of its being one letter or more than one. He is going to say the paribhāşā Yasmin vidhis tádādāu algrahaņē. According to it the iyan-ādēsa and uvaii-ādēša will take place to ī and ū of śrī and bhrū before as so that the forms sriyah and bhruvaḥ may be obtained and not before ār so that the forms sriyāu and bhruvāu on the strength of the sūtra Aci śnudhātubhruvām yvõr-iyaii-uvanau (6, 4, 77) may not be secured in the absence of this sūtra. अजाद्याट्त्वे With reference to the ādāgama before roots commencing with a vowel. अजाद्याट्त्वे प्रयोजनम् । आडजादीनाम् इहैव स्यात् ऐहिष्ट ऐक्षिष्ट, ऐष्ट अध्यैष्ट इत्यत्र न स्यात् । The benefit is in the ādāgama before a root commencing with a vowel (irrespective of its being a single vowel or a vowel followed by a consonant). The ādāgama will set in before the roots īh and īks so that the forms āihişta and āiksista may be obtained and not before the roots i or i with adhi so that the forms āişta and adhyāişta may be obtained on the strength of the sitra Adajadinām (6, 4, 102), in the absence of this sūtra. अथान्तवत्त्वे कानि प्रयोजनानि? What, then, are the benefits accrued from antuvattva ? अन्तवद् द्विवचनान्तप्रगृह्यत्वे With reference to pragrhyasarjñā based on the dual number with certain endings.

·142 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHABHĀŞYA अन्तवद्विवचनान्तप्रगृह्यत्वे प्रयोजनम् । ईदूदेद्विवचनं प्रगृह्यम् , इहैव स्यात् पचेते इति पचेथे इति, खट्टे इति माले इति इत्यत्र न स्यात् । The benefit is in the pragrhyasamjñā which is based on the dual with certain endings (irrespective of their being one letter or more than one.) The savjñā will reach pacēlē and pacēthē on account of the dual suffix being made of two letters and not khatvē and mālē on account of the dual suffix consisting of only one letter on the strength of the sūtra Id-ūd-ēd dvivacanam pragrhyam, in the absence of this sūtra. मिदचोन्त्यात्परः Mit following the last vowel. मिदचोन्त्यात्परः प्रयोजनम् । 'नपुंसकस्य झलचः', इहैव स्यात् कुण्डानि वनानि, तानि यानि इत्यत्र न स्यात् । The benefit is the coming of mit after the last vowel (irrespective of the base consisting of one vowel or more). The numāgama before i, the nom-acc. plural ending in neuter, will appear only after a of kundo and vana so that the forms kundāni and vanāni may be obtained and not after tu and ya (the modified forms of tad and yad by the sūtra Tyadādīnām aḥ (7, 2, 102) on the strength of the siitra Napunsakasya jhalacah (7,1, 72), in the absence of this sitra. अचोन्यादि टि The samjñā ți which is given to the portion commencing with the last vowel. अचोन्त्यादि टि प्रयोजनम् । 'टित आत्मनेपदानां टेरे', इहैव स्यात् कुर्वाते कुर्वाथे, कुरुते कुर्वे इत्यत्र न स्यात् । The benefit is deciding the ți (whether the vowel in it is preceded by another or no). Etva will appear in kurvātē and kurvāthë and not in kurutē and kurvē on the strength of the sūtra ſita ātmanēpadūnām tērē (3, 4, 79) in the absence of this Sutra, ·FIFTH AHNIKA ĀDYANTAVADĒKASMIN 143 11 अलोन्त्यस्य (The ādēśa which is sașthinirdişta) to the last al. अलोन्त्यस्य प्रयोजनम् । 'अतो दी? यत्रि', 'सुपि च' इहैव स्यात् पटाभ्यां घटाभ्याम् इति, आभ्याम् इत्यत्र न स्यात् । The benefit is the operation to the last al (whether it is preceded by another or no). The a of the adantānga of pata and ghata will be lengthened before bhyām and not a (the modified form of idam by the stītras Tyadādīnām ah and Hali lõpaḥ) on the strength of the sūtra Supi ca where all the words found in the sūtra Ato dirgho yañi have anuurtti, in the absence of this sūtra. येन विधिस्तदन्तत्वे अचो यत्' With reference to the viśēşcıņu becoming the samjñā of tadanta. येन विधिस्तदन्तत्वे प्रयोजनम् । इहैव स्यात् चेयं जेयम्, एयं अध्येयम् इत्यत्र न स्यात् । The benefit is the viśēşana becoming the samjñā of tadanta (irrespective of its consisting of one letter or more than one). The pratyaya yat will come after the roots ci and jī and not after the root i and i with adhi on the strength of the sūtra Aco yat, in the absence of this sütra. आद्यन्तवदेकस्मिन् कार्य भवति इत्यत्रापि सिद्धं भवति । In all these instances the object is achieved by considering one unit to be both the initial, and the final, element. Note: It remains to be considered whether the Värttikakāra Katyāyana who has definitely proved that this sūtra in unnecessary, would have given the above vārttikas relating to the prayojana of the sūtra. It is possible that they were given by another Värttikakāra Gönardīya. More about Gõnardīya may be learnt from the introduction in Vol. j.

·144 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHĀBHĀŞYA ATTAHÚT : (1, 1, 21) घसंज्ञायां नदीतरे प्रतिषेधः Prohibition of ghasamjñā with reference to nadītara. घसंज्ञायां नदीतरे प्रतिषेधो वक्तव्यः, नद्यास्तरः नदीतरः । Mention must be made that naditara in the sense of the boat used to cross a river does not take ghasamjñā, घसंज्ञायां नदीतरेऽप्रतिषेधः No need for pratişēdha of ghasañjñā with reference to nadītara. घसंज्ञायां नदीतरेऽप्रतिषेधः; अनर्थकः प्रतिषेधः अप्रतिषेधः । There is no need for pratişēdha of ghasamjñā with reference to nadītara ; apratişēdha means pratişēdhābhāvaḥ. Note: Kāiyața explains apratişēdha by the statement pratișēdhakriya naña nişidhyatē and Nāgēśabhatta further explains it thus : Asandēha ilivat pratişēdhyasya abhāva ityarthako naſtsamāsah. घसंज्ञा कस्मान्न भवति? Why does not ghasamjñā reach it? तरग्रहणं टौपदेशिकम् The word tarap refers to what is found in upadēša. औपदेशिकस्य तरपो ग्रहणं; न चैष उपदेशे तरप्शब्दः | Mention is made of tarap found in upadēša; this tarap (in nadītara) is not found in upadēša. Note 1: The root tr takes the pratyaya ap after it by the sūtra Rdör-ap (3, 3 57) and then 7 takes guna and tara is formed; it is called tarap here because ·FIFTH ĀHNIKA - TARAPTAMAPĀU GHAH 145 the pratyaya ap is pit. This is expressed by Kāiyața thus :- sarvatra ca anubandhāh smaryamāņā ēva kāryam prati hētutvim labhantē iti ghasarjñāprāptiḥ. Note 2: The word cu padēśika is derived by Kāiyața in two ways :- upadēśuḥ prayājanam (prayājakaḥ) asya and upadēśē bhavam. Nāgēśabhațţa seems to prefer the latter from the style of Mahābhāsya. किं वक्तव्यमेतत् this necessary to be mentioned ? न हि। No, it need not be mentioned. कथमनुच्यमानं गंस्यते? How can it be understood unless it is mentioned ? इह हि व्याकरणे सर्वेष्वेव सानुबन्धग्रहणेषु रूपमाश्रीयते, यत्नास्यैतद्रूप- मिति । रूपनिर्ग्रहश्च शब्दस्य नान्तरेण लौकिकं प्रयोगम् । तस्मिंश्च लौकिके प्रयोगे सानुबन्धकानां प्रयोगो नास्तीति कृत्वा द्वितीयः प्रयोग उपास्यते । Here, in Vyakarana, the form is taken into account in all words with anubandha and the samjñā is given where that form is found. The form cannot be determined except through usage in the world, Since no word is found with anubandha in the laukikaprayoga, the second prayoga is taken into consideration. कोऽसौ? What is it? उपदेशो नाम । It is evidently upadēśa. न चैष उपदेशे तरप्शब्दः । This (tara in nadītara) is not tarap in upadēša. 19 ·146 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHABHĀŞYA अथ वा अस्तु अस्य घसंज्ञा; को दोषः ? Or let it get ghasarjñā;. what is the harm ? Note: The introduction of this topic here is on adopting the nyāya Tuşyatu durjanah iti. घादिषु नद्या हस्खो भवति इति हस्खत्वं प्रसज्येतं । The ī and ū of those that get nadīsijñā will get a chance of being shortened, if they followed by gha [by the sūtra Nadyāḥ śēşasyānyatarusyām (0, 3, 41) }. समानाधिकरणेषु धादिषु इत्येवं तत् । It (shortening) takes place only when it is followed by gha etc. which is samānādhikarana (i. e.) which refers to the same viśēsya. 1 यदा तर्हि सैव नदी, स एव तरः, तदा प्राप्नोति । If nadītara is split as nadī ca asāu larasca, then the shortening may take place. Note: Tara, here, is taken in the sense of the object which is crossed over. स्त्रीलिङ्गेषु घादिषु इत्येवं तत् । It is interpreted thus: followed by ghidi which is feminine in gender. अवश्यं चैतदेवं विशेयम् । समानाधिकरणेषु धादिषु इत्युच्यमाने इह प्रसज्येत-महिषी रूपमिव, ब्राह्मणी रूपमिव । It must be interpreted so : If it is said that it takes place when it is followed by gha etc. which are samānādhikaraņa, it will operate in mahişī rūpam iva, brāhmanī rūpam iva also. 1. f. सामानाधिकरण्यं च एकविशेष्यकबोधजनकत्वमू (उद्योत.)

·147 FIFTH AHNİKA - BAHUGAŅAVATUDATI SANKHYA बहुगणवतुडति सङ्ख्या (1, 1, 22) There are five topics dealt with here :-(1) the need or otherwise of adding the word sankhyā after dati in the sūtra (2), (3) and (4) the need or otherwise of adding the words adhyardha, ardhapūrvapadapūrariapratyayānta and adhika in the sūtra and (5) the pratyākhyāna of the sūtra. सङ्ख्यासंज्ञायां सङ्ख्याग्रहण सङ्ख्यासम्प्रत्ययार्थम् Reading of the word sarkhyā in the sūtra enjoining saikhyāsamjñā so that it may get the designation. - सङ्ख्यासंज्ञायां सङ्ख्याग्रहणं कर्तव्यम् । बहुगणवतुडतयः संङ्खथासंज्ञा भवन्ति, सङ्ख्या च सङ्ख्यासंज्ञा भवति इति वक्तव्यम् । किं प्रयोजनम् ? सन्यासंप्रत्ययार्थम् एकादिकायाः सङ्ख्थायाः सङ्ख्याप्रदेशेषु सङ्खयेत्येष संप्रत्ययो यथा स्यात् । The word sankhyā has to be read in sailshya-samijna-shtra. Bahu, gana, vatu and dati get the designation sankhyā and sankhyā too should be said to get sankhyāsaijñā. Why should it be? For the sake of getting the designation to sankhyā - so that one should get the idea that the numbers ēka etc. may get the designation saikhyā in rules relating to sankhyā. ननु चैकादिका सङ्ख्या लोके सङ्ख्येति प्रतीता; तेनास्याः सङ्ख्या- प्रदेशेषु सङ्ख्यासंप्रत्ययो भविष्यति । Oh ! it is well known from the world that the numbers ēka etc. go by the name of saikhyā; hence it may get the designation sankhyā in rules relating to sankhyā. एवमपि कर्तव्यम् Still it has to be read. किं प्रयोजनम् ? Why ?

·148 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHABHĀŞYA इतरथा ह्यसंप्रत्ययोऽकृत्रिमत्वाद्यथा लोके For otherwise there will be nonrecognition on account of their being aktrima as is in the world. अक्रियमाणे हि सङ्ख्याग्रहणे एकादिकायाः सङ्ख्यायाः सङ्ख्यत्येष संप्रत्ययो न स्यात् । For if the word sairkhyā is not read in the sutra, it is not possible to recognise the numbers ēka etc. to get the designation sankhyā. किं कारणम्! Why? अकृत्रिमत्वात् । Since they are not krtrima (i.e.) since they are not adopted as technical terms (in grammar). बह्वादीनां कृत्रिमा संज्ञा । (On the other hand) the samjñā of bahu etc. is krtrimi. कृतिमाकृत्रिमयोः कृत्रिमे कार्यसंप्रत्ययो भवति । Of the two krtrima and akrtrimu, it is said that rules operate on krtrima. यथा लोके । तद्यथा लोके, गोपालकमानय कटजकमानय इति यस्यैपा संक्षा भवति, स आनीयते, न यो गाः पालयति, यो वा कटे जातः । As is in the world ; just as when one says · Bring yõpālaka, bring kațajaka', one who bears that name is brought in and not one who is tending cows or who is born on a straw-mat. Note 1: People in the world do not seek after the derivative meaning of a word, but they are satisfied with its meaning by rūdhi and proceed further to operate upon it. Note 2: The words gõpālaku and katajaka denote particular classes of people irrespective of their derivative meaning.

·149 FIFTH ĀHNIKA - BAHUGAŅAVATUDATI SANKHYA यदि तर्हि कृत्रिमाकृत्रिमयोः कृत्रिमे कार्यसम्प्रत्ययो भवति, नदीपौर्णमास्या- ग्रहायणीभ्यः इत्यत्रापि प्रसज्येत । If, then, rules operate on krtrima among krtrima and akrtrimu, the sūtra Nadī pāurņamāsī-āgrahāyaṇībhyaḥ (5, 4, 110) will operate on krtrimu nadī which is described in the suitra Yustryakhyāu nadī (1, 4, 3) and not on the word nadi (which means a river). पौर्णमास्याग्रहायणीग्रहणसामर्थ्यान्न भविष्यति । It does not happen since the word nudī is read along with the words pūrnamāsī and āgrahāyaṇī. तद्विशेषेभ्यस्तर्हि प्राप्नोति । It may then refer to the individual rivers (like Gargā etc). एवं तर्हि आचार्यप्रवृत्तिपियति 'न तद्विशेषेभ्यो भवति' इति, यदयं विपाट्छब्दं शरत्प्रभृतिषु पठति । Since Ācārya Pāṇini reads the word vipās under saratprabhrti under the sūtra Avyayābhāvā saratprabhrtibhyah (5, 4, 107), his procedure suggests that nadī in (5, 4, 110) does not refer to individual rivers. इह तर्हि प्राप्नोति नदीभिश्च इति । If so, the same will happen to nadī in the sūtra Nadībhisca (2, 1, 20) (i.e.) nadī may not refer to individual rivers here. बहुवचननिर्देशान भविष्यति । No, it does not happen as it is mentioned in plural number. - स्वरूपविधिस्तर्हि प्राप्नोति । If so, the sūtra Svam rūpam sabdasya... (1, 1, 68) will operate. बहुवचननिर्देशादेव न भविष्यति ।

·150 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHĀBHĀŞYA It will not operate on account of the same mention in plural number. एवं न चेदमकृतं भवति, कृत्रिमाकृत्रिमयोः कृत्रिमे कार्यसंप्रत्ययः इति । न च कश्चिद्दोषो भवति | From the foregoing discussion it is evident that the nyāya Krtrimākrtrimayāļ krtrimē kāryasampralyaya! is not nullified. There is no harm done by adopting it. उत्तरार्थं च For the sake of the following sūtra too. उत्तरार्थ च सङ्खयाग्रहणं कर्तव्यम् - ष्णान्ता षट्- षकारनकारान्तायाः सङ्ख्यायाः षद्संज्ञा यथा स्यात् , इह मा भूत् पामानः, विम॒षः इति । The word sunkhyā should be read for the sake of the following sūtra Snāntā șaț, so that the designation sal may reach the words ending in ş and n which are sankhyāvācins and not the words like paman and vipruş. Note: Kāiyața says that sankhyā in this sūtra refers to form and the same in the next sūtra refers to its meaning. But the word ca in this vārttika suggests that the word saikhyā mentioned here is not that found in the sūtra, but that to be added after dati in the opinion of the Varttikakāra. इहार्थेन तावन्नार्थः सङ्खयाग्रहणेन । Even here no purpose is served by adding the word sankhyā. ननु चोक्तम् इतरथा ह्यसंप्रत्ययोऽकृत्रिमत्वाद्यथा लोके । Is it not said that there will, otherwise, be non-recognition on account of their being akrtrima as is in the world ? नैष दोषः । अर्थात्प्रकरणाद्वा लोके कृत्रिमाकृत्रिमयोः कृत्रिमे कार्यसंप्रत्ययो भवति । अर्थो वास्यैवंसंशकेन भवति, प्रकृतं वा तत्र भवति, 'इदमेवंसंशकेन ·- FIFTH ĀHNIKA — BAHUGAŅAVATUDATI SANKHYA 151 कर्तव्यम्' इति । आतश्च अर्थात्प्रकरणाद्वा अङ्ग हि भवान् ग्राम्यं पांशुलपाद- मप्रकरणक्षमागतं ब्रवीतु ‘गोपालकमानय, कटजकमानय' इति, उभयगतिस्तस्य भवति; साधीयो वा यष्टिहस्ते गमिप्यति । , No, this defect will not arise ; for, of the two meanings Icrtrima and akrtrima, the krtrima is chosen in the world from the denoting capacity of the word or from the context, the denoting capacity deciding that the meaning referred to should be this or the context deciding that the operation should be done by this. The meaning decided by the denoting capacity or the context (is to be admitted) for the following reason also; my dear boy, you may ask a rustic having feet full of dust and not knowing the context, to fetch gõpālaku or kutujaku and he will interpret the words in both the ways or rather he will take them to refer to one who has a stick in his hand (to watch cattle). यथैव तर्हि अर्थात्प्रकरणाद्वा लोके कृत्रिमाकृत्रिमयोः कृत्रिमे कार्यसंप्रत्ययो भवति, एवमिहापि प्राप्नोति । जानाति ह्यसौ बह्वादीनामियं संज्ञा कृता इति । As the operation takes place in the world on the krtrima among krtrima and akrtrima decided by the denoting capacity or the context, so also it is done here. He knows that here the sainjñā is with reference to bahu etc. (since they are pralerta here). Note: Nagēšabhalta says that buddhisannidhi is the prekarana here. न यथा लोके तथा व्याकरणे, उभयगतिः पुनरिह भवति । It is not seen in grammar as is seen in the world, since words have to be interpreted in both ways here. - अन्यत्रापि, नावश्यमिहैव । तद्यथा 'कर्तुरीप्सिततमं कर्म' इति कृत्रिमा कर्मसंशा । कर्मप्रदेशेषु चोभयगतिर्भवति-कर्मणि द्वितीया' इति कृत्रिमस्य ग्रहणं, 'कर्तरि कर्मव्यतिहारे' इत्यत्र अकृत्रिमस्य । तथा 'साधकतमं करणम् इति कृत्रिमा करणसंज्ञा । करणप्रदेशेषु चोभयगतिर्भवति –'कर्तृकरणयो- स्तृतीया' इति कृत्रिमस्य ग्रहणं, 'शब्दवैरहलहाभ्रकण्वमेधेभ्यः करणे' इत्यत्र ·152 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHABHĀŞYA अकृत्रिमस्य । तथा 'आधारोऽधिकरणम्' इति कृत्रिमा अधिकरणसंशा । अधिकरणप्रदेशेषु चोभयगतिर्भवति सप्तम्यधिकरणे च' इति कृत्रिमस्य ग्रहणं, 'विप्रतिषिद्धं चानधिकरणवाचि' इत्यत्राकृत्रिमस्य । It is seen not only here, but also elsewhere :--The sūtra Kartır īpsitatamam karma (1, 4, 49) enjoins lrtrima-karmasurijñā. In places where the word karma is used, it has to be interpreted in both ways. It refers to lirtrima-harma in the sūtra Karmani dvitīyā (2, 3, 2) and to action-the akrtrimakarma in the sūtra Kartari karmavyatīhārē (1, 3, 14). Similarly the sūtra sādhakatamam karanam (1, 4, 42) enjoins the krtrima-karana-sarjñā. In places where the word karana is used, it has to be interpreted in both ways. It refers to Irtrima-karana in the sūtra Kartrkaraṇayos trtīyā (?, 3, 18) and the act of doing, the akrtrimakarana in the sūtra Śabdavaira-kalaha-ablira-kaņva-mēghēbhyaḥ karunzē (3, 1, 17). Similarly the sūtra Ādhārā adhikaranam (1, 4, 45) enjoins the krtrima-adhikaranı-samjñā. In places where the word adhikarana is used, it has to be interpreted in both ways. It refers to krtrima-adhikaraṇa in the sūtra Saptumyadhikarazzē ci (2, 3, 36) and to dravyu, the akrtrima-adhikarana in the sūtra Vipratişiddham canadhikaranaviici (2, 4, 13). वा नेदं संज्ञाकरणम् , तद्वदतिदेशोऽयम् - बहुगणवतुडतयः सङ्घयावद्भवन्ति इति | Or, this sülra is not a sarjñā-sūtra but atidēša-sutra denoting similarity and it means that bahu, goņa, vatu and dati are like sankhya. अथ Note : Kāiyața says that since the word sankhyā is not as short as the samjñas ți, ghu etc. and is used in the meaning current in the world, the sūtra is mentioned as an atidēša-sūtra. स तर्हि वतिनिर्देशः कर्तव्यः If so, the term vati should be read in the sutra (as in Adyantavad ēkasmin).

·FIFTH ĀHNIKA — BAHUGAŅA:VATUDATI SANKHYA 153 न कर्तव्यः । It need not be read. न ह्यन्तरेण वतिमतिदेशो गम्यते । Atidēśa is not suggested without vati. अन्तरेणापि वतिमतिदेशो गम्यते । तद्यथा - एष ब्रह्मदत्तः अब्रह्मदत्तं ब्रह्मदत्त इत्याह । तेन मन्यामहे ब्रह्मदत्तवदयं भवतीति । Atideśa is suggested even without vati. For instance one says “This is Brahmadatta’ even though he is not Brahmadatta. From this we interpret that he is like Brahmadatta. a एवमिहापि असङ्ख्यां सङ्ख्येत्याह, सङ्ख्यावद् इति गम्यते । So also he calls asankhyā by the name of sankhyā and hence it is suggested that they are like sankhyā. Note : An objection may be raised that, since the word bahu is a sankhyā, the atidēśa cannot apply to it. Nāgēśabhatta answers this by saying that it does not denote any actual number and hence is not a sankhyā. अथ वा आचार्यप्रवृत्तिर्शापयति ; भवत्यकादिकायाः सङ्ख्यायाः सङ्ख्या- प्रदेशेषु सङ्ख्यासंप्रत्यय इति यदयं 'सङ्ख्याया अतिशदन्तायाः कन्' इति तिशदन्तायाः प्रतिषेधं शास्ति । Or the procedure of Ācārya Pāṇini suggests that in sūtras dealing with sankhyā, the numbers ēka etc. are included since he prohibits the taddhita suffix to kan to numbers ending in it and sat in the sūtra Sarkhyāyā atiśadantāyāḥ kan (5, 1, 22). कथं कृत्वा शापकम्। How does it become a jñāpaka ? न हि कृत्रिमा त्यन्ता शदन्ता वा सङ्ख्या अस्ति । Since there is no krtrima-sankhyā which ends in ti or sat. 20 ·154 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHABHĀŞYA ननु चेयमस्ति डति? Oh! there is dati (in it). यत्तर्हि शदन्तायाः प्रतिषेधं शास्ति । If so, since he prohibits sadanta. यच्चापि त्यन्तायाः प्रतिषेधं शास्ति । Since he prohibits tyanla also. ननु चोक्तं डत्यर्थमेतत्स्यात् इति । Oh! it has been said that it is concerned with dati. अर्थवद्हणे नानर्थकस्य इत्यर्थवतः तिशब्दस्य ग्रहणं न च डतेस्तिशब्दोऽ- र्थवान् । From the paribhāṣā Arthavadgrahaņē na anarthakasya, only the ti which has meaning is taken into account in this sūtra ; the ti of dati has no meaning. अथ वा महतीयं संज्ञा क्रियते । Or this is a great sarjñā. संज्ञा च नाम यतो न लघीयः Sarjñā is certainly that than which nothing is more brief. कुत एतत् ? How is it so? लबर्थ हि संज्ञाकरणम् For samjñākarana is for brevity. तत्र, महत्याः संज्ञायाः करण एतत्प्रयोजनम् , अन्वर्थसंशा यथा विज्ञायेत, संख्यायते अनया संख्येति । एकादिकया चापि संख्यायते । When that is the case, this is the benefit of making a great sarjñā that it should be taken to be anvartha (acting ·FIFTH AHNIKA BAHUGAŅAVATUDATI SANKHYA 155 up to the derivative meaning) and the derivation of saikhyā is sarkhyāyatē anayā (that by which objects are counted). The numbers one etc. too are used for counting. उत्तरार्थेन चापि नार्थः संख्याग्रहणेन । इदं प्रकृतमुत्तरत्र अनुवर्तिष्यते । There is no need to add the word sankhyâ even for the sake of the following sūtra. This (the word which is found in the sitra) is taken there. इदं वै संज्ञार्थम् ; उत्तरत्र च संशिविशेषणार्थः । न चान्यार्थ प्रकृतमन्यार्थ भवति । न खल्वप्यन्यत् प्रकृतमनुवर्तनादन्यद्भवति । न हि गोधा सर्पन्ती सर्पणादहिर्भवति । This is for the sake of samjñā; but in the following sūtra it is to serve as an adjunct to the samjñin. That which has one purpose here cannot have another purpose there. It is not right to say that which is one thing here becomes a different thing when it goes elsewhere. A lizard moving cannot become a serpent simply because it has gone to another place. यत्तावदुच्यते 'न चान्यार्थ प्रकृतमन्यार्थे भवति इति; अन्यार्थमपि प्रकृतमन्यार्थं भवति तद्यथा शाल्यर्थ कुल्याः प्रणीयन्ते, ताभ्यश्च पानीयं पीयते, उपस्पृश्यते च शालयश्च भाव्यन्ते । As regards the statement that which has one purpose here cannot have another purpose there', (it may be said that) which has one purpose here is found to have another purpose also elsewhere. For instance channels are cut for the sake of paddy ; they are used for drinking water and for purification; and the paddy also is got. यदप्युच्यते 'न खल्वप्यन्यत् प्रकृतमनुवर्तनादन्यद् भवति न हि गोधा सर्पन्ती सर्पणादहिर्भवति' इति, भवेद् द्रव्येषु एतदेवं स्यात् ; शब्दस्तु खलु येन येन विशेषेणाभिसंबध्यते तस्य तस्य विशेषको भवति । १ As regards the statement that which is one thing here does not become a different thing when it goes elsewhere and that a lizard moving cannot become a serpent simply because ·156 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHABHÄŞYA it has gone to another place, it may be with reference to objects; but the same sabda becomes adjunct in different ways with reference to different kinds of viśēşyas. अथ वा सापेक्षोऽयं ष्णान्तेऽपि निर्देशः क्रियते; न चान्यत् किश्चिदपेक्ष्य- मस्ति; तेन सङ्ख्यामेवापेक्षिष्यामहे । Or the expression şņāntāḥ read in the sūtra is in need of something else to make its meaning clear. Nothing other than sankhyā is needed. Hence we take it there. Note : Though Varttikakāra has stated that the word sankhyā is to be added after dati in the sūtra so that the numbers ēka etc. may become the target to this sütra and so that it may be taken by anuorili in the following sūtra, Mahābhāşyakāra feels that it is not necessary and achieves the object in many ways. Scholars will have to determino which, among the ways suggested, is the best. II अध्यर्द्धग्रहणं च समासकन्विध्यर्थम् Reading of adhyardha for vidhis relating to samusa and kan. अध्यर्धग्रहणं च कर्तव्यम् । The word adhyardha too should be read. किं प्रयोजनम् ? What for ? समासकन्विध्यर्थम् - समासविध्यर्थं कन्विध्यर्थं च, समासविध्यर्थं तावत् अध्यर्धशूर्पम् , कन्विध्यर्थम् अध्यर्धकम् । For the sake of the sūtra (tuddhitārthottarapadasamähärē ca (2, 1, 51) dealing with samāsa and the sūtra (sarkhyāyā atiśadantāyāḥ kan) to operate (here)--for the sake of samāsavidhi and for the sake of kanvidhi. Firstly for the sake of ·FIFTH AHNIKA BAHUGAŅAVATUDATI SANKHYA 157 samāsavidhi so that the samāsa adhyardhaśūrpam may be got and then for the sake of kanvidhi that the form adhyardhakam may be got. so लुकि चाग्रहणम् । Not reading it with reference to luk. लुकि चाध्यर्धग्रहणं न कर्तव्यं भवति-अध्यर्द्धपूर्वद्विगोलुंगसंज्ञायाम् इति, द्विगोरित्येव सिद्धम् । The word adhyardha need not be read in the sūtra Adhyarddhapīīrvaddvigor lugasarijñāyām (5, 1, 28), since the purpose is served by dvigōh. III अर्धपूर्वपदश्च पूरणप्रत्ययान्तः Need for reading ardhapūrvapadasca puranapratyayāntaha अर्धपूर्वपदश्च पूरणप्रत्ययान्तः संख्यासंज्ञो भवति इति वक्तव्यम् । It should be stated, that which has ardha as the initial member and which ends in pūranapratyaya takes sarkhyāsamjñā. किं प्रयोजनम् ? Why ? समासकन्विध्यर्थमेव, समासविध्यर्थ कन्विध्यर्थं च; समासविध्यर्थम् तावत् - अर्धपञ्चमशूर्पम् , कन्विध्यर्थम् - अर्धपञ्चमकम् । For the sake of samāsavidhi and for the sake of kanvidhi firstly for the sake of samāsavidhi so that the samāsa ardhapañcamaśūrpam may be got and thenfor the sake of kanvidhi so that the form ardhapañcamakam may be got. %3 IV अधिकग्रहणं चालुकि समासोत्तरपदवृद्धयर्थम् Need for reading the word adhika when there is no uk for the sake of samāsavidhi and uttarapadavrddhi.

·158 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHĀBHĂŞYA अधिकग्रहणं चालुकि कर्तव्यम् The word adhika should be read in the sutra in the absence of luk. किं प्रयोजनम्? Why? समासोत्तरपदवृद्ध्यर्थम् -समासविध्यर्थम् उत्तरपदवृद्ध्यर्थं च । समास- विध्यर्थं तावत् -- अधिकषाष्टिकः, अधिकसाप्ततिकः; उत्तरपदवृद्ध्यर्थम् । अधिकषाष्टिकः, अधिकसाप्ततिकः । अलुकि इति किमर्थम्? अधिकषाष्टिकः अधिकसाप्तातकः । - For the sake of samāsavidhi and for the sake of utlara padavrddhi (by the Sūtra Sankhyāyāḥ sarvatsarasankhyasya ca (7, 3, 15); firstly for the sake of samāsavidhi so that the samāsu adhikaşāştikah and adhikasāptatikaḥ may be formed and then for the sake of uttarapadavrddhi so that the same words adhikaşāștikaḥ and adhikasāptatikaḥ may be formed with urddhi in the uttarapada. What for is the expression aluki in the vārttika ? So that the words adhikaşāşlikaḥ and adhikasāptatikah may be formed. बहुव्रीहौ चाग्रहणम् No mention in bahuvrīhi. बहुव्रीहौ चाधिकशब्दस्य ग्रहणं न कर्तव्यं भवति, ‘सङ्ख्याया अव्यया- सन्नादूराधिकसङ्ख्याः सङ्खयेये' इति सङ्ख्या इत्येव सिद्धम् । The word adhika need not be read in the sūtra Sarkhyāyā avyayāsannādūrādhikasankhyāḥ sankhyāyī dealing with bahuvrīhi, since it is accomplished from the mention of sankhyā. V घहादीनामग्रहणम् No need for the mention of bahu etc. (in the sutra). बह्वादीनां ग्रहणं शक्यमकर्तुम् ।

·FIFTH AHNIKA. BAHUGAŅAVATUDATI SANKHYA 159 It is possible not to read bahu etc. केनेदानी सङख्याप्रदेशेषु सङख्यासम्प्रत्ययो भविष्यति? How then is it possible to know that these get the designation sankhyā so that they may be operated on by the stītras dealing with sarkhyās ? ज्ञापकात् सिद्धम् It is accomplished through jñāpaku. शापकात् सिद्धमेतत् । This is an accomplished fact through jſāpnka. किं ज्ञापकम् ? What serves as jñāpaka ? यदयं ‘वतोरिड्वा' इति संख्याया विहितस्य कनो वत्वन्तात् इटं शास्ति । Because he (Acārya Pāņini) enjoins after vatvanta optionally the idāguma to kan enjoined to saiikhyās by the sūtra Sankhyāyā atiśadantāyāḥ kan (5, 1, 22). वतोरेव तज्ज्ञापकं स्यात् । It may serve as jižāpaka only to vatu. नेत्याह; योगापेक्षं ज्ञापकम् । No, he says; jñāpaka is based on a number of sūtras : [ Bahupīgaganasanghasaa tithuk (5, 2, 52), vatörithuk (5, 2, 53) and șațkatikatipayacaturām thuk (5, 2, 51)]. Note : Vārttikakära, having dealt with the four topics at the beginning to sharpen the thinking capacity of the readers has finally mentioned that there is no need for this sútra, since its purpose can be achieved through jñāpakas. Mahābhasyakāra agrees with him on this point, ·160 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHABHĀŞYA ष्णान्ता षट् (1, 1, 23) षट्संज्ञायामुपदेशवचनम् Need for the word upadēša in the sūtra dealing with satsanjna. षट्संज्ञायामुपदेशग्रहणं कर्तव्यम् ; उपदेशे पकारनकारान्ता संख्या षद- संज्ञा भवति इति वक्तव्यम् । .. The word upadēśa should be read in the saşlajñāvidhāyakasūtra ; it should be said that those that end in or n at the upadēša stage take satsamjižā. किं प्रयोजनम्? Why ? शताधष्टनोर्नुम्नुडर्थम् To prevent sata etc. from taking the satsarjñā after they take num and to enable astun to take nut before ām. शतानि सहस्राणि ; नुमि कृते ‘णान्ता षट्' इति षसंज्ञा प्राप्नोति; उपदेशग्रहणान्न भवति । अष्टानामित्यत्र आत्वे कृते षट्संज्ञा न प्राप्नोति ; उप- देशग्रहणाद्भवति । (Śata and sahasra take num before i, the neuter nominative plural suffix by the sülrid Napuinsakasya jhalacaḥ (7, 2, 72) and with the penultimate being lengthened take the forms sutāni and sahasrāņi). As soon as num comes, they become nakārānta and hence have an opportunity to get the şațsamjñā. (The result will be the case-suffix i will have an opportunity to be dropped by the sūtra Saạbhyö luk (7, 1, 22). By reading the word upadēśa, it is avoided. (Aştan becomes astā by the sūtra Astana â vibhaktāu (7, 2, 84) before the 1. Here upadēša stands for uddesa elsewhere of. प्रकृतिप्रत्ययविभागेन प्रतिपादनरूपं यद् गुणैः प्रापणं तद् उपदेशपदेनात्र गृह्यते । (Uddyota.)

·FIFTH ĀHNIKA ŞŅĀNTĀ SAT 161 genetive case-suffix am, which takes nudagama by the sūtra Şațcaturbhyaśca (7, 1, 55) As soon as astrın becomes aştā, it has an opportunity to lose its satsamjña and consequently âm will have no opportunity to take nudāgama). By reading the word upadēśa, it is avoided. उक्तं वा It has been said. किमुक्तम् ? What has been said ? इह तावत् शतानि सहस्राणि इति 'सन्निपातलक्षणो विधिरनिमित्त तद्विघातस्य इति । Firstly as regards the objection raised with reference to śatāni and sahasrāni, it has already been said that sannipātalakṣaṇo vidhiḥ animittam tadvighātasya. (Šata and sahasra become nakārānta on account of i and hence nakārāntattva will not bring out the loss of i.) अष्टनोप्युक्तम् It has been said even with reference to aştan. किमुक्तम् What has been said ? अष्टनो दीर्घग्रहणं षट्संज्ञाशापकमाकारान्तस्य नुडर्थम् इति । The word dārghāt in the sūtra Aştanā dārghāt (6, 1, 172) suggests that the âkārānta of aştan takes the saţsamjña and consequently the genetive case suffix ām takes nut. Note 1: The sūtra Aştanō dūrghāt means the case-suffixes from śas after ã of aştan become udātta. The word dirghāt is intended to prevent the seventh casesuffix su from becoming udātta. If the ākārānta 21 ·162 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHĀBHĀŞYA of aston does not take șațsamjñā, dārghāt is unnessary since the necessary accent in the seventh case may appear on the strength of the sūtra Jhalyupottamam (6, 1, 180). Hence dirghat suggests that the ākārāntu of astan also takes şațsarjñā. Note 2: Aştano dirghagrahaņam şaț-umjñājñā pakam ākārāntasya nudartham is a vārttika under the sūtra Aştano dirghāt. Hence if uhlam vā is a vārttika, it has to be taken that the past is used for the future. But in Chowkhamba edition it is only a bhāşyavākya. अथवा आकारोऽप्यत्र निर्दिश्यते षकारान्ता नकारान्ता आकारान्ता च सङ्ख्या षट्संज्ञा भवति इति । Or (it may be taken that) à also is mentioned here, so that the sūtra means those numbers which end in s, n and ā take şațsamjñā. Note: Sri Guruprasādaśāstrī thinks that the vārtlika, Ākāranirdēśād vā might have been omitted by the scribe. But the method of treatment seems to suggest that this is the opinion of Mahābhāsyakāra. इहापि तर्हि प्राप्नोति सधमादो द्युम्न एकास्ताः, एका इति । If so, the samjñā will reach the word ēkā found in the sentence sadhamādödyumna ēkāstāḥ. नैष दोषः । एकशब्दोऽयं बह्वर्थः । अस्त्येव संख्यापरः, तद्यथा, एको द्वौ बहव इति । अस्त्यसहायवाची, तद्यथा, एकाग्नयः, एकहानि, एकाकिभिः क्षुद्रकर्जितम् इति - असहायैरित्यर्थः । अस्त्यन्यार्थे वर्तते, तद्यथा प्रजामेका रक्षत्यूर्जमेका इति- अन्येत्यर्थः । सधमादो द्युम्न एकास्ताः अन्या इत्यर्थः । तद्योऽन्याथै वर्तते तस्यैष प्रयोगः । No, this objection does not arise. This word ēka has many meanings. It is a numeral in ēkaḥ, dvāu, bahavaḥ etc. It means one without a companion in ēlāgnayaḥ, ēkahalāni, ēkākibhiḥ kṣudrakāir jitam, ēkākibhiḥ meaning asahāyāih. It ·FIFTH AHNIKA -SNANTA SAT 163 means another in prajām ēkā rakṣati ürjam ēkā, ēkā meaning anyā. Ekāh in sadham adő dyumna ēkāstāḥ means anyah- Hence this is a prayoga where the word ēka is used in the sense of anya. इह तर्हि प्राप्नोति 'द्वाभ्यामिष्टये विंशत्या च' इति । If so șațsamjñā will reach dvă in the sentence, dvābhyām istayē virsatyā ca. Note : In that case ā in bhyām will become udātta by the sūtra şațcaturbhyö halādiņ (6, 1, 179.) एवं तर्हि सप्तमे योगविभागः करिष्यते । अष्टाभ्य औश ; ततः षड्भ्यः, षड्भ्यश्च यदुक्तमष्टाभ्योऽपि तद्भवति; ततो लुक्, लुक् च भवति षड्भ्य इति । % 3 If so, the sūtra (şadbhyö luk which follows Aştābhya āus) in the seventh chapter is split into two. Sadbhyah is read as a separate sutra after Aştābhya āus and it means whatever is said to sat happens to aştan. After it Luk is read as a separate sūtra and it means luk happens to jas and sas following sat. Note: The yogavibhāga suggested here is not done in the seventh chapter under the sūtra şadbhyö luk. अथ वा उपरिष्टाद्योगविभागः करिष्यते अष्टन आ विभक्तौ, ततो रायश्च विभक्तावाकारादेशो भवति, हलि इत्युभयोः शेषः । रायः - Or the sūtra Rayo hali which is read after Astana ā vibhaktāu will be split into two later on thus: Rāyaḥ which means rāi takes akārādēsa before case suffixes and then Hali which means that the atva of aştan and rãi takes place only before the case suffix commencing with a consonant. Note: This yogavibhāga too is not done in the seventh chapter. यद्येवं प्रियाष्टौ प्रियाष्टाः इति न सिध्यति, प्रियायानौ प्रियाष्टानः इति च प्राप्नोति ।

·164 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHABHĂŞYA If so, the forms priyāştāu and privāştāḥ cannot be achieved and priyāstānāu and priyāştānaḥ alone will take their place. Note: The ātva which comes before the case-suffixes beginning with a consonant cannot come before āu and jas and Astābhya ãus will apply only when aştan occupies a primary position and not when it occupies a subordinate position as in the compound priyāştan. यथालक्षणमप्रयुक्ते । As regards a form which is not known to be definitely current and which is not prohibited by any sālra, it should conform to the existing rules of grammar. Or rules of grammar are not concerned with the words which were not and are not current in the world. Note : In the former interpretation aprayulcta has to be taken to mean višiştaprayogābhāvaval and in the latter yathālakṣaṇam has to be taken as yathāalaksanam, where alakşanam means laksaņābhāvah. From what has been said above, it may be clear that, of all the devices suggested by Mahābhāsyakāra not to add upadēša in the sutra, that mentioned under uktam vā seems to be best. eta 5 (1, 1, 24) इदं डतिग्रहणं द्विः क्रियते, ESETHETTI षट्संज्ञायां च । एक शक्य- मकर्तुम् । This word dati is mentioned twice, one with reference to sankhyāsamjñā and another with reference to şațsamjñā. It is possible to dispense with either of the two. FITA? How? यदि तावत्संख्यासंज्ञायां क्रियते षट्संज्ञायां न करिष्यते ।

·FIFTH AHNIKA KTAK TAVATO NISTHA 165 If it is first read in the stitra dealing with sunkhyāsamjñā, it may not be read here with reference to satsainjñā. कथम्? How is the desired object achieved ? 'ष्णान्ता षट्' इत्यत्र डति इत्यनुवर्तिष्यते । The word dti is taken to the stītra şanāntā şaț. Note : Nāgāśabhutta tells us that, in that case, the sūtra should be read as şņāntā ca şaț and ca should be made to suggest that there is anuortti to dati alone. अथ षद्संज्ञायां क्रियते संख्यासंज्ञायां न करिष्यते । Or if it is read-here (i.e) in the siitra enjoining satsanjna, it may not be read in the sūtra enjoining sankhyāsamjñā. कथम्? How is the desired object to the achieved ? 'डति च इत्यत्र संख्यासंज्ञाप्यनुवर्तिष्यते । , The word sankhyāsamjñā too is taken over along with satsamjha. Note: The difficulty here is how to know that there is anuvrtti for sarkhyāsamjñā, except that it is also a numeral. क्तक्तवतू निष्ठा (1, 1, 25) निष्ठासंज्ञायां समानशब्दप्रतिषेधः Prohibition of similar words with reference to nişthasaṁjña. निष्ठासंज्ञायां समानशब्दानां प्रतिषेधो वक्तव्यः, लोतः, गर्तः इति ।

·166 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHĀBHĀŞYA It is to be mentioned that ta in words like lotah (goat) and gariah (pit) which is similar in form to kta is to be prohibited from taking the designation nişthā. निष्ठासंज्ञायां समानशब्दाप्रतिषेधः Non-prohibition of similar words with reference to nisthāsamjna. निष्ठासंज्ञायां समानशब्दानामप्रतिषेधः, अनर्थकः प्रतिषेधः अप्रतिषेधः । Pratişēdha of samānaśabdas with reference to nisthāsarnjñā is not necessary. Aprátişēdha means prohibition which serves no purpose. निष्ठासंज्ञा कस्मान्न भवति ? Why will not nişthāsumjñā reach them? अनुबन्धोऽन्यत्वकरः Anubandhu is the distinguishing mark. अनुबन्धः क्रियते, सोऽन्यत्वं करिष्यति । Anubandha is attached to it and it distinguishes it from another. अनुबन्धोऽन्यत्वकर इति चेन्न लोपात् Anubandha cannot be the distinguishing mark on account of elision. अनुबन्धोऽन्यत्वकर इति चेत्, तन्न । If it is said that anubandha serves as the distinguishing mark, it cannot be. किं कारणम् ? Why? लोपात्; लुप्यतेऽत्र अनुबन्धः; लुप्ते चानुबन्धे नान्यत्वं भवति । तद्यथा- कतरहेवदत्तस्य गृहम् ? अदो यनासौ काक इति। उत्पतिते काके नष्टं तद्गृह भवति । एवमिहापि लुप्तेऽनुबन्धे नष्पः प्रत्ययो भवति ।

·FIFTH ĀHNIKA - KTAKTAVATU NIȘTHĀ 167 On account of elision; anubandha is elided here ; after the anubandha is elided, the word is not distinguished from another. This is illustrated thus:-Which is Devadatta's house ? It is this where the crow is. After the crow is flown, it is not possible to distinguish his house from another. So also the words cannot be distinguished from others after the anubandha is elided. तद्यथा यद्यपि लुप्यते, जानाति त्वसौ 'सानुवन्धकस्य संज्ञा कृता' इति । - इतरत्रापि, कतरद्देवदत्तस्य गृहम् ? अदो यत्रासौ काकः इति, उत्पतिते काके यद्यपि नष्टं तद्गृहं भवति अन्ततस्तमुद्देशं जानाति इति । Though the anubandha is elided, he knows that the sarjñā was given which had anubandha. This too is true elsewhero. When one answers, that it is this where the crow is, to the question, which is Dēvadatta's house, he finally with some effort recognises the house even though the crow has flown and the house has no distinguishing mark. सिद्धविपर्यासश्च यथान्यत्र Certainty of doubt as elsewhere. सिद्धश्च विपर्यासः । यद्यपि जानाति सन्देहस्तु तस्य भवति, अयं स तशब्दो लोतः गतः इति, अयं स तशब्दो लूनः गीर्णः इति । तद्यथा इतरत्रापि, कतरद्देवदत्तस्य गृहम् ? अदो यत्रासौ काकः इति; उत्पतिते काके यद्यपि तमुद्देशं जानाति, सन्देहस्तु तस्य भवति, इदं तद्गृहं इदं तद्गृहम् इति । Doubt is certain. Even though he is able to understand it, doubt arises in his mind whether the ta in lõtah and gartalı is that kta or the na and na in lūnaḥ and girnah is that hta. This is true elsewhere also:-When one answers, that it is this where the crow is, to the question, which is Dēvadatta's house, doubt arises in his mind whether this is his house or or another is his house, even though he finally decides it correctly. कारककालविशेषात् सिद्धं यथान्यत्र ·168 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHABHÁŞYA The object is achieved through the particular kāraka and the particular kāls (denoted by it), as elsewhere. कारककालविशेषावुपादेयौ । भूते यस्तशब्दः कर्तरि कर्मणि भावे च इति । तद्यथा- इतरत्रापि य एप मनुष्यः प्रेक्षापूर्वकारी भवति, सोऽध्रुवेण निमित्तेन ध्रुवं निमित्तमुपादत्ते, वेदिकां पुण्डरीकं वा । Both a particular karala and a particular kāla must be denoted by it. The ta denotes past-tense and one of the three harakas kartr, karman or bhāva. It is illustrated elsewhere too thus. He who is a man of foresight sees a permanent distinguishing mark-a raised platform lotus-like structure through the impermanent one. एवमपि 'प्राकीट' इत्यत्रापि प्राप्नोति । or Even admitting what is said above, the doubt will arise in the form prākīrstu. लुङि सिजादिदर्शनात् (No), on account of the presence of sic etc. in lun. लुङि सिजादिदर्शनान्न भविष्यति | The doubt does not arise since sic etc is seen in the aorist. यत्र तर्हि सिजादयो न दृश्यन्ते 'प्राभित्त' इति? What about the cases where sijādis are not seen ? दृश्यन्तेऽत्रापि सिजादयः Sijādis are seen even here. किं वक्तव्यमेतत्? Is this to be said ? न हि It need not be said.

·FIFTH AHNIKA -KTAKTAVATO NISTHA 169 कथमनुच्यमानं गंस्यते ? How is it to be understood if it is not said ? यथैवायमनुपदिष्टान् कारककालविशेषानवगच्छति, एवमेतदप्यवगन्तुमर्हति यत्र सिजादयो न इति । As he understands the particular kāla and the particular kāraka though they are not mentioned, so also he understands here even without sic. FIFTH ĀHNIKA ENDS 22 ·SIXTH AHNIKA Halciat pefaretha (1, 1, 26) There are five topics dealt with here :-(1) What compound is sarvādīni? (3) Distinction between nipātana and pratişēdha through the absence of nutva in sarvanāmāni. (3) The need or otherwise of pratișēdha of the words sarva etc. which serve as samjñā or which are upusarjana, (4) and (5) The purpose served by including the words abha and bhavat in the sarvādi list. I ? सर्वादीनीति कोऽयं समासः What compound is thissarvādīni ? बहुव्रीहिरित्याह He says that it is bahuvrīki. कोऽस्य विग्रहः? What is its vigraha ? सर्वशब्द आदिर्येषां तानि इमानि इति । Sarvaḥ ādiņ yēsām tāni imūni. Note : The word tāni will do and the word imāni is unnecessary. It therefore suggests that sarvādīni is tadgunasarvijñānabahuvrīhi. Tadguṇasarvijñānam means that which clearly clearly tells us that the viśēşaņas also take part in the action denoted by the predicate of the viśēsya.? ART 1. Of. तद्गुणसंविज्ञानम् अन्यपदार्थस्य, गुणाः उपलक्षणानि, तेषामपि कार्य संविज्ञानम् (Pradipa) ; उपलक्षणानि = प्रकारतया अन्वयानि (Uddybta), ·SIXTH AHNIKA - SARVĀDINI SARVANĀMÁNI 171 यद्येवं सर्वशब्दस्य सर्वनामसंज्ञा न प्राप्नोति । If so, the word sarva cannot get the designation sarvanama. किं कारणम् ? Why? अन्यपदार्थत्वात् बहुव्रीहेः Since the denotation of a bahuvrihi is one other than those of the constituent elements. बहुव्रीहिरयमन्यपदार्थे वर्तते, तेन यदन्यत्सर्वशब्दात् । तस्य सर्वनामसंज्ञा प्राप्नोति । तद्यथा, चित्रगुरानीयताम् इत्युक्ते यस्य ता गावो भवन्ति स आनीयते, न गावः । This-bahuvrīhi compound denotes anyapadārtha and hence all the words other than the word sarva gets the sarvanāma. sarjñā. For instance if one says "Let citragu be brought here', the person who has cows of variegated colours is brought and not the cows of that type. नैष दोषः ; भवति हि बहुव्रीहौ तद्गुणसंविज्ञानमपि | तद्यथा, चित्र- वाससमानय, लोहितोष्णीषा ऋत्विजः प्रचरन्ति इति तद्गुण आनीयते, तद्गुणाश्च प्रचरन्ति । This objection cannot stand, for there is also tadgunasanvijñāna in bahuvrihi. For instance if it is said, 'Bring him dressed in fine clothes, • Rtviks with red turban move on, the man in that dress is brought and the rtviks with red turban are moving. II इह सर्वनामानि इति 'पूर्वपदात्संज्ञायामगः' इति णत्वं प्राप्नोति, तस्य प्रतिषेधो वक्तव्यः । On the authority of the sūtra Purvapadāt sarjñāyām agah (8,4, 3), there should be natva in the word sarvanāmāni ;

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but there is no natva and hence pratişēdha to that rule has to
be mentioned.
सर्वनामसंज्ञायां निपातनाण्णत्वाभावः
Absence of natva in sarvanāmasamjñā on account of
nipātana.
सर्वनामसंज्ञायां निपातनाण्णत्वं न भविष्यति ।
Ņatva does not take place in the designation sarvanāma,
since it is so read by Acārya.
किमेतन्निपातनं नाम
What is meant by nipātana ? (i. e.) what purpose does
nipatana serve ?
अथ कः प्रतिषेधो नाम?
What, then, is meant by pratisedha?
अविशेषेण किञ्चिदुक्त्वा विशेषेण न इत्युच्यते, तत्र व्यक्तमाचार्यस्याभिप्रायो
गम्यते इदं न भवति इति ।
A general rule having been made, it is said that it does
not take place in particular cases. In such cases it is learnt
that the view of the Acārya is that the general rule does not
apply there.
निपातनमप्येवंजातीयकमेव । अविशेषेण णत्वमुक्त्वा विशेषेण निपातनं
क्रियते, तत्र व्यक्तमाचार्यस्याभिप्रायो गम्यते इदं न भवति इति ।
Nipātana too is of the same nature. The general rule
about natva having been made, one without natva is read.
There it is learnt that the view of the Acārya is that the
general rule does not apply here.
ननु च निपातनाचाणत्वं स्यात्, यथाप्राप्त च णत्वम् ।

·SIXTH AHNIKA. SARVĀDINI SARVANĀMĀNI 173 Oh, there may not be natva in the place where there is nipātana and it cannot prevent the general rule with which ņatva takes place. Note : From this he means that the word where Acārya has not made use of ratva need not be taken to be incorrect, but any other man who wishes to use the word may make use of natva following the general rule. किमन्येप्येवं विधयः? Are there other rules similar to this? भवन्ति । There are. इको यणचि इति वचनाञ्च यण् स्यात् , यथाप्राप्तश्च इक् श्रूयेत । Here with reference the sūtra Iko yan aci, yan may take the place of įk by the sutra or ik may stand by itself without undergoing change. नैष दोषः । अस्त्यत्र विशेषः ; षष्ठ्या अत्र निर्देशः क्रियते, षष्ठी च पुनः स्थानिनं निवर्तयति । ; ; This argument cannot stand ; for there is a peculiarity here; the relationship is mentioned through the sixth case suffix and it makes the sthanin disappear. इह तर्हि, कर्तरि सप , दिवादिभ्यः श्यन् इति, वचनाच्च श्यन् स्यात्, यथाप्राप्तश्च शप् श्रूयेत । Here then with reference to the sūtras Kartari sap (3, 1, 68) and Divādibhyaḥ śyan (3, 1, 69), divādi takes syan on account of the sūtra Divādibhyaḥ śyan and also sap which may come from the sūtra Kartari sap. Note : The difference between this and the previous case is that şaşthī is found there to make the sthānin disappear and it is not found here.

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नैष दोषः; शवादेशाः श्यन्नादयः करिष्यन्ते ।
This difficulty does not arise ; syan etc. are taken as the
ādisas of Sap.
तत्तर्हि शपो ग्रहणं कर्तव्यम् ।
If so, the word sapah is to be read.
न कर्तव्यम् ; प्रकृतमनुवर्तते ।
No, it need not be read ; the word sap which is near at
hand is taken over here.
क प्रकृतम् ?
Which is near at hand ?
कर्तरि शप् इति ।
Śap in the (previous) sutra Kartari sap.
तद्वै प्रथमानिर्दिष्टं षष्ठीनिर्दिष्टेन चेहार्थः ।
It is in the first case and we have here to do with the
sixth case.
दिवादिभ्यः इत्येषा पञ्चमी शबिति प्रथमायाः षष्ठी प्रकल्पयिष्यति तस्मा-
दित्युत्तरस्येति ।
The fifth case in the word divādibhyah enables sap in the
first case to be changed to the sixth case on the strength of
the paribhāşā Tasmād ityutlarasya.
प्रत्ययविधिरयं, न प्रत्ययविधौ पञ्चम्यः प्रकल्पिका भवन्ति ।
This is a rule dealing with pratyayas and here the fifth
case cannot enable the first case to be changed to the sixth
case.
नायं प्रत्ययविधिः; विहितः प्रत्ययः; प्रकृतश्चानुवर्तते ।

·SIXTH ĀHNIKA - SARVADINI SARVANĀMĀNI 175 This is not a pratyayavidhi; the pratyaya has been enjoined (by the previous sitra); the word near at hand is taken over here. .. इह तर्हि अव्ययसर्वनानामकच् प्राक् टेः इति वचनाच्च अकच् स्यात् , यथाप्राप्तश्च कः श्रूयेत | Here then the prutyaya akac makes its appearance by the sūtra Avyayasarvanāmnām akac prāk tē” (5, 3, 71) and also ka may appear by the sūtra Prāgivāt kah (5, 3, 70). नैष दोषः । नाप्राप्ते हि केऽकजारभ्यते, स बाधको भविष्यति । No, this difficulty does not arise ; since akuc is not enjoined in place where ka does appear, it becomes badhaku to it. निपातनमप्येवंजातीयकमेव; नाप्राप्ते णत्वे निपातनमारभ्यते, तद्वाधकं भविष्यति । Nipātana too is of the same nature; since nipātana is made where natva has a definite chance to appear, it becomes its badhaka. यदि तर्हि निपातनान्यप्येवंजातीयकानि भवन्ति, समस्तते दोषो भवति । इह अन्ये वैयाकरणाः विभाषामलोपमारभन्ते 'समो हिततयोर्वा' इति-सततं सन्ततं, सहितं सहितम् इति । इह पुनर्भवान् निपातनाञ्च लोपमिच्छति 'अपर- स्पराः क्रियासातत्ये इति, यथाप्राप्तं चालोपं सन्ततम् इति । एतन्न सिध्यति । If then nipātanas are of this nature, there will be difficulty with reference to (the preposition) sam when followed by tata. Other grammarians have read the sūtra Samo hitatatayõr vā, by which there is optional absence of lõpa of m of sam before tata - satatam, santatam, sahitam, samhitum. But, on the other hand, you wish to have the lõpa of m by the nipātana sātatya in the sūtra Aparasparāḥ kriyāsātatyē (6, 1, 141). The non-elision in santatam may not be accomplished. कर्तव्योऽत्र यत्नः । Attempt should be made in this respect, ·176 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHABHĀŞYA Note: Kāiyata says that the forms santata and satata should be achieved on the strength of the verse लुम्पेदवश्यमः कृत्ये तुम् काममनसोरपि । समो वा हितततयोर्मासस्य पचि युड्घङोः ॥ बाधकान्येव हि निपातनानि भवन्ति । Since nipātanas are evidently bâdhakas. Note : The discussion on the above two topics is Mahābhāşyakāra's own. III संज्ञोपसर्जनप्रतिषेधः Prohibition of sarvādi which are samjñā or upasarjana. संशोपसर्जनीभूतानां सर्वादीनां प्रतिषेधो वक्तव्यः । सर्वो नाम कश्चित्, तस्मै सर्वाय देहि ; अतिसर्वाय देहि । Prohibition has to be made that the words found in the list of sarvādi do not take sarvanāmasarjñā if they happen to be names of persons or things or if they happen to occupy a secondary position as a member of certain compound words. Sarva is the name of a man; tasmãi Sarvāya dēhi ; atisarvāya dēhi. Note 1: The cvi in samiñõprisarjunībhūtānām suggests that originally they were not samjñās and the upasarjanatva also is only ārõpita.1 1. C. गणपठितेभ्यः संज्ञोपसर्जनानां भेदात् संज्ञाया अप्राप्तौ प्रतिषेधानर्थक्यमिति शङ्काव्युदासाय भाष्ये विरुपात्त इति भावः । तत्तत्पदत्वारोपवत् तदर्थे उपसर्जनत्वमपि आरोपितमिति च्वेरुपपत्तिरिति तात्पर्यम् (Uddyota.)

·SIXTH ĀHNIKA - SARVĀDINI SARVANĀMĀNI 177 Note 2: If Sarva is the name of a person, the fourth-case singular form is Sarvāya and not Sarvasmāi: similarly the fourth-case singular form of atisarva (one who excelled all) is atisarvāya and not atisarvasmāi. स कथं कर्तव्यः? How is it to be done ? पाठात्पर्युदासः, पठितानां संज्ञाकरणम् The list excludes others and giving of saṁjñā to those that are in the list. पाठादेव पर्युदासः कर्तव्यः। शुद्धानां पठितानां संज्ञा कर्तव्या । सर्वादीनि सर्वनामसंझानि भवन्ति, संज्ञोपसर्जनीभूतानि न सर्वादीनि । Exclusion has to be done to those that are not read in the list. Samjñā is to be given to those that are clearly read in the list. The words commencing with sarva take the sarvanāmasamjñā and not those which are names of objects or which are upasarjana in their nature, किमविशेषेण: Does this hold good only when sarvanāmakārya is enjoined to all sarvādis ? नेत्याह; विशेषेण च । No, says he ; it holds good even when sarvanāmakarya is enjoined to some of them. किं प्रयोजनम् ? What for should it be taken so ? सर्वाद्यानन्तर्यकार्यार्थम् For the sake of karya enjoined to those that are after sarva. 23 ·178 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHĀBHĀŞYA - सर्वादीनामानन्तर्येण यदुच्यते कार्य तदपि संज्ञोपसर्जनीभूतानां मा भूत् इति । So that the kārya enjoined to those that are read after sarva in the list may not apply to them if they are sainjñā or upasarjana. किं प्रयोजनम्। Where does this apply? प्रयोजनं डतरादीनामद्ड्भावे The application is where datarādis take adạbhāva. डतरादीनामद्ड्भावे प्रयोजनम् ; अतिक्रान्तमिदं ब्राह्मणकुलं कतरत् अतिकतरं ब्राह्मणकुलम् । The application is where the sülra Adə datarādibhyaḥ pañcabhyah (7, 1, 25) operates so that katara eto. become katarat. If the same is upasarjana as in ati-kataram in the sentence ati-kataram brāhmaṇakulam where atikataram is split as atikrāntam katarat, the sūtra does not operate. त्यदादिविधौ च In tyadādividhi too. त्यदादिविधौ च प्रयोजनम् ; अतिका तोऽयं ब्राह्मणस्तं, अतितद्राह्मणः । The application is also where the sūtra Tyadādīnām aḥ (7, 2, 102) operates, so that atilcrāntah ayam brāhmanah tam becomes atitadbrāhmaṇaḥ and not atisaḥ brāhmaṇaḥ. संज्ञाप्रतिषेधस्तावन्न वक्तव्यः । उपरिष्टाद् योगविभागः करिष्यते पूर्व- परावरदक्षिणोत्तरापराधराणि व्यवस्थायाम्, ततः असंज्ञायाम् इति । सर्वादीनी- त्येवं यान्यनुक्रान्तानि असंज्ञायां तानि द्रष्टव्यानि । Firstly sarjñāpratişēdha need not be mentioned; for in the ganasūtra Pūrvaparāvaradakşinõttarā parādharāni vyavasthayām asamjñāyām is going to be split as a separate one so that it ·SIXTH ÄHNIKA SARVĀDINI SARVANĀMĀNI 179 may be interpreted that the words read in the list sarvādi refer only to those that are not samjñās. उपसर्जनप्रतिषेधश्च न कर्तव्यः । अनुपसर्जनात् इत्येष योगः प्रत्याख्यायते, तमेवम् अभिसंभन्त्स्यामः अनुपसर्जन - अ - अत् इति । Upasarjanapratişēdha too need not be mentioned. The sūtra Anupasarjanāt (4, 1, 14) is going to be certified unnecessary. We shall explain that sūtra thus: Anupasarjana-a-at Note: The sūtra Anupasarjanāt is stated to be unnecessary by the Varttikakāra in the vārttika Anupasarjanagrahanam anarthakam prātipadikēna tadantavidhipratişēdhāt. But Mahābhāşyakāra, under the sūtra, feels the necessity of the sūtra, since otherwise the form kāumbhakārzya cannot be got. Here we have to take that he proceeds on the basis of the Varttikakara's view. किमिदम् अ-अत् इति What is meant by a-at ? अकारात्कारौ शिष्यमाणो अनुपसर्जनस्य द्रष्टव्यौ । The akāra and atkāra that are enjoined are with reference to those that are anupasarjana. Note: Anupasarjana is the sixth-case with the case-suffix dropped. Akāra is enjoined by Tyadādīnām ah and atkāra is enjoined by add datarādibhyaḥ. यद्येवम् अतियुष्मत् अत्यस्मत् इति न सिध्यति । If so, the forms atiyuşmat and alyasmat cannot be got [since yuşmad and asmad being upasarjana here, the sūtra Pañcamyā at (7, 1, 31) cannot operate). प्रश्लिष्टनिर्देशोऽयम् - अनुपसर्जन - अ अ- अत् इति अकारान्तात् अकारात्कारौ शिष्यमाणो अनुपसर्जनस्य द्रष्टव्यौ ।

·180 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHABHĀŞYA This sūtra should be split thus : anupasarjana-a-at so that it may mean that the a and at enjoined after a is with reference to anupasarjana. Note 1: Here the first a is in the fifth case with the case-suffix dropped. The next a and at may become at (samāhāradvandva). Note 2 : Mahābhāsyakāra's refuting Värttikakāra's opinion of samjñāpasarjanapratişēdha is defective, because he bases his argument on a different interpretation which he gives to the sūtra Anupasarjanūt, though he wants it in its original sense to achieve the form kāumbhakārēya. अथवा अङ्गाधिकारे यदुध्यते, गृह्यमाणविभक्तेस्तद्भवति । Or that which is enjoined in the aigādhikūra, operates to the suffix which fittingly follows the stem mentioned. यद्येवं परमपञ्च परमसप्त, षड्भ्यो लुक् इति लुक् न प्राप्नोति । If so, the case-suffixes jas and sas cannot drop after paramapañca and paramasapta by the sūtra şadbhyö luk. Note: The objector means that only pañcan and saptan como under samjñā and not paramapañcan and paramasaptan. नैष दोषः, षप्रधान एष समासः । This objection cannot stand, since the important member in the compounds is only șaț (i.e.) pañcan and saptan. इह तर्हि प्रियंसंक्थ्ना ब्राह्मणेन, अनङ् न प्राप्नोति । If so, [(i.e.) yad angādhikarē ucyatē tad grhyamāņavibhaktē” bhavati ], anan cannot appear in sakthi in the bahuvrihi compound priyasakthnā (brāhmaṇēna), since the word sakthi alone is read in the sülra Asthi-dadhi-sakthi-akşnām anan udāttaḥ (7, 1, 75).

·SIXTH AHNIKA. SARVĀDINI SARVANĀMĀNI 181 सप्तमीनिर्दिष्टे यदुच्यते प्रकृतविभक्तौ तद्भवति । That which is enjoined on account of something that follows may operate everywhere. Note: The anan takes place only when sakthi is followed by a case-suffix beginning with a vowel other than those of the first two cases. यद्येवं अतितत् अतितदौ अतितदः इति, अत्वं प्राप्नोति । If so, the atva which is enjoined by the sūtra Tyadādīnām aḥ when tyadādi is followed by a case-suffix) will operate in the forms atitat, atitadāu and atitadah. तच्चापि वक्तव्यम् । Then it deserves mention that it does not operate there. न वक्तव्यम् । इह तावत्, अद्ड् डतरादिभ्यः पञ्चभ्यः इति पञ्चमी, अङ्गस्य इति षष्ठी, तत्राशक्यं भिन्नविभक्तित्वात् । डसरादिभ्य इति पञ्चम्या अङ्गं विशेषयितुम् । तत्र किमन्यत् शक्यं विशेषयितुमन्यदतो विहितात्प्रत्ययात्, डतरादिभ्यो यो विहित इति । इहेदानीम् अस्थिदधिसक्थ्यक्ष्णामनदात्तः इति, त्यदादीनामो भवति इति, अस्थ्यादीनामित्येषा षष्ठी, अङ्गस्य इत्यपि, त्यदादीना- मिस्यपि षष्ठी, अङ्गस्य इत्यपि । तत्र कामचारः, गृह्यमाणेन वा विभक्तिं विशेष- यितुम् अङ्गेन वा; यावता कामचारः, इह तावत् अस्थिदधिसक्थ्यक्ष्णामनङदात्तः इति अङ्गेन विभक्ति विशेषयिष्यामः अस्थ्यादीनामिति ; इहेदानीं त्यदादीनामो भवति इति, गृह्यमाणेन विभाक्तिं विशेषयिष्यामः, अङ्गेन अकारं, त्यदादीनां विभक्तौ ओ भवति अङ्गस्य इति । It need not be mentioned. Firstly here is the fifth-case in datarādibhyaḥ pañcabhyaḥ and there is the sixth-case in angasya and since they are of different cases, it is impossible to take datarādibhyah as the adjunct of anga sya. Hence which is possible to be qualified by datarādibhyah other than the 1. aia hlaricare is another reading.

·182 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHABHASYA suffix enjoined after it? But, on the other hand, with reference to the sūtras Asthi-dadhi-sakthyakşnām annn udāttaḥ and T'yadādīnām aḥ, there is the sixth-case both in asthyādīnām and angasya and both in tyadādīnām and angasya. There we are at liberty to make asthyādi or tyadādi which are mentioned or the anga to qualify the case-suffix. Since there is kāmacāra, we shall, in the sūtra Asthi-dadhi-sakthyakışnām anar udāttaḥ first, make anga qualify vibhakti and asthyādi qualify anan, so that the sūtra means, when the arga is followed by vibhakti, asthyādi takes anar and we shall, in the sūlra Tyadādīnām ah, make tyudādi qualify vibhakti and anga qualify akāra, so that the sūtra, means that, when tyadadi is followed by vibhakti, arga takes akūra. यद्येवम् अतिसः, अत्वं न प्राप्नोति । If so, atva may not be found in atisah. नैष दोषः, त्यदादिप्रधान एष समासः । No, there is no possibility for this defect, since tyadadi is the important member in the compound. Note : Considering the difficulty experienced under the argument argādhikārë yad ucyalē, grhyamāņavibhaktēs tad bhavati, Mahābhāsyakāra resorts to another line of argument. अथवा नेदं संशाकरणं, पाठविशेषणमिदम्, सर्वेषां यानि नामानि तानि सर्वादीनि ; संशोपसर्जने च विशेषेऽवतिष्ठते । Or this sarvanāmāni - is not a sanjñā, but it is the adjunct to sarvādīni which is read (in the ganapātha) and hence the sūtra means sarvadini refers to those names which are applied to all and such as are samjñā or upasarjana refer only to particular objects. यद्येवं संज्ञाश्रयं यत्कार्य तन्न सिध्यति, सर्वनाम्नः स्मै, आमि सर्वनाम: सुट् इति ।

·SIXTH AHNIKA - SARVĀDINI SARVANĀMĀNI 183 If so, the kārya which is enjoined to those that have got sarvanāmasamjñā as smai and suț enjoined in the sūtras Sarvanāmnaḥ smāi and āmi sarvanāmnaḥ sut may not take place. अन्वर्थग्रहणं तत्र विज्ञास्यते, सर्वेषां यन्नाम तत् सर्वनाम ; सर्वनाम्न हुः स्मै भवति, सवनान्न उत्तरस्य आमः सुड् भवति । The word sarvanāman there is taken in the sense that which is the name of all so that it may be true to its sense and hence the two stītras are interpreted thus: Smūi takes the place of nē which follows sarvanānan and ām after sarvanaman takes the agama suſ. यद्येवं, सकलं, कृत्स्नं, जगत् इत्यत्रापि प्राप्नोति । एतेषां चापि शब्दाना- मेकैकस्य स स विषयः, तस्मिंस्तस्मिन् विषये यो यः शब्दो वर्तते, तस्य तस्य तस्मिंस्तस्मिन् वर्तमानस्य सर्वनामकार्य प्राप्नोति । If so, they will operate even with reference to the words sakalam, krtsnam and jagat. Each of these sabdas has for its denotation all and hence when each is used, it may get the sarvanāmakārya. एवं तर्हि उभयमनेन क्रियते; पाठश्चैव विशेष्यते, संज्ञा च । If so, both are attained by this - sarvanāmāni; - it qualifies sarvādīni and serves as samjñā too. कथं पुनरेकेन यत्नेनोभयं लभ्यम् ? How is it possible to achieve two ends with one means ? लभ्यमित्याह It can be achieved, he says. कथम् ? How? एकशेषनिर्देशात् । एकशेषनिर्देशोऽयम्; सर्वादीनि च सर्वादीनि च सर्वादीनि, सर्वनामानि च सर्वनामानि च सर्वनामानि; सर्वादीनि सर्वनाम- संशानि भवन्ति ; सर्वेषां यानि च नामानि तानि सर्वादीनि । संशोपसर्जने च विशेष अवतिष्ठते ।

·184 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHĀBHĀŞYA By taking them as ēkasēşa. This sūtra contains words which are ēkaśēşasamāsas; sarvādīni is split as sarvādīni ca sarvadini ca and sarvanāmāni as sarvanāmâni cu sarvanāmāni ca. (Hence the sutra means) that sarvādi takes sarvanāmasarjñā and sarvādīni are those that serve as the name for all. Samjñā and upasarjana denote only individual objects. Note : Which determines that sarvādīni and sarvanāmāni are ēkasēsas is not clear. Hence Mahābhāsyakāra takes recourse to another line of argument. अथवा, महती संज्ञा क्रियते ; संज्ञा च नाम यतो न लघीयः । Or a long sarjñā is given here and saijñā is always in a form than which nothing is shorter ? कुत एतत् ? What is the source for saying so ? लवर्थ हि संज्ञाकरणम् For, giving samjñā is only for ease of sästrapravrtti. तत्र महत्याः संज्ञायाः करणे एतत्प्रयोजनम्, अन्वर्थसंक्षा यथा विज्ञायेत; सर्वादीनि सर्वनामसंज्ञानि भवन्ति, सर्वेषां नामानीति चातः सर्वनामानि; संशोपसर्जने च विशेपेऽवतिष्ठते । The henefit of giving a long samjñā there is that it should be taken to be anvartha; sarvādīni take the sarvanāmasamjñā and they are so called since they are used to denote all objects ; samjñā and upasarjana refer only to individuals. Note : Vārttikakāra's view is that there is the necessity for the mention of samjñõpasarjanapratişēdha. Mahābhāsyakāra achieves that purpose by taking the samjñā sarvanāma to be anvartha. IV STETTHET POSTAGE forset:? What is the purpose served by allowing ubha take the samjñā sarvanāma?

·SIXTH AHNIKA - SARVĀDINI SARVANĀMĀNI 185 उभस्य सर्वनामत्वेऽकजर्थः Ubha's taking sarvanāmasarjñā is for the sake of akac. उभस्य सर्वनामत्वेऽकजर्थः : पाठः क्रियते, उभको । The word uha is included in the list with reference to the sarvanāmasarjñā for the sake of akac, so that the form ubhakau is achieved. किमुच्यते अकजर्थ इति, न पुनरन्यान्यपि सर्वनामकार्याणि? Why is it that akac alone is said and not other sarvanāmakāryas ? अन्याभावः द्विवचनटाविषयत्वात् Absence of others since it takes the dual suffix or tāp after it. अन्येषां सर्वनामकार्याणामभावः There is the absence of other sarvanāmakāryas. किं कारणम् ? Why? द्विवचनटाविपयत्वात् ; उभशब्दोऽयं द्विवचनटाविषयः; अन्यानि च सर्वनामकार्याण्येकवचनबहुवचनेषूच्यन्ते । Since it takes only the dual suffix and tap after it; this word uhha takes only the dual suffix and tāp after it. All the other sarvanāmakāryas have reference only to singular and plural.. Note: Since ţābvişayaḥ has to be taken in the sense of tāpsahitadvivacanavişayah, Nāgājibhatta says ļābgrahanam anuvādamātram nāpūrvam iti tátparyam. यदा पुनरयमुभशब्दो द्विवचनटाविषयः, क इदानीमस्थान्यत्र भवति? If this ubha is used only when it is followed by dual suffix or tāp, what form takes its place elsewhere 24 ·186 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHABHASYA उभयोऽन्यत्र Ubhaya elsewhere. उभयशब्दोऽस्यान्यत्र भवति उभये देवमनुष्याः, उभयो मणिः इति । The word ubhaya is used in its place elsewhere-viz. ubhayā dēvamanuşyāḥ (both the classes of dēvas and manusyas), ubhayo maṇiḥ (maņi of two kinds). किं च स्याद् यद्यत्र अकज् न स्यात् ? What happens if akac does not come here? कः प्रसज्येत । The suffix ka will have an opportunity to come. कश्चेदानी काकचोविशेषः? What, then, is the difference between lsa and alcac. Note: Kaiyata says that there is no difference either in the form of the word or in its accent. उभशब्दोऽयं द्विवचनटाविषय इत्युक्तम् । तत्राकचि सति अकचस्तन्मध्य- पतितत्वात् शक्यते एतद्वक्तुं द्विवचनपरोऽयम् इति । के पुनः सति, नायं द्विवचनपरः स्यात्। तत्र द्विवचनपरता वक्तव्या । It is said that this word ubha is dvivacanatūbvişilya. If it is made to take akac-pratyaya, ubha may be considered to have dvivacana follow it, since akac is an infix. If, on the other hand, it is made to take ka-pratyaya, it cannot be considered that the dvivacana follows it; it has, then, to be mentioned that it should be deemed to have dvivacana follow it. Note: When ubha takes akac, it is inserted before the final syllable, by the Sūtra Avyaya-sarvanāmnām akac prāk tēń (5, 3, 71) thus : ubh+alc+a and hence ak may be considered to be between the parts of the word ubha.

·SIXTH ĀHNIKA-SARVĀDINI SARVANĀMĀNI 187 यथैव तर्हि के सति नायं द्विवचनपरः, एवमाप्यपि सति नायं द्विवचनपरः स्यात् । तत्रापि द्विवचनपरता वक्तव्या । Just as this does not have dvivacana after it, if it is taken to have ka-pratyaya after it, so also it cannot have dvivacana after it, if it is followed by tāp; it has to be mentioned, there too, that it should be deemed to have dvivacana after it. अवचनादाऽपि तत्परविज्ञानम् 1 अन्तरेणापि वचनमापि द्विवचनपरोऽयं भविष्यति । It is understood to have dvivacana follow it even without mention, when it is followed by tāp; even without any statement it eventually has dvivacana after it. किं वक्तव्यमेतत् ? Is it to be stated ? Note : All the existing editions seem to have the reading kim vaktavyam ētat. The same reading alone seems to have been found by Nāgājibhatta. He was not satisfied with it and has hence stated bhramamülako oũ prasah. But it seems to me that na was left out by the scribe. न हि । It need not. कथमनुच्यमानं गंस्यते? How can it be so understood if it is not mentioned ? एकादेशे कृते द्विवचनपरोऽयमन्तादिवद्भावेन । After the final a of ubha and ā are replaced by ā, it is considered to have dvivacana follow it by antādivadbhāva. 1. This is considered to be a vārttika by some.

·190 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHĀBHĀŞYA He is going to mention the prohibitive sūtra Na bahuvrīhāu and it is not possible to know from it where there is vibhāṣā and where pratișēdha. If the word dik is read here, the difficulty is solved and it is understood that there is vibhāsā if one member of the compound is a word denoting direction and that there is pratişēdha in other cases. II अथ समासग्रहणं किमर्थम् ? What for is, then, the mention of the word samāsa.? समास एव यो बहुव्रीहिः तत्र यथा स्याद्, बहुव्रीहिवद्भावेन यो वहुव्रीहिः तत्र मा भूत् इति - दक्षिणदक्षिणस्यै देहि इति । So that the vibhāşā takes place only where there is actual bahuvrīhi-samāsa and not where one is considered like a bahuvrihi as in the word laksina-dakşiņasyāi? in dakšiņadaksinasyāi dēhi. III अथ वहुव्रीहिग्रहणं किमर्थम् ? What for is then the mention of bahuvrihi? द्वन्द्वे मा भूत् - दक्षिणोत्तरपूर्वाणाम् इति । So that the sarvanāmasamjña may not operate in dvandva compound viz. dakşiņõtlara pūrvāņām. नैतदस्ति प्रयोजनम्, द्वन्द्वे च इति प्रतिषेधो भविष्यति । - No, this is not the benefit, since the pratişēdha results from the sūtra Dvandvē ca. नाप्राप्त प्रतिषेधे इयं विभाषा आरभ्यते; सा यथैव न बहुव्रीहौ इत्येतं प्रतिषेधं बाधते, एवं द्वन्द्वे च इत्येतमपि बाधेत । 1. This form is based on the sūtra Abādhe ca (8, 1, 10) whose vytli is pīdāyām dyõlyāyām dvē stan, bahuvrihivacca.

·SIXTH ĀHNIKA — VIBHĀŞĀ DIKSAMĀSĒ BAHUVRĪHẬU 191 There is mention of this vibhāşā when pratişēdha has a definite chance to operate. Just as it affects the pratişēdha enjoined by the sūtra Na bahuvrīhāu, so also it affects the pratişēdha enjoined by the sūtra Dvandvē ca. न बाधते । No, it does not affect it. किं कारणम्! Why? येन नाप्राप्ते तस्य बाधनं भवति । न चाप्राप्ते न बहुव्रीहौ इत्येदस्मिन् प्रतिषेधे इयं विभाषा आरभ्यते; द्वन्द्वे च इत्येतस्मिन् पुनः प्राप्ते चाप्राप्ते च । It affects that which invariably operates This vibhāṣā is read when Na bahuvrīhāu operates completely ; but, on the other hand, Dvandvē ca does not operate completely. Note : The sūtra Na bahuvrīhāu has for its range of operation the entire bahuvrihi compound; but Dvandvē ca does not have for its range of operation the entire dvandva compound, since there is vikalpa by the sūtra Vibhāṣā jasi. अथ वा पुरस्तादपवादा अनन्तरान्विधीन् बाधन्ते नोत्तरान् इत्यवमियं विभाषा 'न बहुव्रीहौ' इत्येतं प्रतिषेधं बाधिष्यते, द्वन्द्वे च इत्येतं प्रतिषेध न बाधिष्यते । Or the preceding apavādas affect those which immediately succeed them and not those after them. Hence this vibhāşā affects only the pratişēdha in the sūtra Na bahuvrīhāu and not in the sūtra Dvandvē ca. अथ वा इदं तावदयं प्रष्टव्यः, इह कस्मान भवति - या पूर्वा सा उत्तरा अस्य उन्मुग्धस्य सोऽयं पूवोत्तर उन्मुग्धः तस्मै -- पूर्वोत्तराय देहि इति । Or he is to be questioned why the vibhāşā does not operate in the form pūrvõttarāya in the expression pūrvõttarāya dēhi, where pūrvõttura means one who thinks uttarā as pūrvā on account of some derangement in brain and is split thus pūrvā uttarā yasya saḥ.

·188 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHĀBHĀŞYA अवचनादापि तत्परविज्ञानमिति चेत्केऽपि तुल्यम् । अवचनादापि तत्परविज्ञानमिति चेत् केऽपि अन्तरेण वचनं द्विवचनपरो भविष्यति । If it is said that it is known to be followed by dvivacana even though tāp intercedes, it is the same when ka intercedes, If it is known that it is followed by dvivacana even when tap intercedes, it evidently follows that it is followed by dvivacana even when ka intercedes. Note: On considering the statement in the Prāudhamanāramā “ Bhūşyē pratyākhyānam prāudhivādamālram”, it seems that the statement avacanādāpi tatparavijñānam iti cēt kvēpi tulyam is Mahābhāşyakāra's own and not Varttikakāra's. It is not easy to understand how even those who consider the statement avacanād āpi tatparavijñānam as Mahābhāşyakāra's have taken this to be a vārttika. कथम् ? How? स्वार्थिकाः प्रत्ययाः प्रकृतितोऽविशिष्टा भवन्ति इति प्रकृतिग्रहणेन स्वार्थिका नामपि ग्रहणं भवति । On the basis of the dictum that the affixes used in svärtha have no sense other than that of the stem, they are taken as part of the stem. Note: From this it is clear that, according to Mahābhāsyakāra, ubha need not be read in sarvādi list. V अथ भवतः सर्वनामत्वे कानि प्रयोजनानि? What are the benefits accrued by considering bhavat as sarvanāma ? 1. This is considered to be a parttika by many.

·SIXTH ĀHNIKA — VIBHĀŞĀ DIKSAMĀSĒ BAHUVRIHÁU 189 भवतोऽकच्छेषात्वानि - Bhavat takes akac, remains as sēşa and takes ātva. भवतोऽकच्छेषात्वानि प्रयोजनानि । अकच् भवकान्; शेषः भवांश्च, भवन्तौ; आत्वम् भवादृक् इति । The merits from taking bhaval under sai vādi are śēsa and ātvu. Akac-bhavakān Sesah-sa ca bhavarnscu, bhavantāu ; 2 ātvam-bhavādrk. akac. 1 , किं पुनरिदं परिगणनमाहो खिदुदाहरणमात्रम् । Is this list exhaustive or capable of including others also? उदाहरणमात्रमित्याह । तृतीयादयोऽपि हि इष्यन्ते, सर्वनाम्नस्तृतीया च- भवता हेतुना, भवतो हेतोः इति । Not an exhaustive list, says he. The third case also is allowed in addition to the sixth-case on the strength of the sūtra Sarvanāmnas trtīyā ca (2, 3, 27) so that we may have bhavatā hētunā and bhavnto hēlo! (in the sense of on account of you). विभाषा दिक्समासे बहुव्रीहौ (1, 1, 27) The need for the mention of dik, samāsa and bahuurīhāu is dealt with here. I दिग्ग्रहणं किमर्थम् ? What is the need for the inention of the word dik (here) ? 'न बहुव्रीहौ' इति प्रतिषेधं वक्ष्यति, तत्र न ज्ञायते क विभाषा, क प्रतिषेधः इति । दिग्ग्रहणे पुनः क्रियमाणे न दोषो भवति दिगुपदिष्टे विभाषा अन्यत्र प्रतिषेधः । 1. Of. Avyaya-sarvanāmnām akac prāk tēh (5, 3, 71) 2. Cf. Tyadādīni sarvāir nityam (1, 2, 72) ·190 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHĀBHĀŞYA He is going to mention the prohibitive sūtra Na bahuvrīhāu and it is not possible to know from it where there is vibhāṣā and where pratişēdha. If the word dik is read here, the difficulty is solved and it is understood that there is vibhāsā if one member of the compound is a word denoting direction and that there is pratişēdha in other cases. II अथ समासग्रहण किमर्थम् ? What for is, then, the mention of the word samāsa.? समास एव यो बहुवीहिः तत्र यथा स्याद् , बहुव्रीहिवद्भावेन यो वहुव्रीहिः तत्र मा भूत् इति - दक्षिणदक्षिणस्यै देहि इति । So that the vibhāşā takes place only where there is actual bahuvrīhi-samāsa and not where one is considered like a bahuvrīhi as in the word laksiņa-daksinasyāi' in daksinadalsinasyai dehi. III अथ वहुव्रीहिग्रहणं किमर्थम् ? What for is then the mention of bahuvrīhi ? द्वन्द्धे मा भूत् -दक्षिणोत्तरपूर्वाणाम् इति । So that the sarvanāmasamjña may not operate in dvandva compound viz. dakşiņõttarapūrvāņām. नैतदस्ति प्रयोजनम्, द्वन्द्वे च इति प्रतिषेधो भविष्यति । No, this is not the benefit, since the pratişēdha results from the sūtra Dvandvē ca. नाप्राप्ते प्रतिषेधे इयं विभाषा आरभ्यते ; सा यथैव न बहुव्रीही इत्येतं प्रतिषेधं बाधते, एवं द्वन्द्वे च इत्येतमपि बाधेत । 1. This form is based on the sūtra Abādhe ca (8, 1, 10) whose vrtli is pīdāyām dyötyāyām dvē stan, bahuvrīhivacca.

·SIXTH AHNIKA - VIBHĀŞĀ DIKSAMĀSĒ BAHUVRIHĀU 191 There is mention of this vibhāşā when pratişēdha has a definite chance to operate. Just as it affects the pratişēdha enjoined by the sūtra Na bahuvrīhāu, so also it affects the pratişēdha enjoined by the sūtra Dvandvē ca. न बाधते । No, it does not affect it. किं कारणम्! Why? येन नाप्राप्ते तस्य वाधनं भवति । न चाप्राप्ते न बहुव्रीहौ इत्येदस्मिन् प्रतिषेधे इयं विभाषा आरभ्यते; द्वन्द्वे च इत्येतस्मिन् पुनः प्राप्ते चाप्राप्ते च । It affects that which invariably operates This vibhāşā is read when Na bahuvrīhāu operates completely ; but, on the other hand, Dvandvē ca does not operate completely. Note : The sūtra Na bahuvrīhāu has for its range of operation the entire bahuvrīhi compound; but Dvandvē ca does not have for its range of operation the entire dvandva compound, since there is vikalpa by the sūtra Vibhāṣā jasi. अथ वा पुरस्तादपवादा अनन्तरान्विधीन् बाधन्ते नोत्तरान् इत्येवमियं विभाषा 'न बहुव्रीहौ' इत्येतं प्रतिषेधं बाधिष्यते, द्वन्द्धे च इत्येतं प्रतिषेध न बाधिष्यते । Or the preceding apavādas affect those which immediately succeed them and not those after them. Hence this vibhāşā affects only the pratişēdha in the sūtra Na bahuvrīhāu and not in the sūtra Dvandvē ca. अथ वा इदं तावदयं प्रष्टव्यः, इह कस्मान भवति-या पूर्वा सा उत्तरा अस्य उन्मुग्धस्य सोऽयं पूवोत्तर उन्मुग्धः तस्मै - पूर्वोत्तराय देहि इति । Or he is to be questioned why the vibhāṣā does not operate in the form pūrvõttarāya in the expression pūrvõttarāya dēhi, where pūrvõttura means one who thinks uttarā as pūrva on account of some derangement in brain and is split thus pūrvā uttarā yasya sah.

·192
LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHABHĀŞYA
लक्षणप्रतिपदोक्तयोः प्रतिपदोक्तस्यैव इति ।
On account of the dictum that word mentioned has
preference to word got from laksanı.
Note : Only such compounds as are got from the Sūtra
Dinnāmānyantarālē (2, 2, 26) are to be taken into
account here.
यद्येवं, नार्थो बहुव्रीहिग्रहणेन ।
If so, no purpose is served by the word bahuvrīhāu.
द्वन्द्धे कस्मान्न भवति
How cannot the vibhāşā operate in dvandva ?
लक्षणप्रतिपदोक्तयोः प्रतिपदोक्तस्यैव इति ।
By the dictum that word mentioned has preference to
word got from laksana.
उत्तरार्थ तर्हि बहुव्रीहिग्रहणं कर्तव्यम् ।
Bahuvrīhāu has, then, to be read for the succeeding
sūtras.
न कर्तव्यम् । क्रियते तत्रैव न बहुव्रीही इति ।
It is read in the sutra Na
No, it need not be read.
bahuvrīhāu.
द्वितीय कर्तव्यम् । बहुव्रीहिरेव यो बहुव्रीहिः तत्रैव यथा स्यात् बहुव्रीहि-
वद्भावन यो बहुव्रीहिः तत्र मा भूत्
एकैकस्मै देहि ।
-
The word bahuvrīhāu has to be read for the second time
so that the vibhāşā may operate only in a compound which
is an actual bahuvrihi and not only which is like a bahuvrīki
as ēkāikasmãi in ēkāikasmai dēhi.

·SIXTH AHNIKA - NA BAHUVRIHAU 193 एतदपि नास्ति प्रयोजन . ; ।, समास इति वर्तते, तेन बहुव्रीहिं विशेष- यिष्यामः, समासो यो बहुव्रीहिः इति । Even this prayojana cannot stand ; there is the word samāsa in the sūtra and it is taken as an adjunct to bahuvrihi so that we may arrive at the interpretation the actual bahuvrihi compound. इदं तर्हि प्रयोजनम् - अवयवभूतस्यापि बहुव्रीहेः प्रतिषेधो यथा स्यात्, इह मा भूत् वस्त्रमन्तरमेषां त इमे वस्त्रान्तराः वसनमन्तरमेषां त इमे वसनान्तराः, वस्त्रान्तराश्च वसनान्तराश्च वस्त्रान्तरवसनान्तराः । meas If so, this may be considered as prayojana that the pratişēdha may operate even where the parts of a compound are bahuvrihi vastrāntarvasanāntarāh where the bahuvrīhis vastrāntarāḥ and vasanāntarāḥ are parts of dvandva. न बहुव्रीहौ (1, 1, 28) किमुदाहरणम् ? What is the example ? प्रियविश्वाय। Priyaviśvāya. नैतदस्ति प्रयोजनम् । सर्वाद्यन्तस्य बहुवीहेः प्रतिषेधेन भवितव्यम् । वक्ष्यति चैतत् - बहुव्रीही सर्वनामसङ्ख्ययोरुपसङ्ख्यानम् इति । तत्र विश्व- प्रियाय इति भवितव्यम् । No, this (prohibiting the sarvanāmasarjñā to viśva in priyavisva) is not the prayojana. Prohibition operates in bahuvrīhi whose final member is sarvādi. He is going to say that in the list of pūrvanipāta in bahuvrīhi, sarvanāma and sankhyā have to be added. Hence priyaviśvāya should be viśvapriyāya. Note : Bahavrīhāu sarvanāmasarkhyayor upasankhyānam is a vārttika under the sūtra Saptamī viśēşanē bahuvrihas (2, 2, 35.) 25

·194
LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHĀBHĀŞYA
इदं तर्हि द्वन्याय व्यन्याय ।
If so, this serves as the example dvyanyāya, tryanyāya..
ननु चात्रापि सर्वनान एव पूर्वनिपातेन भवितव्यम् ?
Is it not that even here that it is the sarvanāma that
deserves the pūrvanipāta ?
नैष दोषः, वक्ष्यत्येतत् सङ्घयासर्वनानोर्यो बहुव्रीहिः परत्वात्तत्र सङ्ख्यायाः
पूर्वनिपातो भवति इति ।
This objection does not stand, since he is going to say
that, if the bahuvrīhi has for its members sarvanāma and
sankhyā, the latter has the pūrvanipāta.
Note: Sankhyāsarvanāmnõr yo bahuvrīhiḥ paratvāt tatra
sankhyāyāḥ pūrvanipātā bhavati is not an actual
quotation, but is the condensed form of the
statement of the Mahābhāsyakāra under the sūtra
Saplamī viśēşaņē bahuvrīhāu.
इदं चाप्युदाहरणम् - प्रियविश्वाय ।
This too-priyavisvaya-serves as an example.
ननु चोक्तं विश्वप्रियाय इति भवितव्यम् इति ?
Has it not been said that it should be visvapriyāya ?
वक्ष्यत्येतत् 'वा प्रियस्य' इति ।
He is going to mention the vārttika Vū priyasya (under
the same sutra.)
न खल्वप्यवश्यं सर्वाद्यन्तस्यैव बहुव्रीहेः प्रतिषेधेन भवितव्यम् ।
It is not absolutely necessary that the prohibition of
sarvanāmasanjñā should have reference only to the bahuvrihi
having the final member the sarvādi,

·SIXTH AHNIKA
- NA BAHUVRIHAU
195
किं तर्हि ?
What then ?
असर्वाद्यन्तस्यापि भवितव्यम् ।
It should have reference to that which does not end in
sarvadi.
किं प्रयोजनम् ?
Why ?
अकज् मा भूदिति ।
So that akac may not set in.
किं च स्याद्यद्यत्राकच्स्यात्
What will happen, if there is akac here?
को न स्यात् ।
The pratyaya ka cannot set in.
कश्चेदानी काकचोर्विशेषः?
What is, then, the difference between ka and akac?
व्यञ्जनान्तेषु विशेषः - अहकं पिता यस्य मकत्पितृका, त्वकं पिता यस्य
स्वकत्पितृक इति प्राप्नोति; मत्कपितृकः त्वत्कपितृक इति चेष्यते ।
There is difference in the words ending in consonants. If
there is akac, ahakam pitā yasya compound into makatpitrkaḥ
and tvakam pitã yasya into tvakatpitrkaḥ. But the desired
forms are matkapitrkaḥ and tvatkapitrkaḥ with the pratyaya ka.
कथं पुनरिच्छतापि भवता बहिरङ्गेण प्रतिषेधेन अन्तरङ्गो विधिः शकतो
बाधितुम्?
How is it possible for you, however much you may 80
desire, to allow the antaranga-vidhi to be set at naught by the
bahiranga-pratisedha?

·196 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHĀBHĀSYA Note : The samjñāvidhi, Sarvādīni sarvanāmāni which does not depend upon anything else is antaranga and bahuvrīhi-pratişēdha is bahiranga, since a compound is decided to be bahuvrīhi only in its relation to other words in a sentence. अन्तरङ्गानपि विधीन् बहिरङ्गो विधिर्बाधते गोमत्प्रिय इति यथा । Bahiranga-vidhi sets at naught even antaranga-vidhi, as in gömatpriya. Note: The mention of the sūtra Pratyayottarapadayāḥ (7, 2, 97) after the sūtra Tvamūvēkavacanē suggests that the bahiranga luk sets at naught the antarunga ādēsavidhi and this is well brought out in the bhūsya under Pratyayõttarapadayosca. क्रियते तत्र यत्नः प्रत्ययोत्तरपदयोश्च इति । Attempt has been made there for it to operate by the mention of the sūtra Pratyayõttarapadayosca. ननु चेहापि क्रियते न बहुव्रीहौ इति । Oh, the same attempt is made here also by the mention of the sūtra Na bahuvrihau. अस्त्यन्यदेतस्य वचने प्रयोजनम् । There is another purpose which is served by this sūtra. किम् । What ? प्रियविश्वाय । So that the form priyaviśvāya can be achieved. उपसर्जनप्रतिषेधेनाप्यतत्सिद्धम् । This is achieved even by upasarjanapratişēdha.

·SIXTH ÁHNIKA -- NA BAHUVRIHAU 197 अयं खल्वपि बहुव्रीहिरस्त्येव प्राथमकल्पिको यस्मिन्नैकपद्यमैकवर्यमेक- विभक्तिकत्वं च। अस्ति तादर्थ्यात्ताच्छब्द्यम् , बहुव्रीह्यर्थानि पदानि वहुव्रीहिः इति ; तद्यत् तादात्ताच्छन्द्यं तस्येदं ग्रहणम् । Evidently the primary bahuvrihi is that which is considered a single word, which has a single udātta syllable and which is followed by only one case-suffix. The name is sometimes given to those that convey the same meaning, as the name bahuvrīhi to the words, which convey the sense of bahuvrihi compound; and it is in that sense the word bahuvrīhi is used here. (Hence the word means here through lalosaņā the alàukikavākya used to split a bahuvrīhi compound.) गोनीयस्त्वाह अकस्वरौ तु कर्तव्यौ प्रत्यङ्गं मुक्तसंशयौ । त्वकल्पितृकः मकत्पितृकः इत्येव भवितव्यम् इति । Gönardiya says that undoubtedly the svara and akac due to sarvanāman should be bad. Hence in his opinion the forms should be tvakatpitrkaḥ and makatpitrkaḥ. Note : In the opinion of Gõnardīya, the sūtra Na bahuvrīhāu is unnecessary. Whether the word Gõnardīya refers to Mahābhāşyakāra or another Vārttikakāra has been discussed in detail in the Preface in Vol. i; In the opinion of the Vārttikakāra Katyāyana too, this sūtra is unnecessary since he mentioned the necessity of samjñõpasurjanapratişēdha under the sūtra Sarvādīni sarvanāmāni. In the opinion of Mahābhāşyakāra also, this is unnecessary since he admitted the same through mahāsamjñākarana. Since the Sūtrakāra bas mentioned this, he does not perhaps intend samjñāpasarjanapratişëdha. प्रतिषेधे भूतपूर्वस्योपसङ्ख्यानम् Bhūtapūrva is to be added to the pratişēdha.

·198 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHABHAŞYA प्रतिषेधे भूतपूर्वस्योपसङ्ख्यानं कर्तव्यम् । आढ्यो भूतपूर्वः आढ्यपूर्वः, आढ्यपूर्वाय देहि इति। Bhita-pūrva is to be added to the pratişēdha Na bahuvrīhāu so that the form ādhyapūrvāya (in ādhya pūrvāya dēhi) may be achieved where ādhyaḥ and pūrvali compound into ādhyapūrvah. प्रतिषेधे भूतपूर्वस्योपसख्यानानर्थक्यं पूर्वादीनां व्यवस्थायामिति वचनात् । No use of adding bhūlapūrva to pratisēdha since pūrvādi gets the sainjñā only where there is vyavasthä. प्रतिषेधे भूतपूर्वस्योपसङ्ख्यानम् अनर्थकम् । No purpose is served by adding bhūta pūrvē ca to Na bahuvrīhāu. किं कारणम् ? Why ? पूर्वादीनां व्यवस्थायामिति वचनात् । पूर्वादीनां व्यवस्थायां सर्वनाम- संशोच्यते। न चान व्यवस्था गम्यते । On account of the mention that pūrvādi gets the samjñā only where it means vyavastha. The sarvanāmasarnjñā is enjoined to pārvādis only when they primarily mean a particular starting point. Here the limit is not understood in a primary sense. Note: Since pūrva in ādhyapūrvah is only a visēşaņa and hence upasarjana, the idea of pūrvatva is not the the primary element. तृतीयासमासे (1, 1, 29) समास इति वर्तमाने पुनः समासग्रहण किमर्थम्? When there is the anuurtti of the word samāsa (from the sūtra Vibhāṣā diksumāsē bahuvrīhāu), why should the same bo read here ?

·SIXTH AHNIKA - VIBHĀŞĀ JASI 199 अयं तृतीयासमासोऽस्त्येव प्राथमकल्पिको यस्मिन्नैकपद्यमैकवर्यमेक- विभक्तिकत्वं चेति । अस्ति च तादर्थ्यात्ताच्छब्द्यं तृतीयासमासार्थानि पदानि तृतीयासमास इति। तद्यत् तादात्ताच्छब्धं तस्येद ग्रहणम् । Evidently the primary trtīyāsamāsa is that which is considered a single word, which has a single udätta syllable and which is followed by only one case-suffix. The name is also given to those that convey the same meaning as the name tặtīyāsamāsa-to the words which convey the same sense and it is in that sense the word trtīyāsamāsa is used here. अथ वा समास इति वर्तमाने पुनः समासग्रहणस्यैतत् प्रयोजनं, योगाङ्गं यथा विज्ञायेत । सति च योगाङ्गे योगविभागः करिष्यते तृतीया, तृतीयासमासे सर्वादीनि सर्वनामसंज्ञानि न भवन्ति, मासपूर्वाय देहि, संवत्सर. पूर्वाय देहि ; ततः असमासे, असमासे च तृतीयायाः सर्वादीनि सर्वनामसंज्ञानि न भवन्ति, मासेन पूर्वाय देहि, संवत्सरेण पूर्वाय देहि इति । - Or, this is the prayojana for mentioning the word samāsa again when there is anulirtti for the same, that it becomes a yoga or a part of Aştādhyāyī. When it becomes a part of yoga, the sūtra is split thus :-trlīyā, which means that sarrādis do not get the sarvanāmasamjña in trtīyāsamāsa so that we have the expressions māsapūrvāya dēhi, samvatsarapārvāya dēhi and then asamāsē, which means that surrādis do not get the sarı anāmasanjñā in trtīyāsamāsa so that we may have the expressions māsēnn pirzāya dēhi and samvatsarēna pūrvāya dēhi. विभाषा जसि (1, 1, 32) जसः कार्य प्रति विभाषा; अकन्झि न भवति । Vibhāşā is with reference to (7) the ādēsa of jas and not with reference to akac. 1. उपजायत is another reading. 2. In some editions dvandvē ca iti pratişēdhat is found after bhavati.

·200 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHABHĀŞYA पूर्वपरावरदक्षिणोत्तरापराधराणि व्यवस्थायामसंज्ञायाम् (1, 1, 34) अवरादीनां च पुनः सूत्रपाठे ग्रहणानर्थक्यं गणे पठितत्वात् Non-necessity for the list of avarādis in the sūtra, they being read in the ganapāțha. अवरादीनां च पुनः सूत्रपाठे ग्रहणमनर्थकम् । The reading of avarādis in the sūtra again is unnecessary. किं कारणम् ? Why ? गणे पठितत्वात् । गणे हि एतानि पठ्यन्ते । On account of their being read in gana. These are read in the gana. कथं पुनर्जायते स पूर्वः पाठः अयं पुनः पाठ इति? How is it then understood that ganapātha is anterior and the pātha here is repetition ? तानि हि पूर्वादीनि, इमान्यवरादीनि । They commence with the word (sarva) which precedes and these commence with the word pārru,which is after saria. इमान्यपि पूर्वादीनि । These too may be taken to be anterior. एवं तर्हि आचार्यप्रवृत्तिर्ज्ञापयति, स पूर्वः पाठः अयं पुनः पाठः इति यदयं पूर्वादिभ्यो नवभ्यो वा इति नवग्रहणं करोति । नवैव हि पूर्वादीनि । If so, the procedure of Acārya suggests that it (ganapatha) is anterior and this (sūtrapātha) is later, since he mentions the word navabhyaḥ in the sūtra Pūrvādibhyö navabhyo va (7, 1, 16). and pūrvādi is only nine in number. इदं तर्हि प्रयोजन, व्यवस्थायामसंज्ञायामिति वक्ष्यामि इति ।

·PURVAPARĀVARADAKŞIŅOTTARĀPARĀDHARĀŅI ETC. 201 This, then, is the prayājana that he will say that they are so when they mean vyavasthā and are usamjñā. एतदपि नास्ति प्रयोजनम् , एवं विशिष्टान्येवैतानि गणे पठ्यते । These too are not the prayojana since pūrvādi is read in the ganapātha along with vyavasthāyām asamjñāyām. इदं तर्हि प्रयोजनं व्यादिपर्युदासेन पर्युदासो मा भूत इति । This, then, may be the prayojana that the paryudāsa mentioned by advyādibhyaḥ (in the sūtra Kim sarvanāmabahubhyo advyādibhyoḥ (5,3, 2), if it is taken according to some that pūrva etc. was read in the gan pātha after tyad etc.) may not take place here. एतदपि नास्ति प्रयोजनम् ; आचार्यप्रवृत्तिापयति नैषां व्यादिपर्युदासेन पर्युदासो भवतीति यदयं पूर्वत्रासिद्धम् इति निपातनं करोति । वार्तिककारश्च पठति, जश्भावादिति चेदुत्तरत्राभावादपवादप्रसङ्ग इति । This too is not the prayājana. The procedure of Ācārya suggests that these are not affected by dvyādiparyudāsa, since the Sūtrakāra makes use of the word pūrvatra in the sūtra Pürz atrāsiddham and Vārttikakāra makes use of the word uttaratra in the vārttika Jaśbhāvād iti cēd uttaratra abhāvād apavādaprasangaḥ under the sūtra Dho dhë lõpah (8,3, 13) Note: If pūrvādi were after tyadādi, the pratyaya tral cannot be added to the words pūrva and uttara by the sūtra Saptamyās tral (5, 3, 10) where there is the anuvrtti to ad vyādibhyaḥ from the sūtra Kim-sarvanāmabahubhyo advyādibhyaḥ (5, 3, 2). But the terms pūrvatra and uttaratra are used by the Sūtrakāra and the Varttikakāra. Hence, according to them, pūrvādi does not come under dvyādi. इदं तर्हि प्रयोजनं जसि विभाषां वक्ष्यामि इति । This then is the prayojana that there is vibhāṣā to the sarvanāmasamjñā with reference to ī, the ādēsa of jas.

·202
LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHABHĀŞYA
खमज्ञातिधनाख्यायाम् (l, I, 35)
आख्याग्रहण किमर्थम् ?
What for is the word ākhyā in the sūtra ?
शातिधनपर्यायवाची यः स्वशब्दः तस्य यथा स्यात् , इह मा भूत् ,
खे पुत्राः, स्वाः पुत्राः, खे गावः, स्वा गावः ।
So that Vibhāṣā jasi may not operate with respect to the
word sva, only when it means jñāti or dhana and not when it
means one's own as in sıē putrāḥ, svāḥ putrāḥ, svē gāvaḥ and
svā gāvah.
अन्तरं बहिर्योगोपसंव्यानयोः (1, 1, 36)
उपसंब्यानग्रहणानयं बहियोगेण कृतत्वात्
Non-necessity of the mention of upasamvyāna, its purpose
being served by bahiryoga.
उपसंव्यानग्रहणमनर्थकम् ।
It is unnecessary to mention the word upasarvyana.
किं कारणम्! Why ?
बहिर्योगेण कृतत्वात् । बहिर्योग इत्येव सिद्धम् ।
Since it is accomplished from the mention of bahiryoga.
It is achieved merely from bahiryoga.
Nots : Bahiryöga may mean the outer part or the inner part.
In the former bahis means open space and in the
latter, it means outerpart. Similarly upasamvyāna
may
utturīya by karana vyutpatti and
antarīya by karmavyutpatti.
न वा शाटकयुगाद्यर्थम्
mean
No, it is for the sake of a pair of clothes,

·SİXTH ÁHNIKA-ANTARAM BAHIRYÖGÖPASAMVYĀNAYOŇ 203
न वा अनर्थकम् ।
No, it is not unnecessary.
किं कारणम् ? Why?
शाटकयुगाद्यर्थम् । शाटकयुगाद्यर्थं तीदं वक्तव्यम्, यत्रैतन्न ज्ञायते
किम् अन्तरीयं किम् उत्तरीयमिति ।
For the sake of a pair of clothes. This has to be said
for the sake of a pair of clothes, where it is not distinguished
which is under-garment and which is upper-garment.
अत्रापि य एष मनुष्यः प्रेक्षापूर्वकारी भवति नितिं तस्य भवति
इदमन्तरीयम् इदमुत्तरीयम् इति ।
Even here if one is a man of comprehension, he is able
to discern which is antarīya and which is uttarīya.
अपुरि
Not in pur.
अपुरीति वक्तव्यम् । इह मा भूत्, अन्तरायां पुरि वसति इति ।
Apuri is to be stated so tbat the sarvanāmasamjñā may
not reach antarā when it is an adjunct to a town.
वाप्रकरणे तृतीयस्य हिस्सूपसङ्ख्यानम्
The addition of words ending in tīya before suffixes
which are nit in the vibhāşāprakarana.
वाप्रकरणे तीयस्य उित्सूपसङ्ख्यानं कर्तव्यम् - द्वितीयायै, द्वितीयस्यै,
तृतीयायै, तृतीयस्यै । विभाषा द्वितीयतृतीयाभ्याम् इत्येतन्न वक्तव्यं भवति ।
The addition of words ending in tīya before nits has to
be made in the vaprakarana, so that we may have dvitīyāyai,
dvitiyasyai and trtīyāyāi and trtīyasāi. In that case the
sutra Vibhāṣā dvitīyatrtīyābhyām need not be read.
किं पुनरत्र ज्यायः?
Which is better here ?

·204 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHABHAŞYÀ उपसङ्ख्यानमेवान ज्यायः । इदमपि सिद्धं भवति द्वितीयाय, द्वितीयस्मै, तृतीयाय, तृतीयस्मै । Upasankhyāna is decidedly better here, since the forms dvitīyāya and drilīyasmāi and trtīyāya and trtīyasmāi are also obtained. स्वरादिनिपातमव्ययम् (1, 1, 37) किमर्थ पृथग्ग्रहणं स्वरादीनां क्रियते न चादिष्वेव पठ्येरन् ? Why should svarādis be read separately and cūdis separately and why should not the former be included in the latter? चादीनां वै असत्त्ववचनानां निपातसंज्ञा, स्वरादीनां पुनः सत्त्ववचनाना- मसत्त्ववचनानां च । Cādis get the nipātasarjñā only when they do not mean a dravya, while svarādis get the avyayasamñjā whether they denote a dravya or not. अथ किमर्थमुभे संक्षे क्रियेते, न निपातसंज्ञैव स्यात् ? Why then are two sainjñās given ? Is it not sufficient that nipätasamjñā alone is given ? नैवं शक्यम् । निपात एकाजनाङ् इति प्रगृह्यसंज्ञा उक्ता, सा स्वरादीना. मप्येकाचां प्रसज्येत, व इव क्वेव । This is not possible. The one-syllabled nipāta other than an is said to get pragrhyasanjñā and it may reach the onesyllabled svarādi, so that kva +iva may not become kvēva. एवं तर्हि अव्ययसंज्ञवास्तु । If so, let them be given avyayasamjñā alone. तञ्चाशक्यम् । वक्ष्यत्येतत् अव्यये नकुनिपातानामिति । तदरीयसा न्यासेन परिगणनं कर्तव्यं स्यात् । तस्मात् पृथग्ग्रहणं कर्तव्यम् | उभे च संश कर्तव्ये ॥

·SIXTH ÁHNIKA - TADDHITAŚCĀSARVAVIBHAKTIŅ 205 That too is not possible. He (Vārttikakāra) is going to say (under the sūtra Tatpurusē ... (6, 2, 2) the vārttika Avyaya nankunipātānām has to be read longer. Hence they have to be read separately and the two samjñās have to be given. तद्धितश्चासर्वविभक्तिः (1, 1, 38) असर्वविभक्तावविभक्तिनिमित्तस्योपसङ्ख्यानम् Addition of avibhakti to asarvavibhakti. असर्वविभक्तौ अविभक्तिनिमित्तस्योपसङ्खयानं कर्तव्यम् - विना, नाना । Addition of avibhakti to be the nimitta to the avyayasamjñā along with asurvavibh rkti, so that the samjñā may reach the words vinā, nānā has to be made. किं पुनः कारणं न सिध्यति? Why does not asarvavibhaktikatva apply to them (vinā, nānā)? Note : Since it is a general rule that the singular suffix may come after all, these two may be considered to have had the singular suffix alone before it was dropped and hence they may come under those who have asarvavibhaktitva. सर्वविभक्तिीविशेषात् They are sarvavibhaktika, all case-suffixes having the chance to come after them. सर्वविभक्तिर्हि एष भवति । For this (viñā, nānā) come under sarvavibhaktika. किं कारणम् ? Why? अविशेषेण विहितत्वात् Since all case-suffixes are enjoined after them without discrimination.

·206 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHABHÁSYA त्रलादीनां चोपसङ्ख्यानम् Addition of tral etc. too. त्रलादीनां चोपसङ्ख्यानं कर्तव्यम् - तत्र, यत्र, ततः, यतः । Addition has to be made of those that end in tral etc. also, as tatra, yatra, tataḥ, yataḥ. ननु च विशेषेणैते विधीयन्ते, पञ्चम्यास्तसिल सप्तम्यास्त्रल् इति । Is it not that they are enjoined only to denote the meaning of particular case-suffix, as tasil to denote the fifthcase and tral to denote the seventh case ? वक्ष्यत्येतत् इतराभ्योऽपि दृश्यन्ते इति । He (Sütrakāra) is going to say the sülra Ilurubhyöspi drśyantē (5, 3, 14). यदि पुनः अविभक्तिश्शब्दोऽव्ययसंज्ञो भवतीत्युच्यते । If it is said that the word which has no case-suffix after it gets the avyayasamjñā, अविभक्तावितरेतराश्रयत्वादप्रसिद्धिः there is no If avibhakti is the laksaņa of avyay ay samjñāsiddhi on account of anyonyāśrayadõşa. अविभक्तावितरेतराश्रयत्वादप्रसिद्धिः संज्ञायाः । The non-accomplishment of the samjñü on account of anyonyāśrayatā, if avibhaktikatva is taken to be the laksana of avyaya. का इतरेतराश्रयता What is the nature of itarētarāśrayatā ? सति अविभक्तित्वे संशया भवितव्यं, संशया चाविभक्तित्वं भाव्यते, तदेत- दितरेतराश्रयं भवति ।

·SIXTH ĀHNIKA — TADDHITAŚCĀSARVAVIBHAKTIH 207 Samjñā comes if there is avibhaktitva and avibhaktitva comes if there is samjñā; and thus each depends upon the other for coming into existence. इतरेतराश्रयाणि च कार्याणि न प्रकल्पते । The kāryas are not accomplished where there is interdependence अलिङ्गमसङ्ख्यामिति वा Or avyaya is that which shows no gender nor number. अथवा अलिङ्गमसङ्खयमव्ययसंशं भवतीति वक्तव्यम् । no gender Or it should be stated that what shows nor number gets the avyayasarjñā. एवमपीतरेतराश्रयमेव भवति । Even then there is anyonyāśrayatā. केतरेतराश्रयता What is the nature of anyonyāśrayatā ? सति अलिङ्गासङ्ख्यत्वे संशया भवितव्यम्, संशया च अलिङ्गासङ्घयत्वं भाव्यते, तदेतद् इतरेतराश्रयं भवति । The word gets the samjñā if it does not show gender and number and it does not show gender and number only after it gets the samjñā This is the nature of itrētarāśr«yatā. इतरेतराश्रयाणि च कार्याणि न प्रकल्पते । Karyas where there is interdependence are not accomplished. नेदं वाचनिकम्, अलिङ्गता असङ्ख्यता च । This-alingatā and asankhyatāmis not got through mention.

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LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHABHĀŞYA
किं तर्हि ?
How then ?
स्वाभाविकमेतत् ।
This is natural.
तद्यथा समानमहिमानानां चाधीयानानां च केचिदथैयुज्यन्ते अपरे न; तत्र
किमस्माभिः कर्तुं शक्यम् ? स्वाभाविकमेतत् ।
As among those who make an attempt and who study,
only some get the desired fruit and others do not get it.
What can be done by us there? It is natural.
तत्तर्हि वक्तव्यम् अलिङ्गमसङ्खयम् इति |
Then it has to be mentioned that it is alinga and
asankhya.
न वक्तव्यम् ।
It need not be mentioned.
सिद्धं तु पाठात्
It is accomplished by reading.
पाठाद्वा सिद्धमेतत् ।
Or this is accomplished by reading.
कथं पाठः कर्तव्यः?
How should it be read ?
तसिलादयः प्राक् पाशपः; शस्त्रभृतयः प्राक्समासान्तेभ्यः; मान्तः
तसिवती ; कृत्वोऽर्थः; नानाविति ।
Tasitādayaḥ prāk pāśapaḥ; sasprabhrtuyaḥ prāksamāsā.
ntēbhyaḥ; māntah ; tasivatī; krtvösrthah; nānāñāu iti.
अथवा पुनरस्तु अविभक्तिश्शब्दोऽव्ययसंशो भवति इत्येव ।

·SIXTH ĀHNIKA - TADDHITAŚCĀSARVAVIBHAKTIH - 209 Or let it remain as it is, that the word which has no casesuffix after it is avyaya. - ननु चोक्तम् – अविभक्तावितरेतराश्रयत्वाद् अप्रसिद्धिः इति ? Has it not been said that, if avibhaktitva is the prayājaka of avyaya, there is anyonyāśrayatā ? नैष दोषः । इदं तावदयं प्रष्टव्यः - यद्यपि तावद्वैयाकरणा विभक्तिलोप- मारभमाणा अविभक्तिकान् शब्दान् प्रयुञ्जते, ये त्वेते वैयाकरणेभ्योऽन्ये मनुष्याः कथं तेऽविभक्तिकान् शब्दान् प्रयुञ्जत इति? अभिज्ञाश्च, पुनलौकिका एकत्वादी- नामर्थानाम् । आतश्च अभिज्ञाः अन्येन हि वस्नेनैकं गां क्रीणन्ति, अन्येन द्वौ, अन्येन त्रीन् । अभिज्ञाश्च, न च प्रयुञ्जते । तदेतदेवं संदृश्यताम् । अर्थरूप- मेवैतदेवजातीयकं येनात्र विभक्तिर्न भवति इति । This defect cannot stand. He is to be put this question : Even though grammarians make use of words without casesuffixes with the knowledge that they should not have case- 'suffiixes after them, how do non-grammarians make use of them? They, being conversant with the use of such words in the world understand the meaning whether it is one etc. In another way too they are knowers. They purchase a bull for one price, two bulls for another and three for another. They do know the meaning (i.e.) one object, two objects, three objeets etc., but do not express it. The same may be applied here that they are seen in the world-words without case-suffixes. तञ्चाप्येतदेवमनुगम्यमानं दृश्यताम् । किश्चिदव्ययं विभक्त्यर्थप्रधानं, किश्चित् क्रियाप्रधानम् - उच्चैः नीचैः इति विभक्भ्यर्थप्रधानं, हिरुक् पृथक् इति क्रियाप्रधानम् । तद्धितश्चापि, कश्चिद्विभक्त्यर्थप्रधानः कश्चित् क्रियाप्रधानः तत्र यत्र इति विभक्त्यर्थप्रधानः, नाना विना इति क्रियाप्रधानः । न चैतयोरर्थयो- लिङ्गसङ्ख्याभ्यां योगोऽस्ति । Let it be viewed in this light. Some avyayas denote prominently the meaning of case-suffixes and some, the meaning of action :-uccāih and nīcāih belong to the former class and hiruk and prthak belong to the latter. Even among those 27 ·210 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHĀBHĀŞYA that end in taddhitapratyaya, some denote prominently the meaning of case-suffixes and some, the meaning of action :- tutia and yatra belong to the former and nānā and vinā belong to the latter Besides, the two kinds of meaning mentioned above have no relationship with gender and number. अथाप्यसर्वविभक्तिरित्युच्यते, एवमपि न दोषः । Even if asarvaribhaktitva is taken as the lakşani, there is no harm. कथम्? How? इदं चाप्यद्यत्वे अतिबहु क्रियते, एकस्मिन्नेकवचनं, द्वयोर्द्विवचनं, बहुषु बहुवचनम् इति । - More than the necessary sūtras are read now thus :- Ekasmin ēkavacanam, Dvayāḥ dvivacanam, and Bahuşu bahuvacanam कथं तर्हि ? How then should they be read ? एकवचनमुत्सर्गः करिष्यते । तस्य द्विबह्वोरर्थयोः द्विवचनबहुवचने बाधके भविष्यतः। Singular number is used as a general rule; if two or more objects have to be referred to, the dual and plural suffixes are used displacing the singular suffix. न चाप्येवं विग्रहः करिष्यते, न सर्वाः असर्वाः, असर्वा विभक्तयो यस्मात् इति । The vigraha too is not thus made : Na sarvāh asarvāh, asarvā vibhaktayo asmāl iti. कथं तर्हि ? How then?

·SIXTH AHNIKA - TADDHITASCASARVAVIBHAKTIH ail न सर्वा असर्वा, असर्वा विभक्तिः अस्मात् इति । Na sarvā usarvā, asarvā vibhkatiſ asmāt iti. त्रिकं पुनर्विभक्तिसंज्ञम् । All the three-singular, dual and plural go by the name of vibhakti. एवं गते कृत्यपि तुल्यमेतत् मान्तस्य कार्य ग्रहणं न तत्र । ततः परे चाभिमता न कार्याः त्रयः कुदर्था ग्रहणेन योगाः ॥ If so i.e. if asarvavibhaktitvam is taken as the lukşaņa of avyaya), this (asarravibhaktitvam) is found even with reference to krt and hence the sūtra Krnmējantaḥ and the following two which deal only with krt need not be read. कृत्तद्धितानां ग्रहणं तु कार्य सङ्ख्याविशेष ह्यभिनिश्चिता ये । तेषां प्रतिषेधो भवतीति वक्तव्यम् । इह मा भूत् - एको, द्वौ, बहवः इति । Mention of krts and taddhitas is necessary. Those whose sankhyā is definite may be outside their province, so that the words ēkah, dvāu and bahavaḥ may not take the aryayusamjna. तस्मात्स्वरादिग्रहणं च कार्य कृत्तद्धितानां ग्रहणं च पाठे ।। Hence it is necessary to read in the ganapatha 'svarādi, krt and taddhita which take the avyayasuńjñā. पाठेनेयमव्ययसंज्ञा क्रियते, सेह न प्राप्नोति, परमोच्चैः, परमनीचैः इति । Since the name avyaya is given to those that are read in the ganapātha, it cannot reach the words paramoccāih and paramanīcāih. तदन्तविधिना भविष्यति । - They get the sarjñā if tadantavidhi is taken recourse to.

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LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHĀBHĀŞYA
इहापि तर्हि प्राप्नोति - अत्युच्चैः अत्युच्चैसौ अत्युच्चैसः इति ।
-
atyuccaiḥ, atyuccaisūu and
It will then reach here also
atyuccaisah.
उपसर्जनस्य न' इति प्रतिषेधो भवति ।
It will be prohibited there by applying the rule what
applies to one when it is pradhāna does not apply when it is
apradhāna,
स तर्हि प्रतिषेधो वक्तव्यः ।
That prati.sēdha has to be mentioned.
न वक्तव्यः । सर्वनामसंज्ञायां प्रकृतः प्रतिषेध इहानुवर्तिष्यते ।
No, it need not be mentioned. The pratışēdha that is
said with reference to sarvanāmasamjña is taken to follow
here.
स वै तत्र प्रत्याख्यायते ।
It is set at naught there.
यथा स तत्र प्रत्याख्यायते इहापि तथा शक्यः प्रत्याख्यातुम् ।
As it is set at naught there, so also can it be set at
naught here.
कथं च स तत्र प्रत्याख्यायते?
In what manner is it set at naught there?
महतीयं संशा क्रियते इति ।
That a long sarjñā is given.
इयमपि च महती संज्ञा क्रियते । संज्ञा च नाम यतो न लघीयः । कुत
एतत् ? लध्वर्थ हि संक्षाकरणम् । तत्र महत्याः संज्ञायाः करणे एतत्प्रयोजनम
अन्वर्था संशा यथा विज्ञायेत -न व्येति इत्यव्ययमिति ।

·SIXTH ÄHNIKA KRNMĒJANTAỊ 213 This samjñā too is made long and sarjñā is always in a form than which nothing is shorter. What is the source for saying so? For, giving samjñā is only for ease of śāstrapravrtti. The benefit of giving a long samjia there is that it should be taken to be anvartha. Avyaya is so called since it does not undergo change (though it may convey many meanings). व पुनर्न व्यति? Where does it not undergo change? स्त्रीपुंनपुंसकानि सत्त्वगुणाः एकत्वद्वित्वबहुत्वानि च । एतानर्थान् केचिद्वियन्ति, केचिन्न वियन्ति । ये न वियन्ति तदव्ययम् । The characteristics of nouns are feminine, masculine and neuter genders and singular, dual and plural numbers. Some undergo change in their forms to denote them and some do not undergo change. Those who do not undergo change go by the name of avyaya. सदृशं त्रिषु लिङ्गेषु सर्वासु च विभक्तिषु । वचनेषु च सर्वेषु यन्न व्येति तदव्ययम् ॥ Avyayu is one which has the same form in all the three genders, in all the seven cases and in all the three numbers. Note : The word sattva is taken to denote noun since Prātisākhyas mention sattvapradhanani nāmāni and Nāgõjibhatta says anēkākārakaśaktiyōga ēva sattvam under the sūtra Svarādinipātam avyayam. ca stra: (1, 1, 39) There are two topics dealt with here. They are (1) whether mānta is the viśēsoņa to krt which takes antagrahaņa later on or krdanta and (2) the need for the mention of the paribhāşā Sannipätalaksaņā vidhir animittam tadvighātasya, its merits and its defects.

·214 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHABHÃŞYA fermend कथमिदं विज्ञायते, कृयो मान्त इति आहोस्वित् कृदन्तं यन्मान्तम् इति ? How is this to be interpreted, whether mintu is to be the viśēşaņa of krt (which may take unlugrahana later on) or krdanta ? कि चातः? What if whether it is taken one way or other? यदि विज्ञायते, कृद्यो मान्त इति कारयाञ्चकार हारयाञ्चकार इत्यत्र न granja! If it is taken that manta is the viśēşann of krt, the samjñā cannot reach kürayām and härayām in karayoñcakāra and hārayāñcakāra. Note: The roots kr and hr take um after them in lių by the sütra Ijādēsca gurumatosanrcchaḥ (3, 1, 35) and the lit after an is dropped by the sülra Imaḥ (2, 4, 81). Karayām and harayām may be taken as krdanta by tudantagrahaņa on account of the lit which is krt being dropped and cannot be taken as krt. अथ विज्ञायते कृदन्तं यन्मान्तमिति, प्रतामौ प्रतामः इत्यत्रापि प्राप्नोति । If it is taken that māntre is the viśēşana to krdanta, it will have ativyāpti in pratāmāu and pratāmaḥ. Note: The stem pratām is got from the root tam preceded by the preposition pra followed by the pratyaya kvip. According to the dictum Pratyayalope pratyayalaksanam, . pratām in pratāmāu and pratamaḥ may be taken to be krdanta and they are mānta also.

·SIXTH AHNIKA - KRNMEJANTAH 215 यथेच्छसि तथास्तु । Let it be as you please. अस्तु तावत् कृद्यो मान्त इति । Let it first be that mānta is the viśēşuna of krt. कथं कारयाञ्चकार हारयाञ्चकार इति ? How are we to meet the difficulty with reference to kārayāñcakāra, hārayāñcukāra ? पुनरत्राव्ययसंज्ञया प्रार्थ्यते? What is the object to be achieved through avyayasamjna here? अव्ययात् इति लुग्यथा स्यात् इति । So that the luk enjoined by the sutra Avyayād āpsupa! (2, 4, 82) may take place. मा भूदेवम् , आमः इत्येवं भविष्यति । It need not be so; it takes place by the sutra. Ama). न सिध्यति । लिग्रहणं तत्रानुवर्तते । No, it cannot be; the word li is taken to the satra Amaḥ (from the previous sūtra AI antrē ghasa-hvara-naśa-vrdahādurc-kr gami-janibhyo lēņ (2, 4, 80) लिग्रहणं निवर्तिष्यते । Li is not taken here from the previous sülr.7. यदि निवर्तते, प्रत्ययमात्रस्य लुक् प्राप्नोति । If there is no anuvrtti, luk will happen only to the pratyaya. इष्यते च प्रत्ययमात्रस्य । आतश्चेष्यते; एवं ह्याह , 'कृञ्चानुप्रयुज्यते लिदि' इति । यदि च प्रत्ययमानस्य लुग् भवति तत एतदुपपनं भवति ।

·216 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHABHĀŞYA Luk is desired to all pratyayus. It is so desired for this reason also : He says that the root kr is read after it in lit; this is appropriate only when there is luk for the pratyaya. अथवा पुनरस्तु कृदन्तं यन्मान्तम् इति । Or let it be that mānta is the visēšann of kerdunta. कथं प्रतामौ प्रताम इति ? How are we to avoid the ativyāpti in prutāmāu, pratāmaḥ ? आचार्यप्रवृत्तिपियति, न प्रत्ययलक्षणेन अव्ययसंज्ञा भवति इति, यदयं प्रशान्शब्दं स्वरादिषु पठति । The procedure of Acarya suggests that the dictum Pralyayalõpē pratyayalakṣaṇam does not hold good with reference to avyayasarjñā, since he reads the word praśān in in the list svarādi. II कृन्मजन्तश्चानिकारोकारप्रकृतिः Avoiding ôc which has for its source i or u in Krnmējantaḥ कृन्मेजन्तश्चानिकारोकारप्रकृतिरिति वक्तव्यम् ; इह मा भूत् आधये आधेः, चिकीर्षवे चिकीर्षोः इति । It has to be said that the ēc mentioned in krnmējantaḥ should not have for its source i oru, so that avyayasanjña may not have ativyāpti in the words ūdhayē, ādhēh, cikīrşavē, cikīrşõh. अनन्यप्रकृतिरिति वा . Or that which has nothing for its source. अथवा अनन्यप्रकृतिः कृत् अव्ययसंज्ञो भवतीति वक्तव्यम् । Or it must be said that krt which has nothing else for its source gets the avyayasa mjñā.

·217 SIXTH ĀHNIKA - KRNMĒJANTAH किं पुनरत्र ज्यायः Which is better here ? अनन्यप्रकृतिरिति वचनमेव ज्यायः । इदमपि सिद्धं भवति कुम्भकारेभ्य नगरकारेभ्यः इति । The statement ananyaprakrtiḥ is better. This too is achieved i.e. the ativyāpti. is avoided here also:-leumbhakārēbhyaḥ, nagarakārēbhyaḥ. Nole: The a of kumbhakāra and nagarukāru becomes ē before bhyah by the sitra Bahuvacane jhalyst (7, 3, 103). तत्तर्हि वक्तव्यम् It (ananyaprakrtih) has to be mentioned. न वा, सन्निपातलक्षणो विधिरनिमित्तं तद्विघातस्य इति । No, the rule depending upon the combination of two things never allows another rule to destroy it. न वा वक्तव्यम् It may not be mentioned. किं कारणम् ? Why ? सन्निपातलक्षणो विधिरनिमित्तं तद्विघातस्य इति परिभाषा कर्तव्या । The paribhāṣā Sannipatalaksaņā vidhir animittam tadvighātasya has to be read. कः पुनरत्र विशेषः, एषा वा परिभाषा क्रियेत, अनन्यप्रकृतिः इति वा उच्येत । Let this paribhāṣā be read or the statement ananyaprakrtiḥ. What will be the difference here? अवश्यमेषा परिभाषा कर्तव्या; बहून्येतस्याः परिभाषायाः प्रयोजनानि । This paribhāşā has to be necessarily read, since there are many advantages derived from this paribhāşā. 28 ·218 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHABHĀŞYA कानि पुनस्तानि? What, then, are they ? प्रयोजन ह्रस्वत्वं तुग्विधेामाणिकुलम् Benefit is that hrasvavt i is (animitta) to tuguidhi as grāmanileulam. ग्रामणिकुलं सेनानिकुलम् इत्यत्र हस्खत्वे कृते, ह्रस्वस्य पिति कृति तुग्भवति इति तुक् प्राप्नोति । सन्निपातलक्षणो विधिरनिमित्तं तद्विघातस्य इति न दोषो भवति । in When 7 in grāmaņī and sēnānī is shortened in the words grāmaņikulam and sēnānikulam (by the sūtra Iko hrasvösnyo Gālavasya (6, 3, 61), tuk has a chance to set in by the sūlra Hrasvasya piti kerti tule (6, 1, 71), but it does not do so by the dictum Sanni pātala kşaņā vidhir animittam tadvighātasya. नैतदस्ति प्रयोजनम् ; बहिरङ्गं ह्रस्वत्वम् अन्तरङ्गस्तुक्; असिद्धं बहिरङ्ग- मन्तरङ्गे । This need not be taken as the result of the paribhūşā; hrasvatva is bahirurga and tuk is anturariga and when antarangakārya is to be done, bahirangakārya is considered non-existent. Note: Hrasvatva is buhrranger, since it depends upon two words; and tuk is untaranga since it depends upon one word. नलोपो वृत्रहभिः Nalopa is animitla to tugvidhi as in vrtrahabhiḥ. वृत्रहभिः भ्रूणहभिरित्यत्र नलोपे कृते ह्रस्वस्य पिति कृति तुग्भवतीति तुक् प्राप्नोति । सन्निपातलक्षणो विधिरनिमित्तं तद्विघातस्य इति न दोषो भवति । When n is elided in the words vrirahabhiḥ and bhrūnahabhiḥ (by the sūtra Nalopah prātipadikāntasya (8, 2, 7) there is chance for tuk to make its appearance by the sūtru ·SIXTH AHNIKA KRNMĒJANTAH 219 Hrasvasya piti krti tuk; but it does not do so by the dictum Sannipätalakşaņā vidhir animittam tadvighātasya. एतदपि नास्ति प्रयोजनम् । असिद्धो नलोपः, तस्यासिद्धत्वात् भविष्यति । This too need not be taken as the prayõjana of the paribhāṣā, since the sūtra enjoining nalopa is in the second pāda of the eighth adhyāya and the sūtra enjoining tuk is in the sixth adhyāya and hence when tuh wants to appear, nalopa is considered to be non-existent उदुपधत्वमकित्त्वस्य निकुचिते Udupadhatva is animitta to akittva in the word nikucitu. उदुपधत्वम् अकित्त्वस्यानिमित्तम् Udupadhatva is animitta to akittva. क? Where? निकुचिते । निकुचिते इत्यत्र नलोपे कृते उदुपधाद् भावादिकर्मणारन्य- तरस्याम् इति अकित्त्वं प्राप्नोति । सन्निपातलक्षणो विधिरनिमित्तं तद्विघातस्य इति न दोषो भवति । In the word nikucitu. After n is elided (when the root kuñc preceded by the preposition ni is followed by kta prutyaya) by the sūtra Aniditām hala upadhāyāḥ hniti (6, 4, 24) and the word nikucita is formed, there is a tendency for the Sūtra Udupadhad bhāvādikarmanor anyatarasyām (1, 2, 21) and make the kta pratyaya optionally akit and the paribhāṣā Sannipātalakşaņā vidhir animittam tadvighātasya prevents it. एतदपि नास्ति प्रयोजनम् । अस्त्वत्र अकित्त्वं, न धातुलोप आर्धधातुके इति प्रतिषेधो भविष्यति । This too need not be considered as the prayõjana of the paribhāşā. Let there be akittva and the prospective guna is prevented by the sūtra Na dhātulopa ārdhadhātuke.

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LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHABHÂŞYA
नाभावो यजि दीर्घत्वस्यामुना
Nābhāva is animitta to the lengthening by the sūtra Supi
ca when the stem is followed by a sup which commences in
yait as in the word amunū.
नाभावो यजि दीर्घत्वस्यानिमित्तम्
Nābhāva is animitta to the lengthening by the sutra Supi
ca. (7,3, 102).
Where?
अमुना
In the word amunā.
नाभावे कृते अतो दी| यजि, सुपि च इति दीर्घत्वं प्राप्नोति ।
After nābhāva is done by the sūtra Año nā astriyām
(7, 3, 120), there is chance for the lengthening in amu by the
sūtra Supi ca which follows Ato dirgho yani.
सन्निपातलक्षणो विधिरनिमित्तं तद्विघातस्य इति न दोषो भवति ।
It is prevented by the paribhūşā Sannipetalaksaņā vidhir
animittam tadvighātasya.
एतदपि नास्ति प्रयोजनम् ; वक्ष्यत्येतत् न मुटादेशे इति ।
This too need not be considered as a prayõjana, since
he (Vārttikakāra) is going to mention (under the sūtra Na
mu nē (8, 2, 3)] the värttika Na mu tādēsē.
1
आत्वं कित्त्वस्योपादास्त
Atvam is animitta to kitva as in upādāsta.
1. It means ļāyāḥ ādēśē tāyām ādēśë yat kāryam prāpnöti tatprati mubhavo
nāsiddah.

·SIXTH ĀHNIKA KRNMEJANTAH 2121 आत्वं कित्त्वस्य अनिमित्तम् The ātva is animitla to kittva. क्व? Where? 1 उपादास्तास्य स्वरः शिक्षकस्य इति । आत्वे कृते स्थाध्वोरिच इतीत्त्वं प्राप्नोति । सन्निपातलक्षणो विधिरनिमित्तं तद्विघातस्य इति न दोषो भवति । In the word upādāsta in the sentence upādāsta asyu svaraḥ śikṣakasya. After ātva is done (in the root dīn by the sūtra Mināti-minoti dīrām ly?pi ca (6, 1, 50) ] ā is not changed to i by the stītra Sthaghvor icca (1, 2, 17) on account of the dictum Sannipātalakşaņā vidhir animittam tadvighātasya. एतदपि नास्ति प्रयोजनम् । उक्तमेतत् -दीङः प्रतिषेधः स्थाध्वोरित्त्वे इति । -- This too is not a prayðjuna, since it has been said (under Dadhaghvadap (1, 1, 20) the vürttika Dīruļ pratişēdha? sthaghvõr itvē. तिसृचतसृत्वं डीब्विधेः Tisrtva and calaşrtva are animitta to nībvidhi. तिसृचतसृत्वं डीविधेरनिमित्तम् Tisrtva and catusrtva are animitta to não-vidhi. Where? तिस्रस्तिष्ठन्ति चतनस्तिष्ठन्ति इति । तिसृचतसृभावे कृते ऋन्नेभ्यो ङीप् इति ङीप् प्राप्नोति । सन्निपातलक्षणो विधिरनिमित्तं तद्विघातस्य इति न दोषो भवति । 1. Upādāsta is the third person singular, aorist of the root din (4th conj.). After it gets ātva, it is said that it may be considered as ghu by the sūtra Dādhāghvadāp (1, 1, 20) and consequently ă may be changed to i.

·222 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHABHĀŞYA In the words tisrah and cata srah in the sentences tisras tişthanti and catasras tişthanti. After tri and catur are changed to lis? and catası (by the sutra Tricaturāḥ striyām tisr catası (7, 2, 99), they may get ilīp by the sülra innēbhyā ilīp (4, 1,5) and the parıbhāṣā Sannipālalakşınõ vidhir animittain tadvighātasya prevents it. एतदपि नास्ति प्रयोजनम् । आचार्यप्रवृत्तिपियति न तिसृचतसृभाव कृते ङीप भवति इति, यदयं 'न तिसृचतसृ' नामि दीर्घत्वस्य प्रतिषेधं शास्ति । Even this is not a prayõjana; for the procedure of Icārya suggests that tisr and catası do not take riīp after them, since he prohibits the dirghatva before nām (6th case plural suffix) by the sūtra Na tisrcatasr. इमानि तर्हि प्रयोजनानि These are, then, prayõjanas. 1 शतानि सहस्राणि Śatāni and sahasrāņi. नुमि कृते ष्णान्ता षट् इति षट्संज्ञा प्राप्नोति । सन्निपातलक्षणो विधि- रनिमित्तं तद्विघातस्य इति न दोषो भवति । After num is inserted (between sata + i and saharasa toi by the sūtra Napuisakasya jhalucah), there is chance for șațsamjñā and it is prevented by the paribhāşā Sannipatalaksaņā vidhir animittam tadvighūlasya. Note : The numāgama comes on account of the nom. acc. plural suffix i. If satan and sahasran get the şaţsamjñā because they end in n, the case-suffix i should be dropped by the sūtra şadbhyö luk. Hence n which owes its existence to i does not cause the elision of the latter. 1. Some consider this as vārttika.

·SIXTH ĀHNIKA --- KRNMĒJANTAH 223 शकटौ पद्धतौ Śakațāu and paddhntāu. अत्वे कृते अत इति टाप् प्राप्नोति । सन्निपातलक्षणो विधिरनिमित्तं तद्विघातस्य इति न दोषो भवति । When the final of sakați and paddhati is changed to a by the sūtra Acca ghēh (7, 3, 119), there is chance for tāp to set in by the sūtra Ajādyatış tāp (4, 1, 4) and the paribhāsā Sunnipātalakşıņā vidhir animitlam tidvighātasy prevents it. Note : The final i is changed to a when it is followed by the case-suffix and hence it does not allow ā to intercede between them. इयेष उवोष Iyēşa and uvõşa. गुणे कृते इजादेश्च गुरुमतोऽनृच्छः इत्याम् प्राप्नोति । सन्निपातलक्षणो विधिरनिमित्तं तद्विघातस्य इति न दोषो भवति । When i and u of the roots is and uş take guna before the third person singular perfect termination a (by the sūtra Pugantalaghupadhasya ca (7, 33, 86), there is a chance for ām to set in by the sūtra Ijadesca gurumato anrcchaḥ (3, 1, 36) and the paribhāṣā Sannipātrlıkşaņā vidhir animittam tadvighātasya prevents it. Note : The guņa of į and u depends upon the existence of the verbal termination and hence it cannot be responsible for its loss by allowing the root take am after it. तस्य दोषः -- वर्णाश्रयः प्रत्ययो वर्णविचालस्य Its defect--the pratyaya depending upon a varna for its application is animitta to its displacement. तस्यैतस्य लक्षणस्य दोषः ·224 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHABHASYA The defect in this laksana. वर्णाश्रयः प्रत्ययो वर्णविचालस्य अनिमित्तं स्यात् । The pratyayu which depends upon a letter for its application cannot be responsible for its displacement. न प्रत्ययः सन्निपातलक्षणः Since the word already exists and the classification of prakrti and pratyayn was done later by graminarians, the pratyaya cannot be considered to be dependent upon another. अङ्गसंज्ञा त_निमित्तं स्यात् Argasarijñā, then, becomes animitta. Vote: Nāgājiblběta here says that sannipūta need not be the sambandha between nimitla and nimittin alone, but also it may be the sambandha between visesana and viśēsya. Hence the pratyaya which depends for its application upon the sambandha between the prātipadika and adantatva may not be respon- „sible to break that sainbandhai. आत्वं पुग्विधेः क्रापयति The ālva has to be unimilta to pugvidhi in krāpayati. आत्वं पुग्विधेरनिमित्तं स्यात् The ātva (by the sūtra Krīn-jinām nūu 6, 1, 48) has to be animitta to pugvidhi (by the sutra Arti-hrī-uli-ri-knüyıkşmāyyālām pugņāu 7, 3, 36.) ? Where? कापयति इति In krāpayati.

·SIXTH ĀHNIKA - KRNMEJANTAH 225 Note: The root krīn takes vrddhi before nic and āi is changed to ā and pugāgama sets in so that the form krāpuyati is determined. The ātva is due to the succeeding nic and the same should not be responsible to allow puk to intercede between them ; but it intercedes. पुग्घ्रस्वत्वस्यादीदपत् Puk has to be animitta to hrasvatva in adīdapat. grerecaerahTİ FTICI Puk has to be animitta to hrasvatva. Where ? अदीदपत् इति In adidapat. Note : Adidapat is the third person singular, lun of the nijanta of the root dīn; dī is changed to dā by the sūtra Mēnāti-minoti-dīnām lyapi ca (6, 1, 50) and it takes pugāgama by the sūtra Arti-hrī-vlā-ri-knüyakṣmāyyātām punnāu (7, 3, 36). The ā of dā is shortened to a by the sūtra Ņau-cani-upadhāyāhrasvaḥ (7, 4, 3). Here puk which owes its existence to the previous ā is responsible for its shortening त्यदायकारष्टाविधे The a of tyadādi has to be animitta to țābvidhi. त्यदाद्यकारः टाविधेरनिमित्तं स्यात् । The akāra of tyadadi bas to be animitta to tābvidhi, 29

·226
LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHĀBHĀŞYA
?
Where P
या सा इति
In yā, sā etc.
Note : Yad and tad become ya and sa before case-suffix by
the sūtra Tyadādīnām aḥ (7, 2, 102); tāp sets in on
account of a by the sūtra Ajādyataştā:p (4, 1, 4) and
hence a allows tāp to intercede between it and the
case-suffix.
इड्विधिराकारलोपस्य
Idvidhi has to be animitta to ākāralöpa.
इड्विधिराकारलोपस्य अनिमित्तं स्यात्
Idvidhi has to be animitta to akāralopa.
क?
Where?
ययिवान् , तस्थिवान् इति
In yayivān, tasthivan.
Note: The roots yā and sthā after reduplication take idāgama
by the sülra Vasvēkājādghasām (7, 2, 67) and this
i is responsible for the loss of ā as is seen in the
sūtra Ātö lõpa iți ca (6, 4, 64.)
मतुब्बिभक्त्युदात्तत्वं पूर्वनिघातस्य
The udāttatva of matup and vibhakti has to be animitta to
the anudattatva of the previous syllable.
मतुविभक्त्युदात्तत्वं पूर्वनिघातस्य अनिमित्तं स्यात्
The udāttatva of matup and vibhakti has to be animitta
to the anudāttatva of the previous syllable,

·SIXTH ĀHNIKA - KRNMĒJANTAH
227
Where ?
अग्निमान् वायुमान् ; परमवाचा परमवाचे इति
In the words agnimān, vāyumān; paramavācā, paramavācē.
Note: The final syllable of agni and vāyu is udālta. When
they get the pratyaya matup after them by the
sūtra Tadasyāstyas minniti matup (5, 2, 94), matup
becomes udātta by the sūtra Hrasvanuddhyām
matup (6, 1, 176) and consequently the final syllable
of agni and vāyu lose their udāttatva by the general
rule Anudāttam padam ēkavarjam (6, 1, 158). Here
the pratyaya matup which comes after agni and
vāyu makes them lose the udattatva in the final
syllable. Similarly the third case-suffix and the
fourth case-suffix in paramavāca, paramavācē
enables the previous syllable vă lose its udāttatva
by the sütra Antõdāttād uttarapadād anyatarasyām
anityasamāsē (6, 1, 169).
नदीह्रस्वत्वं संबुद्धिलोपस्य
The hrasvatva of radī has to be animitta to sambuddhilopa.
मदीह्रखत्वं संबुद्धिलोपस्य अनिमित्तं स्यात्
The hrasvatvu of the words which come under nadi
(Yüstryākhyāu nadī) [ by the sūtra Ambārthanadyõr hrasvaḥ
(7,3, 107) ] has to be animitta to the sambuddhilõpa [by the
8@tra Em bra80ặt sambuddh@h (6, 1, 69)
Where?
नदि, कुमारि, किंशोरि, ब्राह्मणि, ब्रह्मवन्धु इति ।
In the words nadiy kumāri, kisori, brahmani, brdhma.
bandhu etc.

·228 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MA HÁBHÄŞYA नदीहखत्वे कृते, एङ् ह्रखात् संबुद्धेः इति सबुद्धिलोपो न प्राप्नोति । After the final of nadī is shortened, the sambuddhilopa should not happen by the sūtra En hrasvat sambuddhēh. Note: The words under nadi have their final shortened on account of the sambuddhi following it and the shortened vowel is responsible for the loss of the sambauddhi. मा भूदेवं ; ड्यन्तादित्येवं भविष्यति । This need not be, (i.e.) the sambuddhilõpa need not be by the sūtra Ev hrasvat sambuddhëh; let it be by the sūtra Halnyābhyo dārghāt sutisyap?'ktam hal (6, 1, 68). न सिध्यति दीर्घात् इत्युच्यते, ह्रखान्ताच न प्राप्नोति । No, it cannot be; since it is said that it happens after a long vowel, it cannot operate after a short vowel. इदमिह सम्प्रधार्य, ह्रखत्वं क्रियतां सम्वुद्धिलोप इति । This is to be decided whether the vowel is to be shortened (first) or the sambuddhi is to be elided. किमत्र कर्तव्यम्। What is to be done here? परत्वात् हस्खत्वम् . The shortening of the vowel is to be done first, since the sūtra enjoining it is later than the sūtra enjoining the other. नित्यः सम्बुद्धिलोपः, कृते हखत्वे प्रामोति, अकृते च । The sambuddhilopa is nitya, since it operates both when the vowel is shortened and when it is not shortened.

·SIXTH ÅHNIKA - KRNMĒJANTAH 229 अनित्यः सम्वुद्धिलोपः ; न हि कृते ह्रखत्वे प्राप्नोति । Sambuddhi-lõpa is anitya, for it does not operate after the vowel is shortened. किं कारणम् Why? सन्निपातलक्षणो विधिरनिमित्तं तद्विघातस्य । Sannipātalakşaņā vidhir animittam tadvighātasya. एते दोषाः समा भूयांसो वा । तस्मान्नार्थोऽनया परिभाषया । These defects are equal to the merits or are greater in number. Hence there is no use of this paribhāṣā. Note : Nāgājibhatta here says that, though the merits are nine and defects eight, they are mentioned to be equal since the difference between them is small. Of the merits six seem to be from the pen of the Vārttikakāra, which Mahābhāşyakāra does not freely admit and three from the pen of the Mahābhāşyakāra. That the last three alone are admitted to be the merits by the Mahābhāsyakāra is clear from his statement imāni tarhi prayojanāni. But soine editions read the last three also as vārttikas. The defects are only seven in number and it is not known how Nāgõjibhatta says that they are eight. The statement ētē döşāḥ samāḥ bhūyāṁsā vā has sprung only on the opinion of the Varttikakāra. न हि दोषाः सन्तीति परिभाषा न कर्तव्या लक्षणं वा न प्रणेयम् । न हि भिक्षुकाः सन्तीति स्थाल्यो नाधिश्रीयन्ते, न च मृगाः सन्तीति यवा नोप्यन्ते । It is not correct to say that, because there are defects, paribhāşā need not be enunciated nor rule to be framed.

·230
LECTURES İN PATANJALI'S MAHĀBHÅŞYA
We do not see that the cooking pots are not placed on hearth
because there are beggars, nor is wheat not sown because
there are animals.
दोषाः खल्वपि साकल्येन परिगणिताः । प्रयोजनानामुदाहरणमात्रम् ।
The defects alone have been completely counted; while
tbe merits have not been fully exhausted.
कुत एतत् ?
Why is this?
न हि दोषाणां लक्षणमस्ति ।
For there is no upala kşaņa-rūpa for dõşas.
तस्मात् यान्येतस्याः परिभाषायाः प्रयोजनानि तदर्थमेपा परिभाषा कर्तव्या,
प्रतिविधेयं दोषेषु ॥
Therefore this paribhāṣā is to be read considering its
prayojanas and the defects have to be rectified.
अव्ययीभावश्च (1, 1, 41)
अव्ययीभावस्याव्ययत्वे प्रयोजनं लुङ्मुखस्वरोपचाराः
The purpose of taking avyayībhāva as avyaya is for the
sake of luk, mukhasvara and upacāra.
अव्ययीभावस्य अव्ययत्वे प्रयोजनं किम् ?
Why should avyayibhāva be considered avyaya ?
लुङ्मुखखरोंपचारा
For the sake of luk, mukhasvara and upacāra.
लुक्-उपानि प्रत्यंग्नि, अव्ययात् इति लुक् सिद्धो भवति ।
Luk. The luk of sup after upāgni and pratyagni is
actrieved by the sutra Avyayad apsripak (2, 4,82).

·SIXTH AHNIKA - AYYAYIBHĀVASCA 231 मुखस्वरः - उपानिमुखः, प्रत्यग्निमुखः नाव्ययदिक्शब्दगोमहत्स्थूलमुष्टि- पृथुवत्सेभ्यः इत्येष प्रतिषेधः सिद्धो भवति । Mukhasvaraḥ The antödättatva of upāgnimukhuḥ, pratyagnimukhah [obtained by the sūtra Mukham svāngum (6, 2, 167)] is avoided by the sitra Navyayadiksabdagomahatsthailamustiprthruvatsebhyah (6, 2, 168) (so that they get the antādāttatva of the former member). 1 उपचारः उपपयःकारः, उपपयःकामः इति, अतः कृकमिकंसकुम्भपात्र- कुशाकर्णीष्वनव्ययस्य इति प्रतिषेधः सिद्धो भवति । on Upacārah - s does not replace visarga after y in upapayaḥkāraḥ and upapayaḥkāmaḥ account of the mention of anavyayasya in the sūtra Atah-kr-kami-kamsa. kumbha-pātra-kuśākarnīşu anavyayasya (8, 3, 46). किं पुनरिद परिगणनमाहोस्वित् उदाहरणमात्रम् । Is this an exhaustive list or capable of addition? परिगणनमित्याह Exhaustive list, says he. अपि खल्वाहुः यदन्यद् अव्ययीभावस्य अव्ययकृतं प्राप्नोति तस्य प्रतिषेधो क्तव्यः इति । . Others add that whatever else happening to avyaya should be prohibited to avyayībhāva. किं पुनस्तत्? What is it then ? : परागवद्भाका पराङ्गवद्भावे अव्ययप्रतिषेधश्चोदितः उचैरधीयान नीचैरधीयान इत्येवमर्थ, स इहापि प्राप्नोति उपाग्यधीयान प्रत्यग्न्यधीयान । 1, Visargasthānikasya sa kārasya upacara ili präcām sarja, ·232 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHABHĀŞYA Parängavadbhāva — With reference to a phrase consisting of a noun with a case-suffix after it followed by a vocative, it is said that the former word is considered to be an anga to the latter so that it may take the vocative accent. But if the former word is an avyaya, it is prohibited from taking the parāngavadbhāva (by the vārttika Avyayapratişēdhasca under the sūtra Subāmantritē parāngavat svurē (2, 1, 2) as in uccāir adhīyāna and nīcāir adhīyāna (where adhīyāna is vocative and uccāih and nīcāih have not taken the ādyudăltu of the vocative at the beginning of a pāda). The same pratişēdhu may chance to come in the expressions upāgni adhīyāna and pratyagni adhīyāna. (Hence we find the vārttika under the same sü'ra Anavyayībhāvasya). अकच्यव्ययग्रहणं क्रियते उच्चकैः नीचकैः इत्येवमर्थम् । तदिहापि प्रामोति उपानिकं प्रत्याग्निकम् । The word avyaya is read with reference to akac [in the sūtra Avyayasarvanāmnām akac prāk ca tēh (5,3, 71) ] so that the forms uccakāiḥ and nīcakāih may be formed. The same may have a chance to come in upāgnikam and pratyagnikam. मुमि अव्ययप्रतिषेधश्चोद्यते, दोषामन्यमहः दिवामन्या रात्रिः इत्येवमर्थम् । स इहापि प्राप्नोति उपकुम्भमन्यः उपमणिकंमन्यः इति । Avyayapratişēdha is mentioned with reference to num in in the sūtra Arur-dvişad-ajantasya mum (6, 3, 67) so that we have dõşāmanyam ahnh, divāmanyā rātriḥ. The same is liable to happen with reference to upakumbham-manyaḥ and upamaņikam-manyaḥ. अस्य च्वौ अव्ययप्रतिषेध उच्यते, दोषाभूतमहः दिवाभूता रात्रिः इत्येव- मर्थम्, स इहापि प्राप्नोति उपकुम्भीभूतम् उपमणिकीभूतम् । Avyayapratişēdha is mentioned in the vārttika Avyayasya cvāu itvam nēli vācyam) with reference to the operation the sūtra Asya cvāu so that the forins döşābhūtam ahah and divābhūtā rātriḥ may be formed. That may have a chance to operate in upakumbhibhūtam and upamanikīhitam.

·SIXTH ĀHNIKA - AVYAYIBHĀVASCA 233 यदि परिगणनं क्रियते नार्थोऽव्ययीभावस्य अव्ययसंज्ञया । If an exhaustive list is given, there is no purpose served by giving avyayasamjñā to avyayābhāva. नैतानि सन्ति प्रयोजनानि । Those mentioned are not the prayājanas. यत्तावदुच्यते लुक् इति; आचार्यप्रवृत्तिापयति भवति अव्ययीभावा- ल्लुगिति यदयं नाव्ययीभावादतः इति प्रतिषेधं शास्ति । With reference to the first prayojana luk, the procedure of Ācārya suggests that there is luk after avyayībhāva, since there is pratişēdha mentioned to it in certain cases in the sūtra Va yayībhāvād atosm tvapañcamyāḥ (2, 4, 83). With reference to (the third prayojana) apacāra anuttarapadasthasya is taken to the sūtra Ataḥ krkami ... (8, 3, 46) from the previous sülra. तत्र मुखखर एकः प्रयोजयति । न चैकं प्रयाजनं योगारम्भं प्रयोजयति । यद्येतावत् प्रयोजनं स्यात्तत्रैवायं ब्रूयात् नाव्ययादव्ययीभावाञ्च । Of these mukhasvara alone remains as prayājana. One sūtra need not be read for the sake of one prayõjana. If the Sūtrakāra is very particular about that prayojana, he might have read avyayibhāvācca along with avyayād in the sūtra Navyaya (6, 2, 168) ... Note : Nagajibhatta says that, in the opinion of Mahābhāsya. kāra, this sūtra need not be read. शि सर्वनामस्थानम् (1, 1, 42); सुडनपुंसकस्य (1, 1, 43) शि सर्वनामस्थानं सुडनपुंसकस्येति चेञ्जसि शिप्रतिषेधः If it is said that și gets sarvanāmasumjñā and suț does not get it in napumsaka, there is sipratişēdha in jas. 30

·234
LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHABHĀŞYA
शि सर्वनामस्थानं सुडनपुंसकस्य इति चेत् जसि शेः प्रतिषेधः प्राप्नोति
कुण्डानि तिष्ठन्ति, वनानि तिष्ठन्ति ।
If it is said that śi gets sarvanāmasanjñā and sut does
not get it in napursaka, there is sipratişēdha in jas so that
the forms kundāni and vanāni in the sentences kundāni
tişthanti and vanāni tişthanti cannot be formed.
असमर्थसमासश्च
Asamarthasamāsa too.
an
असमर्थसमासश्चायं द्रष्टव्योऽनपुंसकस्येति ; न हि नमो नपुंसकेन
सामर्थ्यम् ।
The word anapurnsakasya should be taken
asamarthasamāsa (a compound having component members
not related to each other); for the negative particle has no
relation with napumsaka.
केन तर्हि
With whom then ?
भवतिना
With the finite verb bhavati.
न भवति नपुंसकस्य इति ।
That it does not happen to napumsaka, is then the
meaning
यत्तावदुच्यते शि सर्वनामस्थानं सुडनपुंसकस्येति चेजसि प्रतिषेध इति ।
As to the statement made at first si sarvanāmasthānam
sud annpursakasya iti cēt jasi pratişēdhhaḥ,
न, अप्रतिषेधात्
No, since it is not prasajya-pratişēdha.

·SIXTH ÀHNIKA-SI SARVANĀMASTHANAM SUDANA.... 235
नायं प्रसज्यप्रतिषेधः नपुंसकस्य न इति ।
This (anapursakasyu) is not prasajya-pratişēdha of the
form napuſsakasya na.
किं तर्हि
What then ?
पर्युदासोऽयं, यदन्यत् नपुंसकात् इति ।
It is paryudāsa of the form napursakāt anyut.
नपुंसके न व्यापारः । यदि केनचित् प्राप्नोति तेन भविष्यति । पूर्वेण च
प्राप्नोति ।
There is no action in napumsaka. It takes place with
that which fits it. It takes place with what precedes.
अप्राप्त
Or through aprāpti.
अथवा अनन्तरा या प्राप्तिः सा निषिध्यते ।
Or that which immediately precedes is open to nişēdha.
कुत एतत् ?
How is this?
अनन्तरस्य विधिर्वा भवति प्रतिषेधो वा इति ।
Vidhi or pratişëdha takes place to what immediately
precedes.
पूर्वा प्राप्तिरप्रतिषिद्धा, तया भविष्यति ।
That which is first obtained is not prohibited and hence
it (si) gets it.
ननु चेयं प्राप्तिः पूर्वां प्राप्तिं बाधते ।
Or this prāpti sets at naught the previous prāpti.

·236 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHABHAŞYA नोत्सहते प्रतिपिद्धा सती वाधितुम् । That which undergoes pratişēdha cannot set at naught another. यदप्युच्यते असमर्थसमासश्चायं द्रष्टव्यः इति । यद्यपि वक्तव्योऽथवैतर्हि बहूनि प्रयोजनानि । असूर्यपश्यानि मुखानि, अपुनर्गेयाः श्लोकाः, अश्राद्धभोजी ब्राह्मण इति । With reference to the statement mentioned that this should be seen as asamarthasamāsa, it is true ; there are now many prayojanas for it:-asiryampasyāni mukhāni, apunarg:- yāḥ ślökāḥ, aśrāddhabhājī brāhmaṇaḥ. Note : Kaiyața says that, since the Sūtrakāra has read anapunsakasya instead of strīpurinsayõh, he opinos that there is prasajyapratişēdha. न वेति विभाषा (1, 1, 44) There are five topics dealt with here. They are: (1) the significance of the term iti in the sūtra ; (2) and (3) na vā is is not used as one word in the sense of new or pratişēdha, (4) the pratyākhyāna of the sūtra after mentioning the defects and (5) the description of threo kinds of vibhāşās prāptavibhāṣā, aparāptavibhāşā and ubhayatravibhāṣā found in grammar. H न वेति विभाषायामर्थसंज्ञाकरणम् The need to mention that artha (and not sabda) gets the samjñā in the sūtra Na vēti vibhāṣā. न वेति विभाषायामर्थस्य संक्षा कर्तव्या, न वा शब्दस्य योऽर्थः तस्य संज्ञा भवतीति वक्तव्यम् ।

·SIXTH ÀHNIKA – NA VĚTI VIBHĂȘĂ 237 It is necessary that saṁjñā should be given to artha in the sūtra Na vēti vibhāşã and it should be said that the sarjñā reaches that which is the meaning of navāśabda. किं प्रयोजनम् ? What for? शब्दसंज्ञायां ह्यर्थासंप्रत्ययः यथान्यत्र If the samjñā is to sabda, it cannot reach artha as elsewhere. शब्दसंज्ञायां हि सत्यामर्थस्यासंप्रत्ययः स्यात् । यथा अन्यत्र, अन्यत्रापि हि शब्दसंशायां शब्दस्य संप्रत्ययो भवति, नार्थस्य । For, if the samjñā is to sabila, the desired meaning is not obtained as elsewhere ; for the samjñā given elsewhere to śabda refers only to śabda and not to artha. कान्यत्र? Which does elsewhere refer to ? दाधा ध्वदाप् , तरप्तमपौ घः इति । घुग्रहणेषु धग्रहणेषु च शब्दस्य संप्रत्ययो भवति नार्थस्य । The sutras Dadha ghvadap, Taraptamapāu ghah. Wherever ghu and gha are mentioned, they refer to only sabdas (like dā, dhā, turap, tamap etc.) and not to their meaning. तत्तर्हि वक्तव्यम् । It is then to be mentioned. न वकव्यम् । No, it need not be mentioned. इतिकरणोऽर्थनिर्देशार्थः The use of the word iti is only to denote artha.

·238 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHABHĀŞYÀ इतिकरणः क्रियते, सोऽर्थनिर्देशार्थों भविष्यति । The word iti is read there and it is to make navā refor to artha (and not to sabda). किं गतमेतदितिना, आहोस्वित् शब्दाधिक्यादर्थाधिक्यम् ? Is it denoted by the word iti or is the extension of meaning done through the use of the additional word ? गतमित्याह It is denoted, says he. कुतः ? How? लोकतः From the world. तद्यथा लोके गौरित्ययमाह इति गोशब्दादितिकरणः प्रयुज्यमानः गोशब्दं स्वस्मात् पदार्थात् प्रच्यावयति ; सोऽसौ स्वस्मात् पदार्थात् प्रच्युतः या असावर्थपदार्थकता तस्याः, शब्दपदार्थकः सम्पद्यते । एवमिहापि नवाशब्दा- दितिकरणः परः प्रयुज्यमानः नवाशब्दं स्वस्मात् पदार्थात् प्रच्यावयति । सोऽसौ स्वस्मात् पदार्थात् प्रच्युतः यासौ शब्दपदार्थकता तस्या लौकिकमर्थ सम्प्रत्या- ययति नवेति यद्गम्यते नवेति यत्प्रतीयते इति । It is thus : -In the sentence gāuh iti ayam ūhıı used in the world, the word iti used after the word gāuh enables the word gāuḥ not to denote its original meaning ; it, being allowed to slip from denoting its original meaning the artha, is made to denote the word gauh. So also here the word iti used after navā enables it to slip from denoting its original meaning ; it, being allowed to slip from denoting its original meaning-the sabda, is made to denote its meaning current in the world (i.e.) that which is meant by navā or that which is suggested by navā.

·SIXTH ĀHNIKA -- NA VĒTI VIBHĀŞA 239 Note: It deserves to be clearly understood that there is difference in the denotation of words between the world and the grammar. If one says in the world gāuḥ, it refers to the object which goes by the name of cow; on the other hand, the same word, if used in grammar, refers to the word which is made up of the sounds g, au and visarga. That is why the Sūtrakāra reads the sūtra Svam rūpam sabdasya aśabdasamjñā. If, in the world, one wants to refer to the word gāuḥ, he has to say gāuħ iti ; similarly if, in grammar, one wants to refer to the object gāuh, he has to say gāuh iti. Hence there is the saying of the elders “iti-sabdaḥ padārthaviprayāsakrt'. II समानशब्दप्रतिषेधः Prohibition of arthas denoted by words of the same form. समानशब्दानां प्रतिषेधो वक्तव्यः, नवा कुण्डिका नवा घटिका इति । Prohibition of arthas denoted by words of the same form as the artha of newness in navā kundikā and navā ghaţikā need be mentioned. किं च स्याद् यद्येतेषामपि विभाषासंज्ञा स्यात् What will happen if these also get the samjñā vibhāşā ? विभाषा दिक्समासे बहुव्रीहौ दक्षिणपूर्वस्यां शालायाम् अचिरकृतायां संप्रत्ययः स्यात् । The word dakşinapūrvasyām in the phrase dakşiņa pūrvasyām sālāyām which is obtained on the strength of the sutra «Vibhāşā diksamāsē bahuvrīhāu will be made to denote recently made.

·240 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHABHASYA न वा विधिपूर्वकत्वात् प्रतिषेधसंप्रत्यया यथा लोके Not necessary; vidhi preceding, it can mean only pratişēdha, as is in the world. न वैष दोषः This difficulty does not arise. किं कारणम्। Why? विधिपूर्वकत्वात्, विधाय किञ्चिन्नवेत्युच्यते, तेन प्रतिषेधवाचिनः संप्रत्ययो भवति । तद्यथा लोके ग्रामो भवता गन्तव्यो न वा । नेति गम्यते । Since it is preceded by a vidhi; the expression narā is nised only after something is enjoined and hence it can mean only nişēdha, as is found in the sentence curront in the world. Are you to go to the village ? Navū? Here navā refers to pratişēdha. अस्ति कारणं येन नवा इति लोके प्रतिषेधवाचिनः संप्रत्ययो भवति । There is a reason for interpreting navā to mean pratişēdha in the world. किं कारणंम्। What is the reason ? विलिङ्गं हि भवाँल्लोके निर्देशं करोति । अङ्ग! हि समानलिङ्गो निर्देशः क्रियता, प्रत्यग्रवाचिनः सम्प्रत्ययो भविष्यति - तद्यथा ग्रामो भवता गन्तव्यो नवः -प्रत्यन इति गम्यते । For you state an unworldly expression-navā and gantavyaḥ are of different genders. Dear sir, please give out an expression where, they are of the same gender and it will evidently mean newness. For example the word nava in the sentence grāmā bhavatā gantavyo navaḥ means only pratyagra.

·SIXTH ÄHNIKA -- NA VĒTI VIBHĀŞĀ 241 Note: The humour in the method of presentation above deserves to be noted. पतञ्चैव न जानीमः क्वचिद्याकरणे समानलिङ्गो निर्देशः क्रियते इति । We do not know this where nava is used in Vyākarana in the same gender as the word with which it is associated. अपि चात्र कामचारः प्रयोक्तुः शब्दानामभिसम्बन्धे । तद्यथा यवागूर्भवता भोक्तव्या नवा, यदा यवागूशब्दो भुजिना सम्बध्यते भुजिनवाशब्देन तदा प्रतिषेधवाचिनः सम्प्रत्ययो भवति - यवागूर्भवता भोक्तव्या न वा; नेति गम्यते । यदा तु यवागूशब्दो नवाशब्देन अभिसम्बध्यते न भुजिना, तदा प्रत्यग्रवाचिनः सम्प्रत्ययो भवति, यथा यवागूनवा भवता भोक्तव्या; प्रत्यग्रेति गम्यते । न चेह वयं विभाषाग्रहणेन सर्वादीन्यभिसंबध्नीमः-दिक्समासे बहुव्राही सर्वादीनि विभाषा भवन्ति इति । किं तर्हि ? भवतिरभिसंबध्यते, दिक्समासे बहुव्रीहौ सर्वादीनि भवन्ति विभाषा इति । Besides the speaker is at liberty to fix the relationship of words in a sentence. For instance, if, in the sentence yavāgūh bhavatā bhoktavyā navā, the word yavāgū is made to go with the verb bhuj and bhuj with navā, navā means pratişēdha so that the sentence means Are you to eat yavāgū or not?" If, on the other hand, yavāgū is taken with navā and not with bhuj, navā means newness so that the sentence means “ The fresh yavāgū has to be eaten by you". We do not here take vibhāşā with sarvādi so that the sūtra may mean, in diksamāsa of bahuvrihi sarvādis become vibhāṣā. How then ? Vibhāşā is taken along with the root bhū so that the sūtra means sarvādis in diksamāsa of bahuvrihi take the samjñā optionally. विध्यनित्यत्वमनुपपन, प्रतिषेधसंज्ञाकरणात् Inappropriateness of the anityatva of vidhi on account of the pratişēdha (the meaning of navā, taken as one word) being given a sarjñā. 31 ·242 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHABHAŞYA विधेरनित्यत्वं नोपपद्यते-शुशाव शुशुवतुः शुशुवुः, शिवाय शिश्वयतुः शिश्वयुः। The anityatva of the general vidhi is not possible with reference to the forms of the root svi in liț, so that the optional forms suśāva, susuvatuḥ and suśuvuḥ cannot replace śiśvāya, śiśvayatuḥ and śiśvayuh (since the vibhāṣā in the sūtra Vibhāşā svēḥ will have to be taken to denote nişēdha). किं कारणम् ? Why ? प्रतिषेधसंशाकरणात् ; प्रतिषेधस्येयं संज्ञा क्रियते; तेन विभाषाप्रदेशेषु प्रतिषेधस्यैव संप्रत्ययः स्यात् । On account of samjñā being given to pratişēdha ; this sanjñā is given to pratişēdha and consequently in places where the word vibhāşā is found, it should be taken to denote nişëdha. सिद्धं तु प्रसज्य प्रतिषेधात् It is accomplished on account of pratisēdha being mentioned to what has already been enjoined. सिद्धमेतत् This is accomplished. कथम्? How? प्रसज्य प्रतिषेधात् ; प्रसज्य किञ्चिन्नवेत्युच्यते तेनोमयं भविष्यति । On account of pratişēdha to what has been enjoined ; having enjoined one, it is said that there is pratişēdha to it and hence both the forms may be used. विप्रतिषिद्धं तु One conflicting against another.

·SİXTH ÁHNIKA – NA VĚTI VIBHÂŞĀ 243 विप्रतिषिद्धं तु भवति । अत्र न विज्ञायते केनाभिप्रायेण प्रसजति केन निवृत्तिं करोति इति । Oh, there is conflict. It is not known here why one is enjoined and why it is set at naught. न वा, प्रसङ्गसामर्थ्याद् अन्यत्र प्रतिषेधविषयात् This (conflict) need not be; one form on the strength of vidhisūtra and another on the strength of pratişēdhasūtra. न वैष दोषः This difficulty need not stand. किं कारणम् ? How? प्रसङ्गसामर्थ्यात्-प्रसङ्गसामर्थ्याच्च विधिर्भविष्यति अन्यत्र प्रतिषेधः विषयात् । On the basis of the vidhisūtra; on the basis of the vidhisülra, the vidhi form makes its appearance except where pratişēdhasūtra operates. प्रतिषेधसामर्थ्याच प्रतिषेधो भविष्यति अन्यत्र विधिविषयात् । On the basis of the pratişēdhasūtra, the pratişēdha form other than the vidhi form makes its appearance. तदेतत् क सिद्धं भवति? Where is this accomplished? या अप्राप्त विभाषा Where there is vibhāṣā to one which has not been enjoined. या हि प्राप्ते विभाषा कृतसामर्थ्यस्तत्र पूर्वेण विधिरिति कृत्वा प्रतिषेधस्यैव संप्रत्यय: स्यात् ।

·244 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHABHAŞYA Where there is vibhāṣā to one which has already been enjoined, the vidhi is got by the previous rule and the pratişēdha alone is meant by the other एतदपि सिद्धम् This too is accomplished (by other means). - कथम् ? How? विभाषेति महती संज्ञा क्रियते । संज्ञा च नाम यतो न लघीयः । कुत एतत् ? लध्वर्थ हि संज्ञाकरणम् । तत्र महत्याः संज्ञायाः करणे एतत् प्रयोजनम् - उभयोः संज्ञा यथा विज्ञायेत नेति च वेति च । तत्र या तावदप्राप्ते विभापा, तत्र प्रतिषेध्यं नास्तीति कृत्वा वा इत्यनेन विकल्पो भविष्यति ; या हि प्राप्ते विभाषा तत्र उभयम् उपस्थितं भवति, नेति च वेति च ; तत्र नेत्यनेन प्रतिषिद्धे वेत्यनेन विकल्पो भविष्यति । A long sumjñā, vibhāşā by name, is given. Samjñā is always in a form than which nothing is shorter. Why is it said so ? The ease of śāstrapravrtti is the motive for samjñākarana. The benefit of giving a long samjñā there is that it should comprehend both-nişedha and vikalpa. Where there is vibhāṣā with reference to aprāpta, vikalpa takes place there, since there is nothing to be prohibited and where there is vibhāşā for what is prāpta, both begin to operate-the pratișēdha and the vikalpa; after it is pratişiddha by na iti, it takes vikalpa by vā iti. एवमपि विधिप्रतिषेधयोर्युगपद्वचनानुपपत्तिः Even then the inappropriateness of the mention of vidhi and pratişēdha at the same time. विधिप्रतिषेधयोर्युगपद्वचनं नोपपद्यते; शुशाव शुशुवतुः, शुशुवुः, शिश्वाय शिश्वियतुः शिश्वियुः। Mention of vidhi and pratişēdha at the same time is inappropriate-suśava susuvatuh susuvuh, sīśvāyā siśviyatuḥ śiśviyuh.

·SIXTH AHNIKA - NA VETI VIBHASA
245
किं कारणम् ? Why ?
भवतीति चेन्न प्रतिषेधः
If it comes, it cannot be prohibited.
भवतीति चेत् प्रतिषेधो न प्राप्नोति ।
If it comes, pratişēdha cannot come there.
नेति चेन्न विधिः
No vidhi where there is pratişēdha.
नेति चेद् विधिर्न सिध्यति
If there is pratiņēdha, vidhi cannot be accomplished.
सिद्धं तु पूर्वस्योत्तरेण बाधितत्वात्
It is accomplished since the former is set at naught by
the latter.
सिद्धमेतत्
The object is achieved.
कथम्? How?
पूर्वविधिमुत्तरो विधिर्बाधते
The following rule sets at naught the preceding rule.
इतिकरणो अर्थनिर्देशार्थ इत्युक्तम्
It has been said that the mention of the word iti (in the
sūtra) is to denote the artha.
IV
साध्वनुशासनेऽस्मिन् शास्त्रे यस्य विभाषा तस्य साधुत्वम्
Correctness of the vibhāsā with reference to any one in
this sāstra which mentions only correct words.

·246 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHABHÄŞYA साध्वनुशासनेऽस्मिन् शास्त यस्य विभाषा क्रियते स विभाषा साधुः स्यात् । समासश्चैव हि विभाया क्रियते, तेन समासस्यैव विभापा साधुत्वं स्यात् । The vibhāşā mentioned with reference to anything will become optionally in this sāstra dealing with grammatically correct words. Vibhūşā is mentioned with reference to samūsa and hence samāsa will become correct and incorrect. Note : In the samāsaprakarana there is a sūtra Vibhāsā (:, 1, 11), by which it is generally understood that saināsa is not obligatory and the same idea may be expressed through the vigrahavākya. According to the above vārttika, the vigrahavūkya alone will be considered correct and not samāsu. अस्तु; यः साधुः स प्रयोक्ष्यते; असाधुन प्रयोक्ष्यते । Let it be ; that which is correct is made use of and that which is incorrect is not made use of. न चैव हि कदाचिद् राजयुरुप इत्येतस्यामवस्थायाम् असाधुत्वमिष्यते । But nowhere in the history of language was rūjapurusa as a saināsa considered incorrect. द्वेधाऽप्रतिपत्तिः Non-accomplishment of two-fold forms. द्वैधं शब्दानामप्रतिपत्तिः स्यात् । इच्छामश्च पुनर्विभाषाप्रदेशेषु द्वैधं शब्दानां प्रतिपत्तिः स्यात् इति । तच्च न सिध्यति; यस्य पुनः कार्या शब्दाः, विभाषासौ समासं निवर्तयति । The two-fold use of sabdas cannot be accomplished. We desire that in places of vibhāşū there may be two kinds of use of sabdas. That is not accomplished; according to him who accepts the theory that sabda is kārya, the vibhāşā sets at naught the samāsa यस्यापि नित्याः शब्दाः तस्याप्येष न दोषः ।

·SIXTH AHNIKA - NA VĒTI VIBHĀŞA 247 Even according to him who holds the theory that sabda is nitya, this difficulty does not arise. कथम् ? How? न विभाषाग्रहणेन साधुत्वमभिसम्बध्यते Mention of vibhāsā has nothing to do with the sądhutva or correctness of expression. किं तर्हि? With what then ? समाससंज्ञा अभिसम्बध्यते, समास इत्येषा संज्ञा विभाषा भवति इति । Vibhāṣā goes with samāsasamjñā so that it means that samāsasamjñā is optional. तद्यथा-मेध्यः पशर्विभाषितो मेध्योऽनड्वान् विभाषित इति । नैत- द्विचार्यते अनड्वान्नानडानिति । किं तर्हि ? आलब्धव्यो नालब्धव्य इति । It may be illustrated by the following: It is said 'mēdhyaḥ pasuḥ vibhāşito mēdhyö anadvan vibhāşitah'. It is not discussed here whether it is to anadvān or non-anadvān but whether it is to be tied to the stake or not. कार्येषु युगपदन्याचययोगपद्यम् If sabda is taken be kūrys, there is a chance for a number of suffixes to be attached at the same time. कार्येषु शब्देषु, तस्य युगपद्धचनता प्राप्नोति; तव्यत्तव्यानीयरः, ढक् च मण्डूकात् इति । If sabdas are kārya, they are prone to get a number of suffixes at the same time. For instance lavya and anīya may be added simultaneously to verbal roots on the strength of the sūtra Tavyattavyānīyaraḥ (3, 1, 93) and the suffixes dhak, an and iñ may be attached to the word mandūka on the strength of the sūtra Dhak ca manạūkāt (4,1, 119).

·248 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHABHĀŞYA यस्य पुनर्नित्याः शब्दाः, प्रयुक्तानामसौ साधुत्वमन्वाचष्टे । For him who holds that sabdas are nitya, these sūtras reiterate their correctness. ननु च यस्यापि कार्याः तस्याप्येष न दोषः । Oh, the difficulty above mentioned does not arise even to him who holds that sabdas are kārya. कथम्? How? प्रत्ययः परो भवति इति उच्यते । न चैकस्याः प्रकृतेः अनेकस्य प्रत्ययस्य युगपत् परत्वेन सम्भवोऽस्ति । It is said that pratyaya is suffixed and it is not possible for many pratyayas to be suffixed simultaneously to one prakrti. नापि ब्रूमः प्रत्ययमाला प्राप्नोति इति । We do not say that all the pratyayas have a chance to be knitted one over another. किं तर्हि ? What then 2 कर्तव्यम् इति प्रयोक्तव्ये युगपद् द्वितीयस्य तृतीयस्य च प्रयोगः प्रामोति च। When one tries to use the first prayöga kartavya, the other two-the second and the third will offer themselves. नैष दोषः । अर्थगत्यर्थः शब्दप्रयोगः; अर्थ संप्रत्याययिष्यामि इति शब्दः प्रयुज्यते; तत्र एकेनोक्तत्वात् तस्यार्थस्य द्वितीयस्य प्रयोगेण न भवितव्यम् , उक्तार्थानामप्रयोग इति । There is no room for this difficulty. Usage of words is to make another understand the meaning; word is used with the desire of making another understand his idea; since that idea has been expressed once, the second expression cannot offer itself since the idea once expressed need not be repeated.

·249 SIXTH ĀHNIKA — NA VETI VIBHĀŞĀ आचार्यदेशशीलने च तद्विपयता Restriction to it where there is mention of any acārya or country. . आचार्यशीलनेन च देशशीलनेन च यदुच्यते, तस्य तद्विषयता प्राप्नोति । 'इको हस्खोऽङयो गालवस्य प्राचामवृद्धात् फिन् वहुलम् ' इति गालवा एव हवान् प्रयुजीरन् , प्राक्षु चैव हि फिन् स्यात् । तद्यथा जमदग्निर्वा एतत्पश्चममवदा- नमवाद्यत् । तस्मान्न अजामदग्न्यः पञ्चावत्तं जुहोति । That which is mentioned pertaining to any ācārya or desa, it will be restricted there. Since there is the mention of the acārya, Gālava in the sitra I ko hrasvõryo galavasya (6, 3, 61) his followers will use only hrasva and since there is the mention of prācām in the sūtra Prācām avrddhat phin bahulam (4, 1, 160), phin will be used only in the eastern country. The following may serve as an illustration: Jamadagni had five avadanas and hence one who does not belong to his family should not take recourse to it. यस्य पुनर्नित्याः शब्दाः, गालवग्रहणं तस्य पूजार्थ देशग्रहणं च कीर्त्यर्थम् । On the other hand, mention of Galava is for honor and that of dēśa is for fame to him who holds that sabdas are nitya. ननु च यस्यापि कार्याः शब्दाः तस्यापि गालवग्रहणं पूजार्थे स्याद् देशग्रहणं च कीर्त्यर्थम् । Oh, even to him who holds that sabdas are kārya, mention of Gälava is for honour and that of dēsa is for fame. तत्कीर्तने च द्वेधाप्रतिपत्तिः On their mention non-existence of two-fold use. तत्कीर्तने च द्वैधं शब्दानामप्रतिपत्तिः स्यात् । इच्छामश्च पुनराचार्यग्रहणेषु देशग्रहणेषु च द्वैध शब्दानां प्रतिपत्तिः स्याद् इति, तच्च न सिध्यति । On mentioning them the two-fold use of words cannot happen. We wish that through the sūtras where mention of 32 ·250 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHĀBHĀŞYA any acārya or dēśa is done, the two-fold use should be done ; but it cannot be accomplished. अशिष्यो वा विदितत्वात् Or the sutra need not be read since it is (otherwise) known. अशिष्यो वा पुनरयं योगः Or this sūtra may not, as well, be read. किं कारणम्? Why? विदितत्वात् - यदनेन योगेन प्रार्थ्यते तस्यार्थस्य विदितत्वात् । Since it is known-the object which is sought by this sūtra is already known. येऽपि ह्येतां संशां नारभन्ते तेऽपि विभाषा इत्युक्ते अनित्यत्वमवगच्छन्ति । याशिकाः खल्वपि संज्ञामनारभमाणा विभाषा इत्युक्ते अनित्यत्वमवगच्छन्ति । तद्यथा मेध्यः पशुर्विभाषितो मेध्योऽनड्वान् विभाषितः इति । आलब्धव्यो नालब्धव्य इति गम्यते । आचार्यः खल्वपि संज्ञामारभमाणो भूयिष्ठमन्यैरपि शब्दैरेतर्मथ संप्रत्याययति-बहुलम्, अन्यतरस्याम् , उभयथा, वा, ऐकेषाम् इति । Those who have not mentioned this samjñā understand that the word vibhāṣā suggests anityatva (non-implicit occurring). Yājñikas too, who do not resort to this samjñā understand the same (i e.) that the mention of the word vibhāṣā suggests anityalvu. For instance, from the statement Mēdhyah pasur vibhāṣitā mēdhyösnadvān vibhāṣitaḥ, it is understood whether it is to be tied to the stake or not. Acārya Panini too who has taken recourse to this samjña expresses the same idea mostly through other expressions like bahulam, anyatarasyām, ubhayathā, vā, ēkāşām. Note: Kāiyața says that the sūtra is necessary with reference to ubhayatravibhāṣā, if ūkytipakşa is adhered to and it is unnecessary if vyaktipakşa is adhered to, ·SIXTH ĀHNIKA NA VÉTI VIBHĀŞĀ 251 Bhattājidīkşita says in his Sabdakāustubha that this sūtra is unnecessary even when akrtipaksa is adhered to through certain adjustments. Nāgājibhatta agrees with the latter. अप्राप्ते In aprāptavibhāşā. इत उत्तरं या विभाग अनुक्रमिष्यामः अप्राप्ते ता द्रष्टव्याः The vibhāṣās which were subsequently going to be dealt with have to be taken to refer to aprāpto: Note : Aprāptē is an adhikara-vārttika. त्रिसंशयाः The vibhāşās are prone to have doubts with reference to three. त्रिसंशयास्तु भवन्ति, प्राप्ते अप्राप्ते उभयत्र वा इति । They are liable to be interpreted in three ways, whether they are prāptē-vibhāşās, aprāptē-vibhāşās or ubhayatravibhāṣās. द्वन्द्वे च विभाषा जसि In the vibhāṣā with reference to jas read after the sūtra Dvandvē ca (1, 1, 31). द्वन्द्धे च विभाषा जसि प्राप्त अप्राप्ते उभयत्र वा इति सन्देहः There is the doubt whether the vibhāşā with reference to jas read after the sūtra Dvandvē ca is prāptē-vibhāṣā, aprāptevibhāşā or ubhayatra-vibhāşā. कथं च प्राप्ते, कथं वा अप्राप्ते कथं वा उभयत्र? Under which circumstances is it liable to be taken as prāptē-vibhāṣā, under which circumstances as aprāptevibhāşā and under which circumstances as ubhayatra-vibhāşā ?

·252 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHABHAŞYA उभयशब्दः सर्वादिषु पठ्यते । तयपश्चायजादेशः क्रियते | तेन वा नित्ये प्राप्ते, अन्यत्र वा अप्राप्ते, उभयत्र वा इति । The word ubhaya is read in the sarvādi list. [The word ending in tayap takes sarvanāmasamjñā optionally by the sūtra Prathama - carama - taya - alpa - urdha - katipaya - nēmāśca (1, 1, 33) and tayap is enjoined by the sūtra Sunkhyāyā avayavē tayap (5, 2, 42) and ayac is enjoined to ubha by the sūtra Ubhād udāltö nityam (5, 2, 44).] Tayap takes the ādēsa ayac. If ubhaya is allowed to take sarvanāmasamjñā by the sūtra Sai vādīni sarvanāmāni and ayac is taken to be the ādēsu of tayap, the samjñā has already been prāpta and this sūtra Prathama... (1, 1, 33) simply negates that sainjñā and consequently tbis sīītra (1, 1, 33) becomes prăptēvibhāṣā. is not taken to be the ādēsa of tayap by not taking the letter from 5, 2, 42 by anuvrtti, the vibhāṣā enjoined by this rule (1, 1, 33) has nothing to do with the word ubhaya, and hence it is aprāptēvibhāṣā, If nyac is taken to be the ādēsa of tayap and the sūtru Prathama... (1, 1, 33) is made to over-rule Sarvādīni sarvanāmāni (1, 1, 27) by the paribhāşā Vipratișēdhē param kāryam, the vibhāṣā 1, 1, 33 becomes ubhayatra vithāṣā. If ayac n अप्राप्ते, अयच् प्रत्ययान्तरम् This vibhāṣā is an aprāptēvibhāşā; for ayac is a pratyaya not connected with tayap. यदि प्रत्ययान्तरम्, उभयीति ईकारो न प्राप्नोति । If it is a pratyaya not related to tayap, rip has no opportunity to appear in ubhayī (by the sūtra tiddhānañ... mātrac-tayap... (4, 1, 15) मा भूदेवं, मात्रच् इत्येवं भविष्यति । Nīp may not make its appearance on the basis of ayac being an adēśa of tayap, but it appears on the basis of matrac in the same sūtra.

·SIXTH AHNIKA -NA VETI VIBHASA 253 कथम् ? How? मात्रच् इति नेदं प्रत्ययग्रहणम् The word matrac does not denote the pratyaya. किं तर्हि ? What then does it denote ? प्रत्याहारग्रहणम् It denotes the pratyahara. क्व सन्निविष्टानां प्रत्याहारः? Where are the words mentioned whose pratyahāra it is ? मात्रशब्दात्प्रभृति आयचश्चकारात् From the word mātra found in Pramānē duayasajdaghnañ mātracaḥ (5, 2, 37) to the c in ayac in the sūtra Dvitribhyām tayasyāyajvā (5, 2, 43) यदि प्रत्याहारग्रहणं कति तिष्ठन्ति अत्रापि प्राप्नोति । If it is taken as a pratyāhāra, nīp may come to kati in the sentence kati tişthanti, since dati is between mātra and ayac. अतः इति वर्तते The word ataḥ is taken to that sūtra from Ajādyataştāp 14,1, 4). एवमपि तैलमात्रा घृतमाना अत्रापि प्राप्नोति । If so, nīp may appear in tailamātrā and ghrtamātrā where tran has been suffixed to mā by the unādisātra Hu-ya-mā-srubhasibhyastran (617). सशस्यापि असन्निविष्टस्य न भविष्यति प्रत्याहारेण ग्रहणम् । Pratyāhāra does not take within its range similar words which are not found in the list.

·254 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHĀBHÂŞYA ऊोर्विभाषा Doubt in ürnor vibhāşā. ऊोर्विभाषा प्राप्ते अप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति सन्देहः । There is doubt whether the vibhāşā enjoined by the sūtra Vibhāṣārņõh (1, 2, 3) is prāptēvibhāṣā, apraptēvibhāṣā or ubhayatravibhāṣā. कथं च प्राप्ते, कथं वाप्राप्त कथं वोभयत्र? Under which circumstances is it prāptē, aprāptē or ubhayatra ! असंयोगाल्लिट् कित् इति वा नित्ये प्राप्त अन्यत्र वा अप्राप्ते उभयत्र वा इति । If the sūtra Vibhāşörņo(1, 2, 3) is taken as far as the sūtra Asamyōgāt liț kit (1, 2,5), since kittvam is obtained by the latter, it is optionally negated by the former and hence the vibhāṣā in the former is prāptē vibhāṣā. If the dictum vipratişēdhe param kāryam is adopted, the fifth sūtra sets at naught the third sūtra and hence vibhāṣā in the third sūtra is aprāptē vibhāṣā. If, on the other hand, the dictum vipratișēdhē pūrvam kāryam is adopted, the fifth sūtra has no opportunity to operate and hence the vibhāṣā in the third sūtra is ubhayatra vibhāṣā भप्राप्ते, अन्यद्धि कित्त्वम् अन्यत् ङित्त्वम् It is only apraptē vibhāṣā since kit is different from nit. एकं चेत् ङित्कितो If nit and kit are one. यद्यकं डिकितौ ततोऽस्ति सन्देहः If nit and kit are one, there is doubt. अथ हि नाना, नास्ति सन्देहः ·SIXTH ĀHNIKA — NA VĒTI VIBHĀSĀ 255 - If they are different, there is no doubt. यद्यपि नाना एवमपि सन्देहः Even if they are different, there is the doubt कथम्? How? प्रौणुचीति With reference to the form prāurnuvīti. सार्वधातुकमपित् इति वा नित्ये प्राप्ते, अन्यत्र अप्राप्ते उभयत्र वा इति । Prāptê-vibhāsa, aprāptē-vibhāşā and ubhayatravibhāṣā may be explained if we take sārvadhātukam apit (1, 2, 4) in place of asamyōgāt ļit kit (1, 2, 5). अप्राप्त The vibhāṣā is only aprūptē vibhāṣā. विभाषोपयमने Doubt in Vibhāşõpayamanē (1, 2, 16). विभाषोपयमने प्राप्त अमाप्ते उभयत्र वा इति सन्देहः There is doubt whether vibhāşā in the sūtra Vibhāṣāpayamānē is prāptē, apraptē or ubhayatra. कथं च प्राप्ते, कथं वाप्राप्ते, कथं वोभयत्र? In which circumstances is it prāptē, aprāptē or ubhayatra ? गन्धन इति वा नित्ये प्राप्ते, अन्यत्र वा अप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति । If it is taken along with the sūtra Yamā gandhanë (1, 2, 15) it is prāptēvibhāṣā ; it is aprāptē thro' the dictum vipratişēdhe pūrvam kāryam and it is ubhayatra thro' the dictum vipratișëdhë param kāryam. अप्राप्ते, गन्धन इति निवृत्तम् ·256 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHABHĀŞYA It is aprāptē since gandhana is not taken with the latter. अनुपसर्गाद्वा Doubt in Anupasargād vā. अनुपसर्गाद्वा प्राप्ते अप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति सन्देहः । There is doubt whether vā in the sūtra Anupasargād vā is prāptē, aprāptē or ubhayatra. कथं वा प्राप्ते, कथं वायाप्ते, कथं वोभयत्र ? In which circumstances is it prāptē, aprāptē or ubhayatra ? वृत्तिसगतायने' क्रमः इति च नित्ये प्राप्ते अन्यत्र वाप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति । If it is taken along with the sūtra Vrtti-sarga-tāyanēşu- • kramah (1, 3, 38), it is prāpte; it is aprāptā through the dictum Vipratişēdhē pūrvam karyam and it is ubhayatra through the dictum Vipratişēdhē param karyam. अप्राप्ते, वृत्त्यादिषु इति निवृत्तम् It is aprāptē since vrttisargatūyanēşu has no anuvrtli in the sütra Anupasargād vā (1, 3, 43). विभाषा वृक्षमृगादीनाम् Doubt in the sūtra Vibhāṣā vrkşa-moga-trņadhānya-vyañjanapasu-Sakeruni-asva-vadavapurvā para-adharottarānām (2, 4, 12). विभाषा वृक्षमृगादीनाम् , प्राप्ते, अप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति सन्देहः । There is doubt whether vibhāṣā in the sūtra Vibhāşā arkşamrga ... (2, 4, 12) is prāptē, dprāptē or ubhayatra. कथं च प्राप्ते कथं वाप्राप्ते कथं वोभयत्न? circumstances is it prāptē, aprūptē or ubhayatra ? जातिरप्राणिनामिति वा नित्ये प्राप्ते, अन्यत्र वा अप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति ।

·SIXTH ĀHNIKA - NA VĒTI VIBHĀŞA 257 If it is taken along with the sūtra Jatir aprāṇinām (2,4,6), it is prāptē ; it is aprāptē thro' the dictum Vipratişēdhē pūrvam kāryam and it is ubhayatra thro' the dictum Vipratişēdhë param kāryam. Note : If vibhāṣā sūtra is to be taken along with jātir-aprāņinām, vrlosa etc. should be taken to refer to dead objects. अप्राप्ते, जातिरप्राणिनामिति निवृत्तम् It is aprāptē since it is not taken together with jātiraprūninām. उपविदजागृभ्योऽन्यतरस्याम् Doubt in the sülra Uşa-vida-jūgrbhyösnyatarasyām. उपविदजागृभ्योऽन्यतरस्याम्, प्राप्ते अप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति सन्देहः । There is doubt whether anyatarasyām in the sūtra Uşavida... (3, 1, 38) is prāptē, aprāptē or ubhayatra. कथं च प्राप्ते, कथं वाप्राप्ते कथं वोभयत्र: Under which circumstances is it prāptē, aprāptē or ubhayatra ? प्रत्ययान्तादिति वा नित्ये प्राप्ने अन्यत्र वा अप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति । If it is taken along with pratyayānta referred to in the sūtra Kaspratyayad ām amantrē liți (3, 1, 35), it is prāptē. Through pūrvavipratişēdha it is aprāptē and through paravipratişēdha it is ubhayatra. Note: Uş and vid are taken here as kvibanta. अपाने । प्रत्ययान्ता धात्वन्तराणि । It is aprāptē, since those that are pratyayāntas are different from the original roots, 33 ·258 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHABHASYA Note : Nagõjibhatta says that ācārakvip does not come after a root ending in a consonant. Hence the sutra Kāspratyayād... has nothing to do here. Hence anyatarasyām is aprāptē. दीपादीनां विभाषा Doubt with reference to vibhāşā in dīpādi. दीपादीनां विभाषा प्राप्ने अप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति सन्देहः । There is doubt with reference to vibhāsā in the sutra Dīpa - jana - budha - pāritāyipyāyibhyösnyatarasyum (3, 1, 01), whether it is prāptē, aprāptē or ubhayatra, कथं च प्राप्ते, कथं वाप्राप्ते, कथं वोभयत्र ? Under which circumstances is it prūptē, aprūplē or ubhayatra ? भावकर्मणोः इति वा नित्यं प्राप्ते अन्यत्र वाप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति । If it is taken along with the sūtra Cin bhāvakarmaņēļ (3, 1, 66), it is prāptē; through the dictum vipratişēdhē param kāryam, it is aprāptē and through the dictum vipratisēdhē pūrvam kāryam, it is ubhayatra. अप्राप्ते, कर्तरि इति हि वर्तते । It is aprāptē, since it has to do with the active voice (kartari-prayoga). एवमपि सन्देहः, न्याय्ये वा कर्तरि, कर्मकर्तरि वा इति । Even then there is the doubt whether it is in actual kartari-prayoga or karma-kartari-prayõga. नास्ति सन्देहः । सकर्मकस्य कर्ता कर्मवद्भवति अकर्मकाश्च दीपादयः । There is no doubt, since the lartă of a transitive verb alone becomes karmavut and dīp etc, are intransitive verbs. अकर्मका अपि वै सोपसर्गाः सकर्मका भवन्ति ।

·SIXTH AHNIKA .- NA VETI VIBHASA 259 Even intransitive verbs become transitive if they are preceded by prepositions. कर्मापदिष्टा विधयः कर्मस्थभावकानां कर्मस्थक्रियाणां वा भवन्ति; कर्तृस्थभावकाश्च दीपादयः। Rules on karmātidosa are concerned with karmasthabhāva or karmasthakriya; dīpūdis have to do only with kartrsthabhava. विभाषाप्रथमपूर्वेषु Doubt in the sūtra Vibhūşā agrēprathamapūrvēşu (3, 4, 21). विभाषा अग्रेप्रथमपूर्वेषु प्राप्ते अप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति सन्देहः । There is doubt whether the vibhāṣā in the sūtra Vibhāşā agrē prathamapūrvēşu is aprāptē, prāptē or ubhayatra. कथं च प्राप्ते कथं वा अप्राप्ते कथं वोभयत्र? Under which circumstances is it präpté, aprāpte or ubhayatra? आभीक्षण्ये इति वा नित्ये प्राप्त अन्यत्र वा अप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति । If it is taken along with Abhikṣnyē ņamul ca (3, 4, 22), it is prāptē; through the dictum pūrvavipratişēdha it is aprāptē and through the dictum paravipratişēdha it is ubhayatra. अप्राप्ते, आभीक्ष्ण्ये इति निवृत्तम् । It is a prāptē, since there is no anuvrtti to ābhīksnye here. तन्नादीनां विभाषा Doubt (6, 2, 161). in the sūtra Vibhāṣā trn - anna - tīkşnaśucișu तृत्रादीनां विभाषा प्राप्ते अप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति सन्देहः । There is doubt in the vibhāsā with reference to trn etc. whether it is prāptē, aprāptē or ubhayatra.

·260 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHĀBHĀŞYA कथं च प्राप्ते कथं वाप्राप्ते कथमुभयन ? Under which circumstances is it prāptē, aprāptē or ubhayatra ? आक्रोशे इति वा नित्ये प्राप्ते अन्यत्र वाप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति । If it is taken along with Ākrośë ca (6, 2, 158) it is prāptē; it is aprāptē through pūrvavipratişēdha and ubhayatra through paravipratişēdha. अप्राप्ते, आक्रोशे इति निवृत्तम् । It is aprāptē, since there is no anuvrtti hero to ākrāśe. एकहलादौ पूरयितव्यज्यतरस्याम् Doubt in Ekahalādāu pūrayitavyēsnyatarasyām (6, 3, 59). एकहलादौ पूरयितव्येऽन्यतरस्याम् प्राप्ते अप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति सन्देहः । There is doubt whether anyatarasyām in the sūtra Ekahalādāu... (6, 3, 59) is prāptē, aprāptē or ubhayatra, कथं च प्राप्ते, कथं वाप्राप्ते कथं वोभयत्न? Under which circumstances is it prāptē, aprāptē or ubhayatra ? उदकस्योदः संज्ञायाम् इति वा नित्ये प्राप्ते अन्यत्रवाप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति । If it is taken along with Udakasyödaḥ sarjñāyām (6, 3, 57); it is prāptē ; it is aprāpte through pūrvavipratiņēdha and ubhayatra through paraviprutişēdha. अप्राप्ते, संज्ञायामिति निवृत्तम् । It is aprāptē, since there is no anuvrtti for the word samjñāyām. श्वादरिजि पदान्तरस्यान्यतरस्याम् Doubt in Padāntasyānyatarasyām (7, 3, 9) after the sutra Śvādēr iñi (7, 3, 8).

·SIXTH AHNIKA NA VĒTI VIBHĂŞĂ 261 श्वादेरिजि पदान्तरस्यान्यतरस्याम् प्राप्ते अप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति सन्देहः । There is doubt with reference to anyatarasyām in the sūtra Padāntasya... (7, 3, 9) after Svādēr iñi (7, 3, 8), whether it is prāptē, aprāptē or ubhayatra. कथं च प्राप्त कथं वाप्राप्ते कथं वोभयत्र ? Under which circumstances is it prāptē, aprāptē or ubhayatra ? इजीति वा नित्ये प्राप्ते अन्यत्र वा अप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति । If there is anuvrtti of iñi, it is prāptê; through pūrvavipratişēdha it is uprāptē and through paravipratişēdha it is ubhayatra. अप्राप्ते, इजीति निवृत्तम् । It is aprāpte, since there is no anuvrtti to iñi सपूर्वायाः प्रथमाया विभाषा Doubt with reference to vibhāşā in the sūra Sapūrvāyāḥ prathamāyā vibhāşā (8, 1, 26). सपूर्वायाः प्रथमाया विभाषा प्राप्ते अप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति सन्देहः । There is doubt whether the vibhāşā in the sūtra Sapūrvayāḥ... (8, 1, 26) is prāptë, aprāptē or ubhayatra, कथं च प्राप्ते, कथं वाप्राप्ते, कथं वोभयत्र ? Under which circumstances is ubhayatra ? it prāptē. aprāptē or चादिभिर्योगे इति वा नित्ये प्राप्त, अन्यत्र वाप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति । If it is taken in association of ca etc. mentioned in the sütra Na cavāhāhāivayuktē (8, 1, 24), it is prūptē and otherwise it is aprūptē or ubhayatra. अप्राप्ते, चादिभियोगे इति निवृत्तम् ।

·262 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHABHĂŞYÅ It is aprāptē, since there is no anuvrtti to cavāhāhāivayuktē. ग्रो यङि अचि विभाषा Doubt in the sūtra Aci vibhāsā (8, 2, 21) following the sutra Gro yani (8, 2, 20). ग्रो यङि अचि विभाषा प्राप्ते अप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति सन्देहः । There is doubt whether the vibhāşā in the sūtra Aci vibhāşā following the sūtra Grö yani is prāptē, aprāptē or ubhayatra. कथं च प्राप्ते कथं वा अप्राप्ते कथं वोभयत्र ? Under which circumstances is it prāptē, apräptē or ubhayatra ? यङीति वा नित्ये प्राप्ते, अन्यत्र वाप्राप्ते, उभयत्र वेति । If it is taken along with the sūtra Aco yani, it is prāptē; otherwise it is aprāptē or ubhayatra. अप्राप्ते, यङीति निवृत्तम् । It is apraptē, since there is no unuvrtti to yari. प्राप्ते च Praptē vibhāşa commences. इदमुत्तरं या विभाषा अनुक्रमिष्यामः प्राप्ते ता द्रष्टव्याः । The vibhuşās mentioned hereafter should be considered to be prāpté. त्रिसंशयास्तु भवन्ति प्राप्ते अप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति । They are liable to be interpreted in three ways, whether they are prāptē-vibhāşās, aprūptē-vibhāṣās or ubhayatravibhāṣās. विभाषा विप्रलापे ·SIXTH ĀHNIKA -- NA VĒTI VIBHĀŞĀ 263 Doubt in Vibhāşā vibralāpē. विभाषा विप्रलापे प्राप्ते अप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति सन्देहः । There is doubt whether the vibhāṣā in the sutra Vibhāşā vipralāpē (1, 3, 50) is prāptē, aprāptē or ubhayutra. कथं च प्राप्ते कथं वा अप्राप्ते कथं वोभयत्र ? Under which circumstances is it prāptē, aprāptē or or ubhayatra ? व्यक्तवाचामिति नित्ये प्राप्ते, अन्यत्र वा अप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति । It is prāptē when that sätra is taken along with Vyaktavācām samuccāraņē (1, 3, 48), it is aprăptē through pūrva. vipratisēdha and ubhayatra through paravipratişēdha. प्राप्ते, व्यक्तवाचामिति हि वर्तते । It is prāptē, there is anuvrtti to vyaktavācām. विभाषोपपदेन प्रतीयमाने Doubt in vibhāṣā upapadēna pratīyamānē. विभाषोपपदेन प्रतीयमाने प्राप्ने अप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति सन्देहः । There is doubt whether the vibhāşā in the sūtra Vibhāşõpapadēna pratīyamānē (1, 3, 77). कथं च प्राप्ते, कथं वाप्राप्त कथं वोभयत्र ? Under which circumstances is it prūptē, aprāptē or ubhayatra ? स्वरितभितः इति वा नित्य प्राप्ते, अथवा प्राने, उभयत्र वेति । If it is taken along with Svaritañitaḥ kartrabhiprāyā kriyāphalē (1, 3, 72), it is prāptē; it is aprāpte through pūrvavipratişēdha and ubhayatra through paravipratişëdha. प्राप्त, खरितत्रितः इति हि वर्तते ।

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LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHABHAŞYA
It is praptē, since there is anuvrtti to svaritañitaḥ.
तिरोऽन्तधौं, विभाषा कृषि
Doubt in Vibhāṣā krñi after the sūtra Tirõntardhau
(1, 4, 71).
तिरोन्तों विभाषा कृजि प्राप्ते अप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति सन्देहः ।
There is doubt whether the vibhāṣā in the sūtra Vibhaşā
krñi (1, 4, 72) after the sūtra Tirősntardhūu is prūptē, aprūptē
or ubhayatra.
कथं च प्राप्ते, कथं वाप्ति, कथं वोभयत्न?
Under which circumstances is it praptē, apraptē or
ubhayatra ?
अन्तर्धाविति वा नित्ये प्राप्ते अन्यत्र वाप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति ।
If it is taken along with Tirāntardhau, it is prāptē; it is
aprāptē through pūrvavipratişēdha and ubhayatra through
paravipratisedha.
प्राप्ते, अन्तर्धाविति हि वर्तते ।
It is prāptē, since there is anuvrtti to antardhāu.
अधिरीश्वरे, विभाषा कृषि
Doubt in Vibhāşā krñi after Adhir īsvarē.
अधिरीश्वरे, विभषा कृञि, प्राप्ते अप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति सन्देहः ।
There is doubt in the vibhāṣā in the sūtra Vibhāşā krñi
(1, 4, 98) following the sutra Adhir īśvarē (1, 4, 97) whether
it is prāptē, aprāptē or ubhayatra.
कथं च प्राने, कथं वाप्राप्ने, कथं वोभयत्र ?
In which circumstances is it prāptē, apraptē or ubhayatra ?

·SIXTH AHNIKA -NA VETI VIBHASA 265 ईश्वर इति वा नित्ये प्राप्ते, अन्यत्र वाप्राप्ते, उभयत्र वेति । If it is taken along with the sūtra Adhir īśvarë it is prāptē; it is upraptē through pūrvavipratişēdhu and ubhayatra through paravipratişēdha. प्राप्ने, ईश्वरे इति वर्तते । It is prāptē, since there is anuortti for īśvarē. दिवस्तदर्थस्य, विभापोपसमें Doubt in Vibhāşõpasargē after Divas tadarthasya. दिवस्तदर्थस्य, विभाषोपसर्गे प्राप्ते अप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति सन्देहः । There is doubt in the vibhāşā in the sūtra Vibhāşāpasargē (2, 3, 59) following the sūtra Divas tadarthasya (2, 3, 58) whether it is prūptē, aprāptē or ubhayalra. कथं च प्राप्त, कथं वाप्राप्ते, कथं वोभयत्र? Under which circumstances is it prāptē, aprāptē or ubhayatra? तदर्थस्येति वा नित्ये प्राप्ते, अन्यत्र वाप्राप्ते, उभयत्र वेति । If it is taken along with divis tadarthasya it is prāptē ; it is aprāptē through pūrvavipratişēdha and ubhayatra through paravipratişēdha. प्राप्ते, तदर्थस्य इति हि वर्तते । It is prāptē, since there is anuvrtti for tadarthasya. उभयत्र च Ubhayatra vibhāṣā commences. इत उत्तरं या विभाषा अनुक्रमिष्यामः, उभयत्र ता द्रष्टव्याः । The vibhāşās mentioned hereafter should be considered to be ubhayatra. 34 ·266 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHABHĀŞYA त्रिसंशयास्तु भवन्ति, प्राप्ते अप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति । They are liable to be interpreted in three ways, whether they are prāptē vibhāṣā, aprāptē vibhāṣā or ubhayatra vibhāşā. हकोरन्यतरस्याम् Doubt in hrkrőr anyatarasyām. हृक्रोरन्यतरस्यां प्राप्ते, अप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति सन्देहः । There is doubt whether anyatarasyām in the sūtra Hırkrör anyatarasyām (1, 4, 53) is prāptē, aprāptē or ubhayatra. कथं च प्राप्ते, कथं वाप्राप्ते, कथं वोभयत्र? - Under which circumstances is it priptē, aprāptē or ubhayatra ? गतिवुद्धिप्रत्यवसानार्थशब्दकर्माकर्मकाणामणि कर्ता स णौ इति नित्ये प्राप्ते, अन्यत्र वा अप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति । If it is taken along with Gati-buddhi-pratyavasānārthaſabdakarma-akarmakāņām aại kartā sa ņāu (1, 4, 52), it is prāptē; otherwise it is aprāptē or ubhayatra. उभयत्र-प्राप्ते तावत् , अभ्यवहारयति सैन्धवान् , अभ्यवहारयति सैन्धवैः; विकारयति सैन्धवान् , विकारयति सैन्धवैः । It is ubhayatra. When it is first prāptē (i. e.) when gati and pratyavasāna are taken here by anuoriti from the previous sūtra, this sūtru admits the effect of the previous sūtra and enjoins in addition the trtīyā to the actual doer of the action, as in abhyavahārayati sāindhavān (he makes horses eat), abhyavahārayati sāindhavāih (he makes it eaten through horses); vikārayati sāindhavan (he makes salt change), vikārayati sāindhavāih (he makes it changed thro' salt) Note: The root hr with the prepositions abhi and ava means to eat and the root hr with the preposition vi means to go.

·SIXTH AHNIKA NA VĚTI VIBHASA - 267 अप्राप्ते-हरति भारं देवदत्तः, हारयति भारं देवदत्तं, हारयति भारं देवदत्तेन ; करोति कटं देवदत्तः, कारयति कट देवदत्तं, कारयति कटं देवदत्तेन । When it is aprāptē (i.e) when there is no anuvrtti for gati and pratyavasāna from the previous sūtra, the following forms alone are sanctioned by this sūtra-hārayati bhāram Dēvadattam, hārayati bhāram Dēvadattēna; kārayati kațam Dēvadattam, kārayati Icatam Dēvadattēna corresponding to simple active forms harati bhāram Dēvadattah and karoti katam Dēvadattaḥ. न यदि, विभाषा साकाक्षे Doubt in Vibhāşā sākānksē after the sutra Na yadi. न यदि, विभाषा साकाक्षे, प्राप्ते अप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति सन्देहः । There is doubt with reference to vibhāṣā in the sūtra vibhāşā sākānksē (3, 2, 114) after the sūtra Na yadi (3, 2, 113) whether it is prāptē, aprāptē or ubhayatra. कथं च प्राप्ते कथं वाप्राप्त कथं वोभयत्र? Under which circumstances is it prāptē, aprāptë or ubhayatra? यदि इति वा नित्ये प्राप्त, अन्यत्र वाप्राप्ते, उभयत्र वेति । If there is anuvrtti to yadi (of the previous sūtra,) it is prāptē and otherwise it is a prāptē or ubhayatra. उभयत्र It is ubhayatra. प्राप्ते तावत् - अभिजानासि देवदत्त यत् कश्मीरेषु वत्स्यामः, यत् कश्मीरेषु अवसाम, यत् तत्रौदनं भोक्ष्यामहे, यत्तत्रौदनमभुज्महि । When it is first prāptē, we have the following expressions sanctioned by this sūtra :-abhijānāsi Dēvadatta yat kaśmīrēşu vatsyāmaḥ, yat tatra ödanam bhökşyāmahē and abhijānāsi Dēvadatta yat kasmīrēşu avasāma, yat tatra ödanam abhuñjmahi.

·268 LECTURES IN PATANJALI'S MAHABHASYA - अप्राप्ते - अभिजानासि देवदत्त कश्मीरान् गमिष्यामः, कश्मीरान् अगच्छाम, तत्रौदनं भोक्ष्यामहे तत्रौदनमभुङ्ग्महि । When it is a prāptē, it sanctions the following forms :- abhijanāsi Dēvadatta kaśmīrān gumisyāmah tatra ödanam bhõksyāmahē and obhajūnāsi Dēvadatta kaśmīrān agacchama tatra ödanam abhuñjinahi. विभाषा श्वेः Doubt in Vibhāşā svē”. विभाषा श्वेः प्राप्त अप्राप्त उभयत्र वेति सन्देहः । There is doubt whether the vibhāşā in the sūtra Vibhasa svēḥ is praptē, aprāptē or ubhayatra. कथं च प्राप्ते, कथं वाप्राप्ते, कथं वोभयत्र: Under which circumstances is it prūptē, apruptē or ubhayatra? किति इति वा नित्ये प्राप्त, अन्यत्र वा अप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति । It is prāptë if it is taken along with vaci ...... kiti and otherwise it is aprūptē or ubhayatra. उभयत्र It is ubhayatra. प्राप्ते तावत् शुशुवतुः शुशुवुः शिश्वयतुः शिश्वियुः । If it is first prāptē, the following forms are formed inom śusuvatuḥ, śusuvuḥ, śiśvayatuḥ, śiśviyuḥ. अप्राप्ते शुशाव शुशुविथ शिश्वाय शिश्वयिथ । When it is aprāptē, the following forms are formed: śuśāva,,susu vitha, śiśvāya and śiśvayitha. विभाषा संघुषाखनाम् Doubt in vibhāṣā with reference to sanghus and äsvan ·SIXTH ÄHNIKA -- NA VĒTI VIBHĀŞĀ 269 संपूर्वाधुः प्राप्ते अप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति सन्देहः । There is doubt whether the vibhāṣā in ghus with sam mentioned in the sūtra Rusyama-tvara-sanghuşāsvanām (7, 2, 28) which follows the Sūtra Vâ danta (7,2, 27) it is prāptē, aprāptē or ubhayatra. कथं च प्राप्ते, कथं वा अप्राप्त कथं वोभयत्र? Under which circumstances is it prāptē, apraplē or ubhayatra ? घुषिरविशब्दने इति वा नित्ये प्राप्ते अन्यत्र वा अप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति । If it is taken along with Ghuşir-aviśabdaně (7, 2, 23) it is praytē and otherwise it is aprāptē or ubhayatra. उभयत्र It is ubhuyatra. प्राप्ते तावत् - सङ्घष्टा रज्जुः, सधुषिता रज्जुः । When there is anuurtti for avisabdanē in the Sūtra Rusyuma...salighus...(7, 2, 28), the vibhāṣā is prāptē so that the forms surghustā and sarghușită in the following expressions saighuştū rajjuḥ, sanghuşitā i'ujjuḥ are obtained. अप्राप्ते संघुष्टं वाक्यमाह, संघुषितं वाक्यमाह । If there is no anuvrtli for avisabdunē in the same sūtra, the vibhāṣā is aprāptē so that the forms sanghuştam and sanghuşitam in the expressions sanghustam vākyam āha, sanghuşitam vākyam āha. आपूर्वात्स्वनेः प्राप्ते अप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति सन्देहः । There is doubt whether the vibhāṣā with reference to svan with ā is prāptē, aprāpte or ubhayatra. कथं च प्राप्ते, कथं वाप्राप्ते, कथं वोभयत्र' Under which circumstances is it prāpté, aprāpte or ubhayatra ?

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LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHABHÄŞYA
मनसि इति वा नित्ये प्राप्ते, अन्यत्र वा अप्राप्ते, उभयत्र वेति ।
If there is anuvrtti for the word manas from the sūtra
Kșubdha-svānta-dhvānta... mantha-manas-tamah... (7, 2, 18) in
the sūtru Ruşyama-tvara-sanghuş-asvanām (7, 2, 28), it is
prāptē and otherwise it is aprāpte or ubhayatra.
उभयत्र
It is ubhayatra.
प्राप्ते तावत्, आस्वन्तं मनः, आस्वनितं मनः ।
If it is first prāptē, the forms āsvantam and asvanitam in
the expressions āsvantam manaḥ and āsvanitam manaḥ are
got.
अप्राप्ते, आखान्तो देवदत्तः, आखनितो देवदत्तः इति ।
If it is aprāptē, the forms āsvāntaḥ and āsvanitaḥ in the
expressions āsvānto Devadattaḥ, āsvanito Devadattah are got.
SIXTH ĀHNIKA ENDS.
VOLUME 11 ENDS.

·CORRIGENDA PAGE LINE FOR READ 4 23 Mahābhāsyakāra 6 2 jl 5 14 19 9 12 29 20 25 5 6 22 17 29 38 39 41 14 19 Mahābāşyakāra Insert Na after sutra maghadhakaḥ paribhāsa परेत्वन yāno suggest jhaladi consonont If samyāgāntāu anvartasanjñā samoga वाज्विवधेः sargāgādi yaņatah componnd dvītāyaḥ nāsika bing pürnamāsī saştamjñā dti paramavaca arksa 42 15 magadhakah paribhāşā परत्वेन yano suggests jhalādi consonant It samyāgāu antau anvarthasamiña saryoga aritaat: samyõgādi yanvatah compound dvitīyaḥ nāsikā being pāurnamāsī şațsamjña dati paramavācā vrkşa 45 23 25 50 6 4 51 53 96 17 8 10 7 149 160 165 227 6 256 12 ·I INDEX OF SUTRAS Sutra अदसो मात् अन्तरं बहियोग... अव्ययीभावश्च आद्यन्तवदेकस्मिन् ईदूतौ च सप्तम्यर्थे ईदूदेद्विवचनं... उज ॐ ओत् क्ङिति च क्तक्तवतू निष्टा कृन्मजन्तः डति च तद्धितश्चासर्वविभक्तिः तरप्तमपौ घः तुल्यास्यप्रयत्नं सवर्णम् तृतीयासमासे दाधा ध्वदाप् दीधीववीटाम् न धातुलोप आर्धधातुके न बहुव्रीहो न वेति विभाषा नाज्झलौ निपात एकाजनाङ् पूर्वपरावर... बहुगणवतुडति... मुखनासिकावचनो... विभाषा जसि विभाषा दिक्समासे... शे ष्णान्ता षट् खरादिनिपातम् .. सर्वादीनि सर्वनामानि हलोनन्तराः संयोगः Page 90.-100 202--204 230-236 133.-143 112-118 78-90 110-112 107-110 18- 30 165-169 213-280 164-165 205-213 144-146 55-71 198-199 118-183 30- 34 1. 18 193...--198 236--266 71-77 101-107 200-202 146--159 49-55 199 189-193 100-101 160--164 204-205 170-189 34-49 ·II INDEX OF VĀRTTIKAS Vārttila अज्झलोः प्रतिषेधे... अजाद्याट्त्वे अध्यर्धग्रहणं च अधिकग्रहणं चालुकि अधिरीश्वरे अन्तवद् द्विवचनान्त... अन्याभावः द्विवचन... अनन्यप्रकृतिरिति वा अनारम्भो वा अनुपसर्गाद्वा अनुवन्धोऽन्यत्वकरः अनुबन्धो....लोपात् अप्राप्त अप्राप्त अपुरि अर्धपूर्वपदश्च... अल्लोपस्य स्थानिवत्त्वात् आलिङ्गमसङ्खयमिति वा अलोन्त्यस्य अवचनाल्लोकविज्ञानात्... अवरादीनां च पुनः पाठे... अविभक्तो.... अप्रसिद्धिः अशिष्यो वा विदितत्त्वात् असमर्थसमासश्च असर्वविभक्तौ ...उपसङ्ख्यानम् असिद्धे झुत्वे आचार्यदेशशीलने... आत्वं कित्त्वस्थोपादास्त... आत्वं पुग्विधेः... आदिवत्त्वे प्रयोजनं... Page 71 141 156 157 264 141 185 216 12 125, 256 '166 166 251 235 203 157 11 207 143 136 200 206 250 234 205 95 249 220 224 139 35 ·274 INDEX OF VĀRTTIKAS Värttila Page आनन्तर्यवचनं आश्रयात् सिद्धत्वं इविधिराकारलोपस्य इतरेतराश्रयं तु इतिकरणेऽर्थनिर्देशार्थः ईदाद्यन्तं .. प्रतिषेधः ईदूतो... भूत् ईदूतौ सप्तमीत्येव उक्तं वा उज इति योगविभागः उक्तं शेषे उदुपधत्वं... निकुचिते उपसंव्यानग्रहणानर्थक्यं... उभयोऽन्यत्र उभस्य सर्वनामत्वेऽकजर्थः उपविदजागृभ्यो... ऊोर्विभाषा ॐ वा शाकल्यस्य ऋकारलवर्णयोस्सवर्णविधिः एकं चेत् ङित्कितो एकहलादी एकाचो द्वे प्रथमार्थम् ओतश्चिप्रतिषेधः कृत्तद्धितानां.... पाठे ङिति प्रतिषेधे कारककालविशेषात् शापकं स्यात्तदन्तत्वे ज्ञापकात् सिद्धम् घसंज्ञायां नदीतरे घुसंज्ञायां.... शिद्विकृतार्थम् घुसंशायां.... शिदर्थम् त्यदायकारष्टाविधेः त्यदादिविधौ च बलादीनां... 47 95 226 53 237 86 117 113 99 111 16 219 202 186 185 357 254 112 67 254 260 135 109 211 18 167 115 159 144 120 118 225 178 206 ·INDEX OF VARTTIKAS 375 Vārtika Page त्रिसंशयाः तत्र व्यपदेशिवद्वचनम् तत्र सकि दोषः तत्र सवर्णलोपे दोपः तत्रापि सरसी यदि तद्धितकाम्योरिक्प्रकरणात् तरब्ग्रहणं... तस्य तस्य दोपः.... वर्णविचालस्य तिरोऽन्तों तिरपृचतसृत्वं... तृन्नादीनां... दीङः प्रतिषेधः दीधीवेव्योः.... अप्रतिषेधः दीपादीनां दृष्टमानन्तर्य न अप्रतिषेधात् नदीह्रस्वत्वं न लोपो वृत्रहभिः न वा ग्रहणविशेपणत्वात् न वाज्विधः न वातजातीयव्यवायात् न वाद्यन्तवत्त्वात् न वार्थवतो... न वा शाटकयुगाद्यर्थम् न वा सन्निपातलक्षणो... न वा विधिपूर्वकत्वात्.. नवेति विभाषायां नाभावे यजि... निपातनात् स्यदादिषु निष्ठासंज्ञायां समानशब्दप्रतिषेधः नुम्लोपनिव्यनुबन्धलोपे... प्रत्ययाधयत्वादन्यत्र प्रतिषेधे... वचनात् 251 134 99 72 115 28 144 65 228 264 221 259 128 30 258 46 234 227 218 100 42 47 86 126 202 217 240 237 220 8 165, 166 5 8 198 ·276 INDEX OF VĀRTTIKAS Vārttika Page प्रतिषेधे... उपसङ्ख्यानम् प्रयोजनं डतरादीनाम्... प्रयोजनं ह्रस्वत्वं... प्लुतानां तु पाठात् पर्युदासः पुग्ध्रवत्वस्य... पूर्वस्य चेत् ... प्रसज्यते बह्वादीनामग्रहणम् बहुव्रीही चाग्रहणम् भावतोऽकच्छषात्वानि मतुब्विभक्त्युदात्तत्वं... मात्प्रगृह्यसंज्ञायां मार्थादीदाद्यर्थानां वा मावा पूर्वपदस्य भूत् मिदचोन्त्यात्परः यस्मिन् विधिस्तदादित्वे येन विविधिस्तदन्तत्वे रकि ज्यः सम्प्रसारणम् लकारस्य ङित्वात्...सिद्धम् स्थानिवद्भावप्रसङ्गः लुकि चाग्रहणम् लुङि सिजादिदर्शनात् लुप्तेऽर्थग्रहणाद्भवेत् लोकतः वचनार्थी हि सिद्ध वलादेरार्धधातुकस्येट वाक्यापरिसमानर्वा वाप्रकरणे... वाप्रतिषेधे न... विप्रतिषेधाद्वा विभाषाग्रे... विभाषा विप्रलाप विभाषा वृक्षमृगादीनाम् विभाषोपपदेन... 197 178 218 79 177 225 114 158 158 189 226 90 98 116 142 140 143 9 28 28 157 168 113 238 92 140 74 208 180 98 259 262 256 268 लकारस्य ·INDEX OF VĀRTTIKAS 277 Varttika Page श्वादेगिजि... शचङन्तस्य शताद्यष्टनोर्नुम् शब्दसंज्ञायां शेऽर्थवग्रहणात् षट्संज्ञायाम् षत्वे चादेशसंप्रत्ययार्थम् स्वरानन्तर्हितवचनम् सङ्ख्यासंशायां... संज्ञोपसर्जनप्रतिषेधः सत्यन्यस्मिन्... सप्तम्यामर्थग्रहणं सम्बन्धिशब्दैर्वा तुल्यम् संयोगसंज्ञायां... सपूर्वायाः समानशब्दप्रतिषेधः समान...अर्थवद्रहणात् समुदाये संयोदिलोपो सर्वाद्यानन्तर्यकार्यार्थम् सवर्णसंज्ञायां... सर्वविभक्तिीविशेषात् सिद्धमनच्त्वात् सिद्धमनुवन्धस्य... सिद्धं त्वास्ये सिद्धं तु पाठात् सिद्धिविपर्यासश्च... 260 21 160 237 100 160 185 46 147 176 133 87 66 36 261 125, 239 125 40 177 57 205 73 130 57 208 167 ·INDEX OF PARIBHĀŞĀS, NYAYAS EI'C. Page 63 अर्थगत्यर्थः शब्दप्रयोगः 248 असिद्धं वहिरङ्गम्... 3, 22, 27,91,92,218 अर्थिनश्च राजानः 39 अर्थवद्रहणे नानर्थकस्य 101, 154 अभेदका उदात्तादयः अनुवन्धोऽन्यत्करः 166 अनुवन्धस्यानेकान्तत्वात् 130-132 अन्तरङ्गानपि विधीन् बहिरङ्गो विधिधित 196 आद्यन्तवेदकस्मिन् 105 इतरेतराश्रयाणि कार्याणि न प्रकल्पन्ते 54, 207 इतिकरणोऽर्थनिर्देशार्थः 245 ईषदर्थे क्रियायोगे... 107 उक्तार्थानामप्रयोगः उत्पतिते काके नटं तद्गृहं भवति 166, 167 उपादात्तास्य स्वरः 128 एकदेशविकृतमनन्यवद्भवति 13 एकशब्दो वह्नर्थः 162 एकेन यत्ननोभयं लभ्यम् 183 ओष्ठात्प्रभृति प्राकाकलकात् 56 कार्यकालं संशापरिभाषम् 24, 26, 80,84,98 कृत्रिमाकृत्रिमयोः... 148--151 ग्रामशब्दो बह्वर्थः 48, 186 गर्गाः शतं दण्ड्यन्ताम् 39 गौणमुख्यन्यायः 110 तस्मिन्निति निर्दिष्टे पूर्वस्य 19 दृष्टानुविधित्वाच्छन्दसः 30, 31 न प्रगृह्यसंज्ञायां प्रत्ययलक्षणम् 115 नानुबन्धकृतमनेजन्तत्वम् 133 नाप्यन्यत् प्रकृतमनुवर्तनादन्यद्भवति 155 ·INDEX OF PARIBAĀSĀS NYAYAS ETC. 279 Page नोत्सहते प्रतिषिद्धा सती वाधितुम् 236 प्रत्येकं वाक्यपरिसमाप्तिः 39 पदसंज्ञायामन्तग्रहणम्... 89 पदसमुदाय ऋक् 187 पर - नित्य - अन्तरङ्ग - अपवादानामुत्तरोत्तरं बलीयः 89 पुरस्तादपवादाः... 191 पूर्वविधिमुत्तरो विधिर्वाधते 245 यथोद्देशं संज्ञापरिभाषम् 24, 84 यस्मिन् विधिस्तदादावल्पाहणे 141 येन नाप्राप्ते... 32 लक्षणप्रतिपदोक्तयोः 101,109, 121,124, 192 लोहितोष्णीपा ऋत्विजः 171 शब्दान्तरस्य... अनित्यः 14, 89 स्पृष्टं करणं स्पर्शानाम् 78 स्वार्थिकाः प्रत्ययाः प्रकृतितोऽविशियाः 188 सदृशं त्रिषु लिङ्गपु 218 सन्निपातलक्षणो विधिः.. 17, 129,161,217-228 समानमहिमानानां... 208 समानाथयो लुग्लोपेन बाध्यत 16 समुदाये वाक्यपरिसमाप्तिः 39 संशा च नाम यतो न लघीयः 154,184,212 सिद्धः प्लुतः स्वरसन्धिपु 79, 88 ·INDEX OF IMPORTANT WORDS IN MAHĀBHĀŞYA TEXT (Numbers refer to Pages) अकणिषम् अकर्मकाः अकरवम् अकृत्रिमत्त्वात् अघोषाः अङ्गाधिकारः अङ्गाधिकारे अङ्गसंज्ञा आचिरकृतायाम् अजहत्स्वार्था वृत्तिः अजामदग्न्यः अणोऽप्रगृह्यस्य अत्यस्मत् अत्युचः अत्युच्चैसः अत्युच्चैसौ अतजातीयकम् अतत्कालत्वात् अतितबाह्मणः अतिदेशः अतिप्रसङ्गः अतियुष्मत् अतिसाय अतो लोपः अदसो मात् अदीधयुः अध्यैष्ट 33 258 28 148, 150 59 26 180 224 239 117 249 92 179 212 212 212 47-49 79 178 153 57,60 179 176 15 90 31 141 अधिकषाष्टिकः 158 अधिकसाप्तिकः 158 अन्तधों 264 अन्तरम् 35, 36, 43 अन्तरङ्गः 3, 21, 22, 27, 195, 218 अन्तरङ्गान् 196 अन्तरा 35, 43, 48 अन्तरीयम् 203 अन्तस्थानाम् 73 अन्तादिवद्भावेन 187 अन्यतरस्याम् 250 अन्यत्र वर्णग्रहणे... 105 अन्वर्थग्रहणम् 183 अन्वर्थसंज्ञा 154,212 अनच्त्वात् 73 अनड्वान् 247 अनन्तरा 35, 46 अनन्तरे 48 अनन्यप्रकृतिः 216,217 अनर्थकः 101 अनर्थकम् 25,66 अनवकाशः 14 अनवकाशम् 27 अनवकाशत्वात् 24 अनागमकानाम् 127 अनात्वभूतानाम् 119,122 अनारम्भः 12 30, - ·INDEX OF IMPORTANT WORDS 281 220 2.21, 126 14,89 100 150, 151 238 237 33 58 59 13, 14 11 212 35,36 66 अनित्यत्वम् 250 अनिमित्तम् 224 अनित्यः अनित्यत्वम् 241,242 अनुक्रमिष्यामः 251 अनुच्यमानम् 29 अनुनासिकः 52, 54, 55 अनुपसर्गात् 125 अनुवन्धलोपः 132 अनुबन्धलोपे 5 अनुवर्तते 225 अनजन्तत्वात् 130, 132 अनैमित्तिकः 132 अप्रतिपत्तिः 246,249 अप्रतिषेधः 30, 31, 125, 144 अप्रतिषेधार्थम् 5 अप्रसिद्धिः 209 अप्राणिनाम् 257 अप्राविभाषा 244,257-270 अपर्याप्तः 30 अपुनर्गेयाः 236 अपूर्वः शब्दोपजनः 127. अमाणिनाम् 256 अप्राप्ते 251, 252, 254, 256-270 अभ्यवहारयति 266 अभ्यस्तम् 36 अभाजि 6 अभिशाः 209 अभिजानासि आभिनिर्वर्तमाना 94 आभिनिवृत्तस्य 21 अभिनिश्चिताः 211 अयुज्महि 267,268 36 अमुना अर्थवत आगमः अर्थवद्ग्रहणात् अर्थात् अर्थाधिक्यम् अर्थासम्प्रत्ययः अरणिषम् अल्पप्राणता अल्पप्राणा: अल्लोपः अल्लोपस्य अव्ययम् अवग्रहे अवचनम् अवदातम् अवर्णस्य अविचालिभिः अविभक्तिकान् अवोदः अशिष्यः अश्राद्धभोजी अस्यन्ति असन्निविष्टस्य असम्प्रत्ययः असम्भवः असमर्थसमासः असर्वविभक्तिः असिद्धः असिद्धम् असुनवम् असूर्यपश्यानि अहिः अहिचुम्बिकायनिः 130 59 127 209 7 250 236 56 253 148 94 234,236 210 79, 219 34 267, 268 28 236 155 140 ·282 INDEX OF IMPORTANT WORDS आ 2,27 4,8 2, 4,8 आक्रोशे 260 आग्निवेश्यः 140 आग्रहायणी 149 आङ्गम् 34, 37, 45 आचार्य: 25, 29, 81, 105, 115 आचार्यप्रवृत्तिः 24, 105, 111, 133, 149, 153, 200, 201, 216, 233 आचार्यशीलनेन 249 आचार्यस्य 172 आढ्यपूर्वः 198 आत्वभूतानाम् 119, 122 आद्यन्तवत्वात् 86 आद्यन्तवद्भावः 89, 138, 143 आद्यन्तवद्भावात् 133, 134 आद्यन्तवदेकस्मिन् 104, 105 आदीध्यकः 30 आदीध्यनम् 30 आदेशः 13 आधये 216 आधेः 216 आनन्तर्यम् 40, 46 आनुनासिक्यम् 59 आभीक्ष्ण्ये 259 आर्धधातुकग्रहणम् आर्धधातुकनिमित्तः आर्धधातुकनिमित्ते आर्धधातुकस्य 33, 140 आर्धधातुके 1, 2 आर 135 आरम्भः 108, 111 आवचनम् 50 आवेव्यकः 30 आवेव्यनम् 30 आश्रयात्सिद्धत्वम् 95,96 आस्यन्दते 56 आस्यम् 55-57, 60, 61, 63,64 आस्यप्रयत्नम् 55 आस्यात् 59 आस्योपादाने 58 आस्वनितः 270 आस्वान्तः 270 आस्तेमाणम् 6 आहो 107, 110 Char इप्रकरणात् इको झल 28 24 7, 8, 11, 28 7, 10 3, 36 इग्लक्षणयोः इग्लक्षणा इच्छसि इतराश्रयत्वात् इतरेतराश्रयता इतिकरणः इन्द्रिद्रीयिषति इन्द्रीयति इयाय इयेष इष्यते ईदूती ईदूदेत् ईश्वरः ईपत्स्पृष्टम् ईपद्वचनम् 42 135 223 215 112-114 78 265 73 50 209 53,206 238 42 ·INDEX OF 1MPORTANT WORDS 283 उ उच्चैः 209 उत्तरम् 262 उत्तरीयम् 203 उत्सर्गः 210 उताहो 107, 110 उन्मुग्धस्य 191 उदात्तादयः 63 उदात्तानुदात्तस्वरितानाम् 78 उदाहरणम् 31, 107, 189, 193, 194 उपदेशः 144, 145, 160 उपदेशात् 72 उपधार्थम् 18,23 उपधालक्षणस्य 25 उपपन्नम् 215 उपबहणम् 6,9 उपयमने 255 उपर्कारीयति 69 उपलक्षणानि 170 उपस्पृश्यते 155 उपसङ्ख्यानम् 193, 197, 198, 202, 204, 206. उपसर्जनस्य 212 उपादास्त 220,221 उपार्कारीयति 69 उपेद्धः उपोयते 21 उभयः उभयगतिः 151 उभयत्र 251,252,254,256-270 उभयथा 250 उभयवचनानाम् 52 उभयी 252 उवोष 223 2,3 185, 186 ऋ, ए, ऐ, ओ, औ 137 141 ऋक्समुदायः ऋकारलवर्णयोः 67 199 एक: 211 199 210 141 141 एकवचनम् एकाच एकेषाम् एकैकस्मै एकैकस्य 102, 103 250 ऐक्षिष्ट ऐकपद्यम् ऐकवर्यम् ऐष्ट ऐहिष्ट ओत् ओनः औपगवः आपदेशिकम् औयत 107 192 7 140 36,39 7 144 21 ·284 INDEX OF IMPORTANT WORDS ख काः शब्दाः 86, 115 क्, क, का, कि, की, कु, कू, कु, क्नुसनौ 25 कामचारः 181 क्नोपयति 3,4 246,248,249 क्रापयति 224 कारयति 267 क्रियाप्रधानम् 209 कारयाञ्चकार 214, 235 क्रियायोगः 126 किं पुनरत्र ज्यायः 69 कचटतपानाम् 52 कीर्त्यर्थम् 249 कटम् 267 कुण्डिका 239 कटजकम् 148, 151 कुम्भकारेभ्यः 217 कणिता 33 कुमार्यगारम् कनीयान् 137 कुर्वाते 142 कर्तरि 258 कुर्वाथे 142 कर्मवद्भवति 258 कुर्वे 142 कर्मस्थक्रियाणाम् 259 कुरुते 142 कर्मस्थभावकानाम् 259 कुषुभिता 5, 12 करणम् 61 कूटस्थैः 127 करणवर्जम् 64 कृत्तद्धितानाम् 211 करोति 267 कृत्वा 25 कश्मीरान् 268 कृतिः 140 कश्मीरेषु 268 कृदन्तम् 214 काकचोः 186 खट्वे 142 कापटवः 140 ग, ग, गा, गु, गु, गृ, गो, ग्रहणविशेषणत्वात् 100 गुणः 3, 24, 27, 33 240 ग्रामः गुणप्रतिषेधः 25 ग्रामणिकुलम् 218 गुणवृद्धिविशेषणम् 2-4 गतम् गुणवृद्धी 2, 11-13, 18, 22, गति... 266 24, 30 गन्धने 255 गुणवृद्धयोः 7, 8, 11, 28 गंस्यते 29 गृह्यमाणविभक्तेः 180 गर्तः 165 गोधा 155 गार्ग्यः 140 गोनर्दीयः 139, 197 गालवग्रहणम् 249 गोपालकम् 148, 151 गालवस्य .249 गोमान् करोति गालवा 249 गौणमुख्ययोः 109 42, 43 41,45 ·INDEX OF IMPORTANT WORDS 285 घटाभ्याम् घटिका घुसंज्ञा घुसंज्ञायाम् घृतमात्रा घ, घु, घु, घो, डि 143 घोषवदघोषता 239 घोषवन्तः 129 ङिद्वचनात् 118-120 डिदादेशः 253 58 59 28, 30 29 चकार चतस्त्रः चादिभिर्योगे चिकीर्षवे चिकीर्षिता चिकीर्षोः चित्रगुः चिनुतः च, चि, चु, चे, छ, छा, छु, छे 102 चुटुतुलशर्व्यवायेन 221 चेले... 261 छन्दोविषयत्वात् 216 छन्दोविषयौ 127 छान्दसम् 216 छिनत्ति 171 छेद्यते 23 71 4 30 3] 27 20 10 ज्, ज, जा, जी, जो शातिपर्यायवाची 202 ज्ञापकम् 25, 80, 83, 87, 117 ज्ञापकात् 159 ज्ञापन 80 शापयति 29, 105, 111, 115, 133, 153, 200, 201, 233 ज्यः 9 ज्यायः 203, 204, 217 ज्येष्ठः 137 जबगडदशाम् जमदग्निः जहत्वार्था वृत्तिः जहार जातिः जातिवाचकत्वात् जीरदानुः जीवेः जोषिषत् 57 249 116 102 256,257 106 5, 8, 16 9 140 व, त, ता, ति, तु, तु, तै ज्यन्याय बसि... त्रिकम् विधा 194 24 211 2 त्रिसंशयाः त्वकत्पितृकः तद्गुणसंविज्ञानम् तद्धितकाम्योः 251. 262,266 195, 197 170 28 ·286 INDEX OF IMPORTANT WORDS 32 तद्धितश्च तद्धितान्तम् तत्पुरुषः तदन्तविधिः तदन्तविधिना तन्निमित्तग्रहणम् तन्मध्यपतितत्वात् तादर्थ्यात् तिनः 209 61, 63, 64 65, 103 87 211 18, 20, 21 186 197 221 तुल्यजातीयम् तुल्यदेशप्रयत्नम् तुल्यस्थानौ तुल्यास्यप्रयतः तुल्यास्यप्रयतम् तुलया सम्मितम् तृतीयचतुर्थाः तैत्तिरीयः तैलमात्रा 57 63 65, 66 55 55 59 139 253 30 31 30 50, 67 द्वन्याय द्विकार्ययोगः द्विवचनम् द्विवचनम् द्वेधा द्वौ दक्षिणपूर्वस्याम् दक्षिणापथे दक्षिणोत्तरपूर्वाणाम् दाक्षीपुत्रस्य दाधा ध्वदाप् दिवस्तर्दथस्य दीध्यत् द्, द, दा, दी, ६, दे 194 दीधीवेव्योः 94 दीधीवेन्यौ 42 दीधीवेवीटाम् 97, 98,210 दीर्घत्वम् 249 दीर्घत्वस्य 211 दृष्टानुविधिः 239 दृष्टत्करोति 115 दृषदकः 190 देवदत्तः 127 118 देवदत्तेन 265 देशः 33 देशशीलनेन 37, 220 27 38 5, 11 267 267 267 58 249 देवदत्तम् धा, धि, न, न, ना, नदी 257 1 नमुटादेशे धात्वन्तराणि धातुग्रहणम् धातुग्रहणेन धातुलोपे धियति न्याय्यः न्यासे नगरकारेभ्यः नद्यातिः 3 1.2, 10 20 12 83 217 116 नवा नादानप्रदानाः नाना नासिकाग्रहणम् नासिकावचनम् नासिकावचनः 149 220 241 59 205, 254,255 52 50 51,52 ·INDEX OF IMPORTANT WORDS 287 नि, नी, ने, नो 41, 41, निकुचितः निकुचिते नित्यः नित्यशब्दत्वात् नित्याः शब्दाः निपातः निपातनम् निपातसमाहारः निपातनात् निबर्हिता निबर्हितुम् निबृह्यते नियमः निग्लीनः निर्लायात् निग्लैंयात् 16 17, 219 14,89 54 246, 248, 249 101, 102, 104 4, 172, 175 107 4,7,8,16, 50 9 निर्लानः निम्ायात् निम्तेयात् नियतिः निर्यायात् निर्वातः निर्वायात् निरनुबन्धकः निवर्तकम् निवर्तकत्वात् निवृत्तम् निष्टानत्वम् नांचैः नेनिक्त नोनाव 41 45 45 37, 38 37 37,38 37 106 55 54 257,259-262 38,41,45 20g 21,23 15 106 9 9 34 41, 45 45 41, 45 - प प्रकरणात् 150, 151 प्रकृत्यन्तरम् 9 प्रकृत्याश्रयः 32 प्रकृतिग्रहणम् 118-120, 122, 123 प्रकृतिग्रहणात् 128 प्रकृतिभावम् 80 प्रकृतिभावः 81 प्रगृह्यसंक्षा 78,79,82, 85, 93, 94, 115 प्रगृह्यसंज्ञायाम् 91,99 प्रगृह्यसंशावचने 81 प्रगृह्याश्रयः 97 प्रच्यावयति 238 प्रजापतिः 31 प्रण्यमयते 123 प्रणिद्यति 119 प्रणिदयते 119 प्रणिदाता 121 प्रणिदापयति 126, 131 प्रणिधयति 119 प्रणिधाता 121 प्रणिधापयति 126 प्रणिमयते 123 प्रत्यग्रवाचिनः 240 प्रत्ययग्रहणम् 89, 253 प्रत्ययमाला 248 प्रत्ययलक्षणप्रतिषेधः 26 प्रत्ययलक्षणेन 25, 88, 115, 216 ·288 INDEX OF IMPORTANT WORDS प्रत्ययविधिः 174 प्रत्ययान्तात् 257 प्रत्ययाश्रयत्वात् 8, 16 प्रत्ययाश्रयः 32 प्रत्याख्यायते 212 प्रत्याहारग्रहणम् 253 प्रतामः 214,216 प्रतामो 214,216 प्रतिनिर्दिश्यते 26 प्रतिनिर्दिशति 44 प्रतिषिद्धार्थः 108 प्रतिषेधः 3-8, 11, 25, 28, 31, 32, 86, 91, 109, 128-131, 165, 171, 176, 178, 189, 211, 212, 219, 234, 239, 241, 245 प्रतिषेधम् 105, 153, 154, 233 प्रतिषेधे 18 प्रतिषेधेन 21 प्रथमगर्भेण 138 प्रथमद्वितीयाः 59 प्रथमनिर्दिष्टम् 174 प्रदीपोद्योतने 15 प्रनिमाता 123 प्रनिमातुम् 123 प्रनिमिनोति 123 प्रनिमीनाति 123 प्रयल: 55-58,61,64,65 प्रयत्नविशेषणम् 57,58 प्रयतसाम्यात् 57, 60 प्रयतनम् 56, 61, 63, 64 प्रयोजनम् 5, 25, 30, 36, 46, 53, 56,58,65, 67,78, 80,81, 83, 85,92, 104, 105, 114, 120, 134, 140--143, 147, 154. 156, 158, 160, 177, 178, 184, 200, 201, 218- 222, 233,237 प्रयोजनानि 139, 141, 188, 217' 222, 233 प्रश्रथः 6, 7, 16 प्रश्लिष्टनिर्देशः 179 प्रश्लिष्टवौँ 62 प्रसज्यप्रतिषेधः 235 प्रसज्यप्रतिषेधात् 242 प्रसक्तस्य 21 प्रसङ्गसामर्थ्यात् 243 प्रोकीर्य 168 प्राथमकल्पिकः 197, 199 प्रादुद्रुवत् 20 प्राप्ते 251, 252, 254, 256, 270 प्राप्ते विभाषा 243,244 प्रारम्भः 61-63 प्रासादवासिन्यायेन 52 प्रासुनुवत् 20 प्रियायाः 163 प्रियाष्टो 163 प्रेद्धः प्रौर्णवीति 255 2,3 ·INDEX OF IMPORTANT WORDS 289 प 46 142 पचति पनसम पचेते पचेथ पञ्चावत्तम् पटाभ्याम् पठिष्यति पद्धती पदान्तपकरणे पपाच पपाठ पर्युदासः 142 249 143 81 223 97 135 185 177, 201, 235 परत्वात 14,89 परमनीचैः 211 परमोच्चैः 211 परिगणनम् 5-7, 10, 189, 204, 238 परिगणनेन 10 परिभाषा 217 परिहृतम् 37 पविता 1,3 पवितुम् 1,3 पा, पि, पौ पाणिनेः पापचकः पापठकः पिपठी: पियति पुग्विधेः पुगन्तः पु, पू, पृ, पो, 127 पूजार्थम् 11 पूर्वसवर्णः 11 पूर्वोत्तराय 34 पृथक 20 पोपुवः 224 पौर्णमासी 19 249 113, 114 191 209 13 149 . ब, ब, बा, बु, बे, भ, भ, भि ब्राह्मण 236 बहुव्रीहौ ब्राह्मणकुले 48 वहुवचनम् 2 बाधकः बचशे 100 बाधके बहवः 211 बाह्यम् बहियोगेण 202 बृहिः बहिरङ्गम् 218 बृहकः बहिरङ्गः 8, 22, 27,196, 196 बृहयति 250 बेभिदिता बहुवीहिः 64, 65, 103, 170, भ्रवः 171,190, 192, 194, 197 ध्रुवी 37 158 210 175 210 59 9 9 9 5,12 141 141 ·290 INDEX OF IMPORTANT WORDS भ्रूणहभिः भवतिः भवतिना भारम् भावकर्मणोः सिन्नः भिन्नवान् 218 241 234 267 258 18, 19 18, 19 भिन्नत्ति भुजिना भूतपूर्वगतिः भूतपूर्वस्य भेदाधिष्टाना भेद्यते 20 241 132 197, 198 64 10 म, मा, मु मकत्पितकः मगधकः मत्कपितृकः मध्यमः मध्यमः पक्षः मन्दिषत् मनसि मरीमृजः मरीमृजकः महती संज्ञा महाप्राणता 195, 197 5, 11 195 137 90 140 270 5, 13 12 244 58 महाप्राणाः मात्रच माले मुखग्रहणम् मुखनासिकम् मुखनासिकावचनः मुखवचनः मुखवचनम् मुखस्वरः मुखोपसंहिता 59 252 142 51 49, 50 49,50, 51 52 50 283 51 . य, या, यो 60, 131 यथान्यासम् यथालक्षणम् 164 यमानुखाराणाम् 51, 53 यवमान् करोति यवागू 241 यासुटः 28,80 योगः 12, 30 32,209,250 41,45 योगविभागः 15, 96, 97, 111, 163, 178, 199 योगविभागात् 15 योगस्य 12 योगारम्भम् योगापेक्षम् 159 योगे 27 92,288 र, रा, रि, रू, रो रकि 9 262 33 6 20 रूपग्रहणात् रूपनिर्ग्रहः रोरवीत्यर्थः रोरवीति 128 145 18, 2), 25 2 रणिता रागः रियति ·INDEX OF IMPORTANT WORDS 291 ल, लि, लु, ले, लो लौं लघूपधः लधिता लवितुम् लिग्रहणम् लिङ्गसङ्ख्याभ्याम् 19 1,3,6, 127 1,3,6 215 209 89 13 23 26 26 लैगवायनः लोकविज्ञानात् लोतः लोपः लोपविशेषणम् 27 186 165 4,10 2,3 4 लुकि लुनीतः लुमता लुमताङ्गस्य लोलुवः लौकिकम् लौकिकाः लौयमानिः 18 56, 60, 145 209 21 व, व, वा, वा, वि, वृ, वै व्यक्तवाचाम् व्यत्ययेन व्यपदेशः व्यपदेशिवद्भावः व्यपदेशिवद्भावेन व्यवहितत्वात् व्यवंहितानाम् व्यवाये व्यवधायकम् व्याकरण व्येति वचनप्रामाण्यात् वचनसामर्थ्यात् वचनात् वत्स्यामः वतिनिर्देशः वध्वगारम् वर्गाणाम् वर्णग्रहणेन वर्णसमुदायः वर्णविचालस्य 268 33 60 134,136 60 23 46 71 47, 48 145, 151, 241 212, 218 66 96 वर्णाश्रयः वर्णैकदेशाः वस्त्रान्तराः वस्नेन वसनान्तराः वाक्यापरिसमाप्तिः वाक्यापरिसमाप्ते वाप्यवः वार्तिककारः वाहीकः विकल्पः विकरणस्य विकारयति विकृतार्थम् विग्रहः विना विप्रतिषिद्धम् विप्रतिषेधः विप्रतिषेधात् विप्रलापे वियन्ति 223, 224 71 193 209 193 76 74, 75 116 201 109 224 23 266 121 210 205 242,243 98-95 92 263 213 114 267 152 115 59 71 137 223,224 262, ·292 INDEX OF IMPORTANT WORDS विलिङ्गम् विवारसंवारी 58 विकृततरौ विवृतम् 73 विशेषकः 155 विहितविशेषणम् विभक्त्यर्थप्रधानम् 209 वृनहाभिः विदितत्वात् 250 वृद्धिः विभापा 239, 245-247, 250, वृषभ: 251, 254-256,265, 267, वृपलकुलम् 268 वैयाकरणाः विवृतकण्ठाः 59 वैयाकरणेभ्यः श, श, शा, शि, शी, शु, शे, ष 62 240 23 218 7, 10 2 48 175, 209 209 141 141 236 58 श्रियः श्रियो श्लोकाः श्वासनादौ शक्यमकर्तुम् शकटौ शतानि शब्दाधिकारात् शाकलस्य शाटकयुगम् 52 223 160, 161 288 112 202, 203 शालायाम् शास्त्रम् शिद्विकृतार्थम् शिदर्थम् शिवाय शीभावः शुशाव शे षष्ठीनिर्दिऐन 289 54, 55 120 118, 119, 121 242,244,268 89 242,244,268 100 174 स्, स, सा, सि, सि, सू स्त्रीपुनपुंसकानि स्थानम् स्थानिवत्त्वात् स्थानिवद्भावः स्थानिवद्भावात् स्यदादिषु खराणाम् स्वाभाविकम् स्वरानन्तर्हितवचनम् स्वरितत्रितः सकर्मकाः 213 59, 61 11 12,28 12, 18 7,8 73 208 46 263 258 सङ्ख्या 147 सधुष्टा 269 सघुषिता 269 सत्त्वगुणाः 213 सहशस्य 258 सन्देहः 251, 254-256, 258, 259,267,269 सन्निहितम् 70 सम्प्रत्ययः 289 सम्प्रसारणम् 9,16 सम्प्रधार्यम् 88 ·INDEX OF IMPORTANT WORDS 293 सम्बन्धिशब्दाः 66 समानम् 64 समानः 57 समुदायस्य 30 समर्थितम् 76 समानशब्दप्रतिषेधः 125 समानशब्दानाम् 165, 166 समानाधिकरणेषु 146 समानलिङ्गः 240 समित्करोति 37, 38 समिधित्वा 5 समिधिता 12 समुदायः 101 समुदायार्थः 117 समुदाये 40 सर्वपदादेशाः 127 सर्वमुखस्थानम् सर्वाय 176 115 सरसी 115 सरीसृपः 18 सवर्णम् 57 सवर्णलोपे 72 सवर्णविधिः 67 सवर्णसंज्ञा 58,59,62-64, 67,76 सवर्णसंशम् 55 सवर्णसंशाः 58, 65, 66 सवर्णसंज्ञायाः सवर्णसंज्ञायाम् संवृतकण्ठाः सहग्रहणेन सहवचनम् सहस्राणि सागमकाः साध्वनुशासने साधुत्वम् सानुबन्धकः सावकाशः सामर्थ्यम् सिद्धविपर्यासः सूत्रविपर्यासः सेनानिकुलम् सैन्धवान् सैन्धवैः सोपसर्गाः संज्ञाकरणम् संज्ञाविधावसिद्धः संज्ञाविधिः संज्ञोपसर्जने संप्रधार्यम् संयोगसंज्ञा संयोगादिलोपः। संस्वरिषीष्ट संहृषीष्ट 72 57, 70, 71 59 89 36 160, 161, 222 127 245 245, 246 106 14 234 167 98 218 266 266 258 182 80 89 182,183 18 59 35, 36 40 41 37 है, हा, हि हतः थः हरति हरिशे हरिप्यति हलचोः 21 21 267 100 185,140 18 हलन्तत्च हापिताः हारयति हारयाञ्चकार हिमश्रः हिरुक् 24 58 267 214,215 6,7,16 209 ·V INDEX OF IMPORTANT WORDS IN ENGLISH SCRIPT > Annambhatta 18, 35, 56 Ākſtipaksa 250 Ācārya Panini 25, 29, 30, 33. 73, 87, 105, 111, 115, 127, 133, 149, 153, 159 Acārya Śākalya 112 Anvarthasamjñā 39 Anuloma 55 Anvartha 184 Bhāṣyakſtah 18 Balamanorama 62 Bharadvāja 120 Bhāradvājīyas 124 Bhattoji Dikşit 17, 51, 62, 108, 129 251 Däksi 127 Deccan 115 Explosive 64, 73 Fricative 64, 73 Gönardiya 139, 143, 197 Guruprasādaśāstri 96, 102 Haradatta 17, 108 Haridįkşita 139 Humour 241 Itiſabdaḥ parlārtha viparyāsakrt 239 Kāiyata 2, 9, 17, 18, 32, 39, 43, 55, 59, 62, 86, 88, 90, 102, 105, 108, 117, 139, 144, 145, 150, 152, 186, 236, 250 Kapiñjalādhikarana 138 Katyāyana 124, 143, 197 Kusala 55 Lakşyārtha 98 Lakşaņā 85, 98, 101 Mabāsamjñā 39 Mahābhāsyakāra 1, 4, 17, 18, 25, 27, 34, 40, 45, 49, 50, 52, 87, 90, 99, 100, 109, 117, 124, 133, 138, 139, 156, 159, 162, 164, 176, 179, 180, 184, 188, 197, 233 Nāgēśabhatta ) 39, 43, 51, 84, 92, Nāgõjibhatta 101, 102, 108, 139, Nāgēša 144, 145, 151, 165, 185, 187, 233, 251, 258 Padamañjari 17 Panini-Siksa 73 Pradipoddyötanu 35 Pravīņa 55 Pratiloma 55 Purvapaksin 22 Pürvamimamsa 138 Prāudhamanāramā 188 Pratyakhyānapakşa 17 Restriction 249 Sabdakāustubha 17, 251 Semiyowels 73 Ślökavärttika 117 Sonants 73 Śāunakaprātišākhya 73 Sūtra-split 97 Siddhāntakäumudi 62 Siddhāntin 22 Science of Grammar 54 Sūtrakāra 4, 40, 80, 92 98, 197, 201, 206, 233, 236, 239 Vārttikakāra 1, 4, 11, 17, 25, 27, 34, 40, 44, 45, 49, 60, 67, 73, 81, 87, 90, 99, 100, 133, 135, 138, 139, 143, 150, 156, 159, 179, 180, 184, 188, 197, 201 Väsudēva Dikşit 62 Vēdas 31, 35, 55 Vēdic samhitas 108 Vyaktipaksa 250 Yogavibhāga 17 ·BOOKS OF THE AUTHOR 1. >> 13). Lectures on Patañjali's Mahābhāşya Vol. I (ähnikas 1-3) 2. Do. Do. II (āhnikas 4-6) 3. Do. Do. III (āhnikas 7—9) ) to be Do. Do. IV (ähnikas 10-13) sent to 5. Mahābhāşyaprakāśikā-ähnikatrayam. press. 6. History of Sanskrit Literature in Tamil. 7. Tistory of Sanskrit Language in Tamil. 8. Tonivilakku (Tamil rendering of Dhvanyālāka). 9. A study of Kālidāsa's Kuinārasambhava Canto I. 10. Comparative Grammar of the Tamil Language. 11. Tolkāppiyan-Elultatikāram--with Tamil commentary. 12. Do. with English commentary. Tolkippiyam-Collatikūrakkurippu. 14. Tolkāppiyom-Collatikāram-with English commentary. 15. Tolkāppiyam-Porul-atikäram-Akattiņaiyiyal and Purattinaiyiyalwith English Commentary. 10. Do. Kaļaviyal, Karpiyal and Poruļiyal 17. Do. Meyrpāttiyal etc. to the end. 18. Tirukkural-Arattuppal with Būlar-urai. 19. Do. Poruţpāl and Kāmattuppāl with Bălar-urai. 20. Tumil-moli-nül. 21. Historical Tamil Rcarler. 22. An onquiry with the Relationship of Sanskrit and Tamil. 23. History of Grammatical Theories in Tamil and their relation to Grammatical Literature in Sanskrit. 24. Sanganūlhaļum Vaidikanārggamum. 25. Väsukivalluvam (a drama in Tamil), (Adaptation of Tirukkural- Kāmattuppal). In press. WM u tum Nos. 1, 2, 6, 7, 14 and 21 aro Annamalai University Publications. No. 22 is Travancore University Publication, Nos. 12, 15, 16, 17 and 23. Published in the journal of Oriental Research, Madras. Nos. 8, 11, 18, 20 and 24. Published under the Patronage of the Mathādhipatis of Tiruppanandal Mutt. No. 19. Published by the Kāmakõţi Publishing House, Madras. No. 25. Publishod in the Journal-Tiruvalluvar, Puthur, Tiruchirapalli.

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