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·RECORDS
OF
THE GUPTA DYNASTY.
ILLUSTRATED BY
INSCRIPTIONS, WRITTEN HISTORY, LOCAL TRADITION, AND COINS.
TO WHICH IS ADDED A CHAPTER ON THE ARABS IN SIXD
DY
EDWARD THOMAS, F.R.S.,
LATE OF ITS EAST DA COXPANT'S BETGIC CITIL BETICE,
CORRESPONDANT DE L'INTITET DE FUSCE; CORRESPONPITO XEXDEE OF THX GEEVAX OBJETTAL GOCJATY,
WIDE 08 TDI ROTAL ASIATIC SOCIETY, DOSORABT NYBIE OF TTS ABLATIC BOCIITT OP BETOA
MIXDEE DI LI citit 20171QER DI PARI, AND WENT OF THE
NDYIJYATTO BOCIETY OF LOYDOY
LONDON-1876.

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·CONTENTS. TAGE PRETATORT NOTE INTRODUCTION . S INSCRIPTIONS OF THE Girus DrxasTIC LIST Corres-PLATE GRANTS WRITTET IILSTORT OF TOE GOTT. Local TUDITIONS CONCERTYG THIE Gurtis Cor: OY TAIL GIPTAS 3 4 8 10 14 16 . . . Ixpo-SCTTNAX INSCRIPTIONS BACTRUY Cors AND IxuY DATES Tint ArTLICADILIIT OR TOZ SELECCIDAY AND OTHER ERAS TO LOCAL DATES INDO-SCTTHIAS PROTOTIPE or Tat GOTTA CORAGE 16 17 18 20 . GOTTA GOLD Corys, EASTERY SERIB.3 21 The Sin Kixos Or Son STEA THEIR ISSCHITTOYS THEIR DIYASTIC LIST TIILIR Corxy 24 25 29 31 . SPREAD AXD SCEYIVAL OP GREEK IN INDIA (Taz FIVE GALEK Krxos 14 ALLIANCE WITA A Soru) COLS OF TIIE SAKA Kira ITERAOS DunctXTXATED TROX Trost or BOAS 33 34 35 35 PAETIDAY IXTLUEXCES AXID TIL BORDERINO PROFINCES OF I. DLA INDO-PARTITIAX Corx TIL ALMTTABITS EXPLOTED BY THE PARTRIAXS 36 37 42 Sin Cores (renewed) Gerza SCR STRAY CON SERIES GCPTA PRACOCK-DATICI CON SERIES TOLAXAYAS Corr 43 4+ 80 61 BATTALALA, SPB STRAXOTRAN Corsa NIDA CON ASSOCIATED WITH GETTA MONTAGES (Niga Drsaltic LIST) 52 53 34 Restit or Gora DATES 65 . 56 TRE ARABS IN SOD. TITIE DIKASTIC List THEIR COIX 56 58 (11540 ) [19]

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·PREF.ITORI VOTI. The subjoined Memoir on the obscure annals of the Ciupta Kings of India was undertaken, in the first instance, with the limited purpos of describing Mr. Burgess's nowly-acquired coins in the pages of his Irchæological Report for the season of 187-1-5. Circumstances connected with his return to India, and the incidentally.delayed calls for MS, havo enabled mo to roviso and amplify neveral sections of my original text; others, wholly or partially not up in type have been retained in their outlino form ; while, latterly, important nesten which would have required timo to complete, lavo been deferred for futuro publication, so as to avoid any interferenco with the progress of the Editor's leading Report, already somowlat in arrear, A brief notice of somo Muhammadan com-obtained on tho kame occasion. Which illustrato tho transfer of Itlinio supremacion mu to valloy of the Indus, concludes these independent Chaptcry. [1] ·1《一 4) ·SÁR AND GUPTA COINS, &c. Aſr. Burgess, during liis late tour, succeeded in obtaining some very interesting specimens of the coins of the local Sal hings of Suráshtra and their imperial Gupta successors which he has requested me to describe. I hare taken advantage of the opportunity to armange and classify in the accompanging autotype plate, coutrasted cxamples of the various provincial currencies of the latter dynasty, and I haro attempted, in a general way, to collect the extraneous data bearing on the still obscure history of a race, whose domination forms so important an epoch and hitherto undefined time-mark amid the dynastic revolutions of India within itself. This may be held to be a rery bold expansion of a test based upon a handful of coins, but Numismatic studies I have alsays maintained, when properly and scientifically treated, open out a rery large and expansiro circle of investigation. In the present instance there have unfortunately been fer opportunities for systematic arrangement, or for the ordinary completion of details; but, incidentally, where coins have proved their leading title I have admitted them into the front mink, in which prominent position I can usually sustain them, when their rougl edges preserre but fair traces of the marginal legends of the original do, and when the nature engrarers have not subsided into ignorant and mere mechanical imitators of device and superscription. The materials arailable for the iletermination of the age and the spread of the dominions of the Guptas seem to arrange themselves in the following ordera. Inscriptions b Written Instory c. Tradition d. Coins. .INSCRIPTIONS. The genealogy of the Gupta family has been singularly well-preserved, considering the linuded range of their extant inscriptions and the persistent oblivion to which their successors trould, perhaps designelly, have consigned them. The carliest of these, in point of time, is the Allalábád manifesto of Samudra Gupta, the fourth in succession of an ancestry claiming little pretension to renown, and the second only in the order of kings, who attained anything beyond restricted celebrity. A slight difference will be observed between the systera of transliteration employed za the following pages And that followed by Mr. Borges The chref departure from bre gore is in the marking tbe I by !, 10 preference to the unsightly to y theory is, that dots below the line should, as far as possible, constitute the dominating mark for consonants, and that accents elore the foe should be reserrel for conels I prefer the acute accent to the circumflex ^ as less disfiguring to the rorrel Icfter, & diseli antare anberent in the ~, and espees detrimental in maps (11540 ) 2 ·SE TISCOCOT. TE E tie im Sesame Sted ECB, de réacs Sussanomat seur crop GTSETZE SIE. te ESTES LETTISTS. SELLE Zenz E Ariane z: 1 2 SI TI iz üzere I CI. ve Et --TO=: STEG Gracanicams ute SIETE GEISLE- 2. GR. III: Secretaria - Iris E. 2. 71:760730 Gen. IETS TOTERIZED:. IFSC CITIE TİE ETSSI 는 I Ern II .. IN TE i men ITT . Smith ? Femmes Trus. TurT TIS ;inn- ܒurܕܡܐ ܫܸ nzrum: ܫܨܐܐܨܐ ܚiuumܬ MITES D'apricor a i Cumin SmrzI mm. mn. i SULUI -- LOS E 'Jini Snazw I 1v1 se mantiene $ Ny Lier S. Engem In- Sun. 5. Ein Sri Tun ū9 Surr Dry, LISTE - 11047Int. mu. IzlasizmL 57: Cream.T: ! Gaan Circums Scherry moment ITILS..... Som Em Am Em Em E ELS DIE JE LICE Drama 71 Crorint Lucia En Long min. Lin. Em.ISES: San Loriga tol... Firma SIA 597.5 = Ency. I DECESS.SI ·THE SÂNI DYNASTY. Much emphasis has been laid by some modern commentators* on the appearance of the words Sháhán Shah in the Samudra Gupta inscription at Allahábád, above quoted, as tending to prove that the Guptas must have been contemporary with the Sassanien kings of Persia (226-632, A.D.) I wish to rectify any such misapprehension, as the point is of real importance as collateral evidence I have from the first contendedt that this title was in novise exclusively the property or impress of the Sassanian family. We have the Khsháyathiya Khsháyathryánam of Darius, and the counterpart BASIAEYE BASIAEON with the Rajaraja and Adhirazu of the Bactrian or rather Indo-Scythian coins § We can now further cite the existence of a Shahlyah dynasty in Khárizm of the race of Cyrus, and point to the more immediate testimony of our Mathurá inscriptions, where Vásudeva is designated as Shahi, and, in other epigraphs, by the parallel Deraputra, which reappears in conjunction wth the Sháhán Shah on the Allahábád column-combinations, which would preferentially indicate the continued rule of some members of this Scythic race in outlying portions of their old dominions. It does not form part of the immediate object of the present résumé, to examine the entire series of the Gupta inscriptions, but the following passages have been selected as furnishing authentic dates, applicable, as other data may chance to sanction, to the general determination of the Gupta place and epochal position in Indian history. No. 2. Inscription of Chandra Gupta.T The short inscription at Udayagiri contains the name of Chandra Gupta under the title of " Parama-bhattáraka Alahárájádhiróza," and the date of Samoat 82 (in figures) 11th of the bright half of Şrávana. No. 3. Inscription of Chandra Gupta ** The inscription on the eastern gate at Sanchí, near Bhilsa, commences, " To all respected Sramanas, the chief priests of the árasatha ceremonial The son of Amuka, the destroyer of his father's enemies, &c obtaining the gratification of every desire of his life through the favor of the great emperor Chandra Gupta * Cunningham, Bhulsa Topes, p. 147, Lassen, Ind Alth, vol II p 752, &c., Fergusson, Journ R As Soc, vol. IV. p 108. † On the Epoch of the Gupta Dynasty, Journ As Sne Beng (1855), vol XXIV p 387, Princep's Essays, VoL I PP 272, 274. See also vol II PP 109, 110, and Journ R. As. Soc , vol XII PP 311-344, Anana Antiqua, plates XVI-XVII | Journ H. As. Soe vol X. p. 195; Scythic, Kokofainna, vol. XV. p 95, Persian variant Naga Nagayánem, p 159 Prinsep's Essays, yol II. pp 205 et seq. 1 "Abu Rıhán further speaks of the Kharizmian wnting Bod iecords, which were carefully investigated by Kotaibah Ibu Doslem when he conquered the country, and strengthens the authority of these native documents, by showing that a single family, named the Shabiyah, and supposed to be derived from Cyrus, bad reigned in Kharizm--with the exception of a Turkish or Scythian interregaum of ninety-two years--from the Achæmenian pened down to the time of the Mahommedan rasion -Sir H. Rawlinson, Central A$12, London, 1875, p 246 5 Cunningham, Bhilsa Topet, p. 151; Prinsep's Essays, TOL I p. 247. ** Journ As, Soe Beng , vol. TI p. 453, plate XXV, and sol. VII p 435; Prinsep's Essays, TOL I. p 246. [1 2] ·6 ARCHÆOLOGICAL SURVEY OF WESTERN INDIA. has given, &c. as an act of grace and benevolence of the great emperor Chandra Gupta, generally known among his subjects as Deva Rája (Indra). “ In the Samvat year 93 (in figures], Bhadrapada 10th."* No. 4. Translation of an Inscription on the Monolith of Kuhaon, in the Gorakhpur division, N. TV. P., India, by Babu Rajendra Lála. “ The year 142 having been over (or the close of the year 141), and the month of Jaishthya having arrived, the empire of Skanda Gupta--the floor of whose audience chamber had been sıvept by gusts from the bowing of the heads of kings by hundreds ; sprung from the line of the Guptas; of wide extended fame; opulent beyond all others; comparable with Şakra; lord of hundreds of monarchis." No. 5. Translation of an Inscription of the time of Skanda Gupta, on a copper-plate grant found at Indor, near Anupshahar on the Ganges. I " Amen; may be, whom Brahmans, in obedience to law, bepraise with the harmony of meditation and the entire devotion of their minds be your protection!” “ In the year 146, in the month of Phálguna, the (?) of the thriving and invincible kingdom of his most noble majesty, the supreme sovereign of great kings, the auspicious Skanda Gupta, for the promotion of prosperity in the possessiou of the owner Sarvanága in Antarvedi (or the Doáb of the Ganges and Yamuna)." . glorious" . No. 6. Inscription of Skanda Gupta on the Northern face of the Girnár rock. || "To the perfect one, Vishnu, who snatched from Bali for the happiness of Indra,” &c. " Afterwards he who by his own arms obtained glory (parákrama), and who is the most distinguished of kings," "may he, Skanda Gupta, be (the text goes on to detail Skanda Gupta's difficulties in the selection of a fit ruler for Suráslitra and his ultimate choice of) Parņadatta" (who delegates his authority to his son) “Chakrapálita.” Afterwards, when in the course of nature the rainy season arrived the lake Sudarşana burst (its embankments). When a century of years plus thirty passed, in the sixth day of Bhídrapada, at night, counting from the era of Gupta” (Guptasya kála). (Seven years seem to have elapsed before its repairs were either commenced or fairly advanced when a record appears) “ for the benefit of the king and of the city, in a 66 . . . * Prinsep's Essays, vol. I. p. 246. † Journ. As. Soc. Beng. vol. VII. p. 37; Prinsep's Essays, rol. I. p. 250 ; Journ. As. Soc. Beng. 1861 p. 3 ; 1863, p. 429 ; 1874, p. 364. Bháu Dájí, in the Journ. Bom. Br. R. As. Soc. article “Kalidasa," p. 31, and his revised translation of the inscription itself, Journ. Bom. Br. R. As. Soc. 1871, p. 59. General A. Cunningham in his Archæological Report for 1861-2, p. 92, gives a carefully corrected transcript of the original record, pl. XXX. $ Journ. As. Soc. Beng. 1874, p. 363, translation by Babu Rajendra Lála. ſ Under date 23rd April 1875, General Cunningliam, in a private letter to Mr. Fergusson, reports the discovery of no less than four new inscriptions belonging to the Gupta period. “One of them is of Samudra Gupta, with the slokas numbered in figures at the end. .... A rock inscription of Chandra Gupta has the lines numbered in figures at the ends. A third inscription, dated S. 106, speaks of the Guptan maya, or Gupta family; and a fourth inscription is dated in S. 191." | Translation of Dr. Bhau Daji, Journ. Bom. Br. H. ds. Soc., vol. VII. p. 121.

·THE SÂII DYNASTY. 7 century of samvatsaras (years) plus thirty plus seren" (in the "month of Chaitra") on the "first day of the first lunation of the (first) month of the Ghishma season," &c. The concluding division of the inscription proclaims the completion of the undertaking, in the construction of a temple by Chakrapálita, when, "from the era of the Guptas (Guptánán kala) a century of years plus thirty-eight (having passed)." Up to this time, I have been somewhat disposed to question the validity of the above interpretation, in respect to the use of the term Gupta kála. I have now had an opportunity of comparing Messrs Vestergaard and Jacob's facsimile, published in the Journ. Bom. Br. R. A8 Soc. with Sir Le Grand Jacob's own eye-transcript in Is, and the improved version of the original, undertaken for Dr Bhau Daji, by Pandurang Copála Pádliye I can have no hesitation in accepting the latter as the most intelligent reproduction; it brings out into perfect form letters that were merely fragmentary before, it seldoni conflicts with, but constantly improves what were previously chaotic signs and symbols in the copies of Messrs Westergaard and Jacob.* As regards the bearing of the term Gupta kála upon this and other dated inscriptions, while I am fully prepared to admit the figures 130-138 into the ordinary famıly system of reckoning, I am not so sure that the designation of Gupta húla in this instance, implies identity with Albírání's understanding of the same term. I should rather connect it with the era then recognised and employed by the Gupta's, whatever its origin and derivation, in contrast to the local system of annual dates, which we find on the Sáli coins, and which clearly does not accord with the Eastern scheme of proximate usage. No. 7. Trunslation of an Inscription on the Pillar at Eran in Bhopal Dr. Futsedrcoru Hall's version. “Triumplant is the four-armed divinity omnipresent; of whom the broad waters of the four seas are the couch; cause of the continuancc, origin, destruction, and the like, of the universe; whose ensign is Garuda. In the year 103 on the twelfth day of the light fortnight of the month of Åshádhat on the day of Brihaspatı, and when Budha Gupta -ruling, with the genius of the regents of the quarters, over the interval, chosen land of the gods, between the Kálindi and the Narniada was king . a Braliman saint of the ullustrious Maitráyaniya monarchs the great kung Mátrivishnu, a • This copy, made for Dr. Bhan Dayi, is reproduceil ag Plate XV in this Report † It 33 necessary, in producing evidence for ai ugainst the ultimate import of these figures, to say that Professor Hall submitted the context of the passage embodying this date to Bypú Dera Sastuin, a Bluáres mathematician, with a view to an opinion to its concurience with the Vikramaditya era ur that of Saba The out of the reply was, "it conforms to the era of Vikramáchtya, anul dues ont conform to that of Saltsábana" Journ As See Beng 1861, PP 15-139 But with all respect fur ou Denáres calculator, se requre to be told whether fie has seen and met Colebrooke's objections to the effect that "the eclipses meutronel in the [later] grants do not appear reconcılable with their dates," and that " it seems difficult to account for this disagreement of the lates and eclipse in any other way than ly impearling the inscription, the authenticity of whub there 19 not otherwise any reason to qucation - Essays, vol II 245 ) See aleo (p 357) for a possible explanation of the faulty results, on the introduction of "Rihu as an eighth plonet, adil as the immediate cauºe of eclipse" Prof Whitney, in his latest essay on "the Lunar Zolme" (New York, 1874) ruthlessly #sposes the imperfection of Indian astronomical knowledge and their methods of obsertation, which he climaxes by quoting their pre. diction of a lotnl instead of a partial eclipse for February 6, 1860 (P 368)

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·TIC SÁL DYNASTY. There is much of thic air of manufacture cren in those cxamples the genuineness of luich wo necel not contest; but when we find formal repetition upon repctition, the same quotations of denunciatory texts recurring time after time, merging almost into the similitude of "a printed form of bequest," and re are told by impartial cxaminers of the present day that, in one case, the sign manual of the grantor proves to be in the writing of some centuries later than the forms of tlio letters of the text to wluch ho is asserted to have alised lus signature with leis own land ( el). wo cannot direst ourselves of the suspicion that the dates may have been just as loosely manipu. lated as other portions of tlic documents themselves, especially when it is felt that the natural tendeney, in such cases, would be to ante-date, with the vicer of giving meretricious age, autlienticity and the semblance of perpetuity to thc title. It is truc that this retention and continued use of the earlier form of character, for the body of the text, may merely imply the oficial recognition of a sort of black-letter style of writing in the local Patent Ofice, and that any intentional deception in the matter of the grant itself may hare been foreign to the purpose of the engrosscrs; whilc, nevertheless, inposing or auspicious dates I may lare been found, or possibly old figures may haro been copied mechanically with the standard phraseology from prerions exemplars. I do not propose to calarge upon the general question of the authenticity of tliesc documents at the present moment, as they only contribute incidentally a side view to my leading subject; but it has become necessary to advert to the possible value of this species of evidence, as it has been occasionally put forward as a correctivo of the trie period of the Guptas, whose kingdom, in its western provinces, fell to the share of the Valabhis, who with their conterminous monarchics mainly supply the extant series of correr-plate grants, from whence these critical test dates arc derived. The attestation or note at the end of the document is worthy of especial notice The words are : This is the own hand of Iraşinta-rága.".... "When the writing of this attestation 19 compared with the body of the grant, a very considerable difference is apparent The general style of the whole, and the forms of many individual letters, present a much more molern appearance Judging from the character of the writing alone by Friosep's alphabets, it would seem to belong to a period at least three centurica later than the chamcter and date of the grant itself"-Prof J. Dowson, Journ N. 18. Soc. N. S. vol I p 265 † Prinsep bad, from the first, fult a difficulty in reconciling the dates of the hings named in tho Gujarat corper plates, remarking that "though there were six Buccersions" (between the erecution of the first anul bin! Valabbi grants) " these mu«t bare been of less than the ordinary duratiou, for the monster who prepared the grant in Sri Dharampa's reign was Skanda Bhatta ; whereas the minister who prepared the preant giant 10 Dimed as Nadana Ilila, son of Skanda Batta. Turty or forty years will, therefume, lo tlo prolublo intent occapied by the reigns of all (thesr) princes" But it has been kn for later decypherers to darover that the self- Jano 1875, p. 174. 1 I prefer, in the preliminary stage of the inquiry, to quote Vir upstrjudicool nrulcn-nly-jxonanncod opinions of others n bo liate hol to cotoment, dinrtly or mbretly, on the measure of reliance that can Ix polari upon the "time tables" of the westera coprer plater. General Cloongham, without contenting the real dlats there documents might apply, express hímæli * follows in regard to 1). Bhau Duji's Driei burrer o lale Chronolnay (Journ. Bom. Br. 1. 11. Soe sol. VIII. p. 236), in onkr" to note the curious error in what to a & correct geppalogical table of thr Balalli kings supported by dates from expet plutee, In the gossil notice that Dhratasena, s ho 18 datel in 310, is followal ly s generation, all of whiskeli are of away by 346, so that reper generations, including Diirusun, or ris without him, ar PISTE, art, so! thirty-21 years, which allows e12117 "ix years to eah generation."--Cunninglun's Arch. Nepom, Look

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·THIS GUITAS. 11 imperial politics. It gives us, in the most complete form we are able to cite, a notice of the dominant Scytlic brothcrlıood, which cxtended ita stray to Sathura on thc onc side, anıt to Bhiwalpúr on tho otlıer, before the Gupta rulo; regarding which, if the chronicle is vliolly silent, it furnislics suggestire indications of the extinction of their poncr, in tlıc accession of a Tormáņa, slıould this joint king of the Kashmir Chronicle erentually prove to l:c identical with the monarch named in thc inscriptions at Eran and Gwalio giren in alstract, pp. 6-0 ante. After enumcrating the reigns of (1) Asoka, (2) Jaloka (s. f.), and (3) Dámodliara, the chronicle continues "Dimodhara was succealed by three princes lo divided thic country, and severally foundel capital cities named after themselves These princes were called Huslika, Juslika, and Kanishka, of Turushka or Tatar extraction. They are considered kynclironous, but may possibly be all that are prescrrel of some scries of Tutar princes tlo, it is very likely, at various periods, establisheal themselves in Kashmir." "Sreshtasena also called Prvamscna reigned 30 years and left lus kingdom to Jis tuo sons Iliranya and Toramana; the former holding the superior station of the Simrijya, and the latter thint of the Bancarájya, or being respectivels Emperor and Casar, a division of power of considerable antiquity amongst the Ilindus. Thc latter having proccedal to strike coins (dinurs) in lus oma name, the elder brother (the Simrájn) took offence at the mcasure, and dcposed the Turarvija and kept him in closc confinement. Toramana died in captivity. The ruer of Ujain at that tiine was Selman Tarsha Vikramaditya, who after expelling tho Micchchbas and destroying tho Şahas, had established liis power and influence througliout India. In his train was a Brahman named atſi-gupta to whom he was niuch attached; upon learing of the vacant situation of the Kashmir throne, he recommended Mátri-gupta for election, wlio was accepted by the nolles as their hing" Albiruni. A marked contrast will be detected between the vague utterances and confined purpose of the Hindu Panilit and the critical efforts at precision and comprehensivo range of inquiry of the Muslim mathemetician, trained in the old redus of Aryanism, • Abulful says "brothers." Galvan's Translation, 11. 171. General Cunnwgham consulers that he has succeerkel in ulentifying all the three capital, the ntes of which are placed within the limits of the rally of Kashmir, i.e. * Kanishka-pura (Kanıkbpar) bol kumpur, 24 10 miles of Srinagar, known as kumpur Sarni " Jiushka-pura, tle 111-esbia-lo of liuen Therag—the l'obkar of Alhírúni—now partiting in the village of l'skara, 2 miles S E. of Barálmulz. "Jushka-pura is vientifiel by the Brakmans with Zuktu or Zukus, o con ukruble village 4 miles of the cajutal, tie Schecrok of Troyer sul Wilson — ineunt Geography of India, Lobilon, 1871, p. 99. Prol. II. II. Wilson, a Anty on the linelu Istory of Kashmir," Asiatic Resrarcher, rol XV. 23. See also Truser's llistoire des Rois da Krehmir, rol. II. p. 19. Sve also Ilioten-Tasc, l'aris, 1859, VOL. II. Pr. 42, 106, &c In the proper oriler of dates Allirúni preceders the author of the Nája Tarangiat I have placed him Inst 10 the present rlaume as gifles the fulleet suculary of data api esen's, and as tore directly associated with tralition, which singularly supports some of bis Dact contactal statements. (11540 ) [c]

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·TNC GUTTAS. 13 au centre de l'empire, dans la contrée nommée Aryayariha. Lcs Indiens le font paltro daus une classe autre que celle des Bakya; quelques-11ns prétendent qu'il était Soudra et originaire de la ville de Vansaint ; il y en a même qui disent qu'il n'ltait gras do race indicane, et qu'il tirait son origine des régions occilentales. Les peuples curent beaucoup à souffrir de son despotisme, jusqu'à ce qu'il leur fint du sccours de l'Orient. Vikmmiltra marcha contro lni, mit son arméo en déroute, et le toa sur le territoire do Korour, situé entre Moultan et le chateau de Louny. Cette époque derint célèbre, à cause de la jnic que les peuples ressentircat de la mort dc Ssca, ct on la cloisit pour ère principalement chez les astronomcs. "Ballabs, qui a donat nussi son nom à no érc, (tait prioro de la ville de Ballaba, au midi de Anhalouars, à cnsiron trente yojanas de distanec. L'ère de Ballaba est postérieure à celle de Sacs de 212 ans. Pour s'en sortir, on rose I'dro de Saca, et l'on en ote d la fois le culc dc 0(224) ct le carré de (23). Co qui reste est l'ère de Ballaba. I scru question de cette dre en son licu. Qinnt an Goupta-hála (ero des Gouplas), on entend par le mot goupta des gens qui, dit-on, (taicnt méchants ct puissants; et l'arc qui porte leur nom est l'époque de leur extermination. Apparem. mont, Dallalso suirit immdiatement les Couptas; car l'ère des Gouptas commence aussi l'nn 2:1 de lire de Saca. L'arc des astronomes commcncc l'an 4S7 e l'ere de Baca. C'est à cette ère qu'ont été rapportées les tables Kanda Khataka, (lc Balima goupia. Cet ouvrage porte chez nous le titre do Arland. D'après cela, on s'en tenant a l'an 100 de lire de Yezdordjed, on se trouve sous l'année 1193 de l'ère de Sri. Ilarscha, l'an 1058 ule l'ère de Vikramaditya, l'an 333 de l'èrc dc Saca, l'an 712 de 1'ere de Ballaba et celle des Gouptas. " Deja je me suis excusé sur l'imperſection de ce qui est dit ici, et j'ai arcrti que les résultats que je présentc oflraient quelque incertitude, Fu les nomirs qui cxcelent celui de ceat."*--Journal Asiatique, 4mc série, tom. is. (1811), 31. Pcinaud's translation hero quoled was based upon a confessedly imperfect copy of the then juique but fuulty Constantinoplo JIS. of the Tarikh-i-Ilind. It los frequently been malled in question by those Indian commentators to whom its cata came as a revelation from within As I had to a certain cxtcnt accepted the value and importance of the information it conrered, I sought the earliest opportunity of confirming or correcting its terms by the text of the nce and more perfect manuscript of J. Schiefer, which kas becs entrusted to I'rofessor Sachau to aid his gand undertaking of a corpus of the works of Albiruni; the most important sections of which are about to be publislied under the joint auspices of the London Oriental Translation l'und and the Gcrinan Text Socicts. • ANOnly in another part of his work, attributes cany of the complicatiss sail obracuntes imported into Indian Sext, 10 the prevailing system of reduciog apetytting loto tery, for the sake of tde curious fiscuity of learning ly benst, to find to the cotire sletritent of the Coen of the angos); be adds, "Jot reconnu, a pica dimras l'idrogy(niedt de cet usage. Read det mr l'Imale, p. 334. Perhaps one of the most iestructre PS[Watflops of the gradations of the faces under which the Indian art of memory was forced and matured, is to to foutal fa Profesor Ilang's pares, resuled in the Oriental Congrese of London in 1874, from which I take the Collowing extracts * Tise 1'de the only sacred cole sket bas Lern Landel soms to posterity solely by oral tradition, which has redanned, eres up to ibe present day, the only legitimate way of traditing the ancient disine (c 2]

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·THE GUPTAS. 13 au centre de l'empire, dans la contrée nomméc Aryavartha. Les Indiens le font naitre dans une classe autre que celle des Sakya; quelques-uns prétendent qu'il était Soudra et originaire de la ville de Mansoura; il y en a même qui disent qu'il n'était pas de race indienne, et qu'il tirait son origiue des régions occidentales Les peuples eurent beaucoup à souffrir de son despotisme, jusqu'à ce qu'il leur fint du secours de l'Orient. Vikramaditya marcha contre lui, mit son armé en déroute, et le tue sur le territoire de Kolour, situé entre Moultan et le château de Louny. Cette époque devint célèbre, à cause de la joie que les peuples ressentirent de la mort de Saca, et on la choisit pour ère principalement chez les astronomes. " Ballaba, qui a donné aussi son nom à une ére, était prince de la ville de Ballaba, au midi de Anhalouara, à environ trente yodjanas de distance. L'ère de Ballaba est postérieure à celle de Saca de 241 ans. Pour s'en servir, on pose l'ère de Saca, ct l'on en ote à la fois lo cube de 6 (216) et le carré de 5 (25). Ce qui reste est l'ère de Ballaba. Il sera question de cette ère en son lien. Quant au Goupta-kála (ère des Gouptas), on entend par le mot goupta des gens qui, dit-on, étaient mécliants et puissants; et l'ère qui porte leur nom est l'époque de leur extermination. Apparem. ment, Ballaba suivit immédiatement les Gouptas; car l'ère des Gouptas commence aussi l'an 211 de l'ère de Saca, L'arc des astronomes commence l'an 587 de l'ère de Saca. C'est cette ère qu'ont été rapportées les tables Kanda Khátaka, de Brahma soupta. Cet ouyrage porte chez nous le titre de Arkand. D'après cela, en s'en tenant à l'an 400 do l'ère de Yezderdjed, on se trouve sous l'année 1488 de l'ère de Sri- Harscha, l'an 1098 de l'ère de Vikramaditya, l'an 953 de l'ère do Saca, l'an 712 de l'ère de Ballaba et cello des Gouptas. “Déjà je me suis excusé sur l'imperfection de ce qui est dit ici, et j'ai averti que les résultats que je présente offraient quelque incertitude, vu les nombres qui excédent celui de cent." --Journal Asiatique, 4mo série, tom. iv. (1841). M. Reinaud's translation liere quoted was based upon a confessedly imperfect copy of the ther unique but faulty Constantinople AS. of the Tarikh-1-Hind. It has frequently been called in question by those Indian commentators to whom its data came as a revelation from within As I lad to a certain extent accepted the value and importance of the information it conveyed, I sought the earliest. opportunity of confirming or correcting its terms by the text of the new and more perfect manuscript of M Schefer, which has been cntrusted to Professor Sachau to aid lus grand undertaking of a corpus of the works of Albiruni, the most important sections of which are about to be published under the joint auspices of the London Oriental Translation Fund and the German Text Society. * Albírúní, 20 another part of his work, attributes many of the complications and obscurtes imported into Indian texts, to the prevailing system of redecing everything into rerse, for the sake of the obvious fuçility of learning by heart, so often to the entire detriment of the sense of the original, he adds, " J'ai reconnu, à mes dipens, l'inconvédient de cet usage."-Reinaud Mem sur l'Inde, p. 334. Perhaps one of the most instructive espositions of the gradations of the process, under which the Indian art of memory was forced and matured, is to be foupd in Professor Haug'e paper, presented to the Oriental Congress of London in 1874, from which I take the following extracts - * The Veda is the only sacrel code that bas been banded dotyn to posterity solely by oral tradition, which has remained, eren up to the present day, the only legitimate way of transmitting the ancient diring [c 2] ·TRADITION, 15 . irreconcileablo in the statements of Albírúní. The tradition may be imperfecto as suclı old-world tales aro liable to becomc, but there is an instructire confirmation of onc obscure portion of the carlier history giren by the Juhanitzadan inquircr, and a clear explanation of the causes of the local transfer of power, combined with an important reference to the conventional Imperial delegation of authority to a son, as well as an indication of the length of the regns of two kings, to be found nowhere cise; and to complete the tale, ve trace in its details a fully reasonable accord with the moro precise data furnislied independently by inscriptions and coins. “ Tlie bards relate that Váli Rájá, son of Válá Warsingji, cigued in Junagarlk and Vanthali. Náma Rujá Fas of the Váļá race. It is said in Saurashtra that, previous to the rise of the kingdom of Junagadh-Vanthalí, Valabhinagar was the capital of Gujarat. The rise of Valabui is tlus told by the bards. “The Gupta kings reigncil between the Ganges and Jamná rivers. One of tlicse kings sent his son Kumára-pál Gupta to conquer Saurashtra, and placed lis Ficeroy Chakrapáni, son of Pranat, one of lis Imirs, to reign as provincial governor in the city of TTámanasthalí (the modem Wanthali). Kumára-pál now returned to his father's kingdom. His father reigned twenty-tirce years after the conquest of Saurashtra and then died, and Kumára-pála ascended the throne. Kumára-pál Gupta reigned twenty years and then died, and as succecded by Skanda Gupta, but this king vas of weak intellcct. His scndpali, Bhattaraka, who was of the Gehlotí moc, taking a strong army, came into Saurashtra, and made his rulc firm there. Two years after this Skanda Gupta dicd. The senápati now assumed tho títlo of King of Saurashtra, and, having placed a gorcrnor at Traianasthalí, founded the city of Valabhinagar. It this timo the Gupta raco vero dethroned by foreign invaders."'* • Professor Bindas Lor has critica-cd curtala items of this tradition in 110 fullowing terms * But the tradition itself, though intercating as giving the truth generally, cannot be considered to be true in the particulars. For, in the first place, it inales Chakrapani the son of l'rápdat, who is certainly the Chabrapálita son of Parnadatta of the Josímach inseptwa (Juurn Dura Br R As. Soc. vol VII pp 122, 123, supra p 4), riuroy of the father of Kumara Gugtad, aud granliutlier of Sbanda Gupta, while the 19-cription represents Partatta as Slanıla Gupta's viceroy, and Clampálita as governo of a clitaja town, appointed to that place by his own father Agun, Skanla Gupta is represcated as a rak bing in the tradition ; while Lus inscriptions, magniloquent though they are, do show that he must lare ben a powerful modsleb. Lastiy, Llagúrka 19 mentioned as lapid; a-silmal the tule of Kios, while the Vulakhí copper plates speak of lujm as Senipati, nod represent Drona Sinba, bus econd son, to have first assume ilat utle (Journ. As, Soc. Dengol, vol. IV, Jft. Wathes and an unpublished grant of Gubasena). The tradition, thercfure, is put (titled to any rebance as regards the particulars. It simply gives us what was known bcfore that the Valsblics succeedod the Gopta- "-Indida Antiquary, vol. III. (1874), Major J. W. Watson, Legends of Judugadi, Indian Antiquary, (Nor, 1873,) fol. 11, p. 312 P. 303.

·TRADITION 15 irreconcilcable in tho statements of Albrúní. The tradition may be imperfect* as such old-world tales are liable to become, but there is an instructive confirmation of one obscure portion of the earlier bistory giren by the Juliammalan inquirer, and a clear explanation of the causes of the local transfer of power, combined with an important reference to the conventional Imperial delegation of authority to a son, as well as an indication of the length of the reigns of two kings, to be found nowhere else ; and to complete the tale, we trace in its details a fully reasonable accord with the more precise data furnished independently by inscriptions and coins. "The bards relate that Váſá Rájá, son of Válá Warsingji, rcigned in Junagach and Vanthali. Ráma Rájú was of the Váſá race. It is said in Saurashtra that, previous to the rise of the kingdom of Junágadh-Vanthalí, Valabhinagar was the capital of Gujarít. Tho riso of Valabhi is thus told by the bards. The Gupta kings reigned between the Ganges and Jamnú rivers. One of these kings sent his son Kumára-pál Gupta to conquer Saurashtra, and placed his viccroy Chakrapáni, son of Prándat, ono of his Imirs, to reign as provincial governor in the city of Wámanasthalí (tle modern anthalı). Kumára-pál now returned to his father's hingdom Ilis father regned twenty-thrco years after the conquest of Saurashtra and then died, and Kumára-pála ascended the throne. Kumára-pál Gupta rcigned twenty years and then died, and was succecded by Skanda Gupta, but this king was of treak intellect. His senápati, Bhattaraka, who was of tlie Gchlotí mce, taking a strong army, came into Saurashtra, and inade lus rule firm tlicre. Two years after this Skanda Gupta died. The senápat now assumed the title of King of Sauráshtra, and, having placed a governor at Támanasthalí, founded the city of Valabhinagar At this time the Gupta race were dethroned by foreign invaders "† • Professor Bindarhar has criticii crtain items of this tradition in the following terms – "But the tradition itself, though steresting as giving the truth generally, cannot be considered to br true in the particulars, lor, in the first place, it mabes Chakrapínı the son of Práadnt, who is certainly the Chalrapaļita son of Iarnadatta of the Jungsdb inscription (Juuru Bom Br R Is She vol VII pp. 122, 123, supra p 4), viceroy of tho father of Kupára Gupta, and graalfather of Slanıla Gupta, wlule the inscription represents Parnalatta as Shaola Guptr's riecro, and Chahrspálita as gorernul of a certain tond, appointel to that place by his own father. Again, Skanda Gupta in represented as a weak king in the tradition, while bis inscriptions, magouluquent though they art, do sbow that he must Jare been a powerful monarch. Lastly, Chotárka 19 mentioned as having assumed the title of King, while the Valabki copper plates spenk of him as Senápati, and represent Drona Sinba, his second son, to have first assumed that title (Journ. is. Soc Bengol, rol IV, Mr. Wathen and an unpublisled grant of Gubasena). The tradition, therefore, is not entitled to any reliance as regards the particulars It simply gives us what was known before, that the Valabluís succeeded the Guptas "- Indian Antiquary, vol. III (1874), t Major J W. Watson, Legends of Junagadh, Indian Intiquary, (Nov 1873,) vol. II, p. 312 r 303 ·16 ARCHÆOLOGICAL SURVEY OF YESTERN INDIA. d.-COINS. As fitly introductory to the Gupta gold coinage, I prefix a' specimen prototype in the rare and little known coins of the Indo-Scythian king Vasudeva, whose name or title figures so prominently in the Mathurá inscriptions. As the general range of the dates and localities of the Indo-Scythian inscriptions are calculated to throw important light upon the history of the period, and have a special bearing upou the distribution of the contemporary Baktrian and Indian Páli alphabets, I annex a résumé of these documents lately prepared for my publication on “ Ancient Indiau Weights."* Indo-Scythian Inscriptions in the Indo-Páli Alphabet). At Dathurá.-KANISHKA. Dahárája Kanishka. Samvat 9. HUVISHKA. Nahárája DEVAPUTRA ILuvishka.. Hemanta, S. 39. Aahárája RÁJATIRÁJA DEVAPUTRA Huvishka. Grishma; S. 47. Mſahúrája Huvishka. Hemanta, S. 48. VASUDEV.. lahárdja Ríjátirúja DEVAPUTRA Vásu(deva).. Varsha, S. 44. Dahárája Vasudeva. Grishma, s. 83. Nahárája Rájatirája, Száni, Vasudeva. Hemanta, S. 87. Rája Vasudeva. Varsha, S. 98. Indo-Scythian Inscriptions (in the Baktrian-Páli Alphabet). In other localities.-Bhátalpúr. Maharaja Rajadiraja DEVAPUTRA Kanishka. Samyat 11, on the 28th of the (Greek) month of Dæsius. + Manikyala Tope. Daharaja Kaneshka,GUSHANA vaşa samvardhaka. " Increaser of the dominion of the Gushans (Kushans). Samvat 18. Wardak Vase, Daharaja rajatiraja Euveshka. Samvat 51, 15th of Artemisius. In addition to these Baktrian-Páli inscriptions, we have a record in the same alphabet, of a king called Moga (Moa?), on a copper plate from Taxila, wherein the Satrap Liako Kusuluko (Kozola ?) speaks of the 78th year of the “great king, the great Afoga," on the 5th of the month of Panæmus, and an inscription from Takht-i-Bahi of King Gondophares, dated in his 26th year, with a corresponding entry of the month of Vaisakh, Samyat 103.) * “ Ancient Indian Teights." The introductory chapter of Marsden's Numismata Orientalia, Trübner, 1874. of The opening line of the Zeda inscription of Sampat 11, with the Indian month of Ashidha, can only be doubtfully associated with the tivo lines of small writing below it, in which the name of Kanishka is found. Cunningham's Arch. Rep. rol. V. p. 57. | Journ. R. As. Soc. vol. VII. N. S. p. 377; Cunningham, Arch. Rep. vol. V. p. 59.

·COINS. 17 It would contribute very material aid towards the reconstruction of the general chronology of India if we could determine the era to which these inscription dates refer; it is clear that many of them are mere regnal dates, but as some of them run up as high as 98, this alone puts them beyond any such confined system of reckoning, and cren outside the probable duration of the combined reigns of the three brothers, “Hushka, Jushka and Kaniskka" of the Kashmir chionicles. The next point we have to consider is the nature of the inscriptions themselves, as a rule they are not royal manifestoes, but records of the piety, in gifts or endowments, of private individuals, and as such would primarily refer to some vell established and generally recognised era. What was that era ? Vikramaditya (57 BC.) would place the documents too early; Şaka (79 A.D.*) too late. I have recently suggested the clains of the Seleucidan era (1st September, B.C. 312), allowing for the omission of the current figure for hundreds, which is now discovered to haşe been the practice adopted by the Baktrian Greeks. As the simplest Tay of stating my views, under the latter aspect, I quote in its integrity a letter I lately addressed to " The dcademy," which has already attracted much attention among Numismatists.t " Baktrian Coins and Indian Dates. " December 16, 1874. " Those of your readers who concern themselves with the vexed question of Indian dates may be interested to learn that evidence of some importance, in that direction, has recently been obtained from the coins of the Baktrian Greeks. Since Bayer's premature attempt to interpret a Mint-monogram on a piece of Enkratides as 108,4 Numismatists have not lost sight of the possible discrimination of dates as opposed to Mint-marks on the surfaces of these issues & “In 1868 I published, in my edition of Prinsep's Essays on Indian Antiquities, a notice of the detached letters or as occurring on a coin of Eukratides (No. 3, p. 184, vol. II) and Dr as found on the money of Heliokles (No. 1, p. 182), which letters would severally represent the figures 73 and 83, but these numbers were apparently too low to afford any satisfactory elucidation in their application as dynastic dates "On a chance visit to the British Museum, a short time ago, Mr. Percy Gardner was so obliging as to shovy me all the latest acquisitions of Baktriau coins, and among them a specimen of Heliokles with the full triliteral date, after the manner of the Syrian mints, of Por or 183,|| which, then tested by the Seleucidan era (311–183), brings his reign under the convenient date of B C. 128, and authorises us to use the abbreviated figures, under the same terms, as OP=73 for 173 Sel.=138 B.C. for Eukratides, and • Monday, 14th March, A D. 78, Julian style. # Num Chron 1875, p. 5, Agra Arcbæological Society, Annual Meeting, 1873. list Reg Graecorum Baetrant St. Petersburg, 1738, p. 44 $ H.II Wilson, Ariana Antiqua, pp. 233, 238 General A Cunningham, Nimimahe Chronicle, ya LX N, S. P 230 Chronicle for 1875, p. 6.

·18 ARCIIÆOLOGICAL SURVEY OF WESTERN INDIA. the repeatci =$3 for 183 Sel.=128 for Heliokles, a date which is further supported by thic appcarance of the exceptionally combined open monogram Āl (NA), or 81 for 181=130 B.C. on his other picces. “In addition to the value of these data as fixing definitively, though within fairly anticipated limits, the cpochis of these prominent Baktrian kings, the conventional use of the abbreriatcu definition introduces us at once to local customs, to which the Greeks so readily lent themselves, in their adoption of the method of reckoning by the Indian Loka Küla,* which simplificd the expression of dates, as we do now, in the cirilised year of our Lord, when we writc 74 for 1874. " The domestication of the Scleucidan cra and its incorporation of Indian methods of calcnlation, leads on to the consideration of low long this exotic system of computation maintainel its ground in Upper India, and how much influence it exerted upon the clironological records of succeeding dynasties. I hare long been under the impression that this influence was more widespread and abiding than my fellow antiquarians have been ready to admit, i but I am noir prepared to carry ny inferences into nerer channels, and to suggest, as a commencement, that the Indo-Scythian Kanislıka' kings continued to usc the Selcucidan era, cren as they retained the minor sub-divisions of tlic Grock months which formed an essential part of its system; and under this ricw to propose that re sliould treat the entire range of dates of the Hushka, Jushka, and Kanishka' fomily of the Raija Taranginí, I lich their inscriptions expand from ix. to scriii.ş, as pertaining to the fourth century of the Scleucidan cra, an arrangement which will bring them into concert with our reckoning from 2 B.C. to 87 A.D. A schicme which would morcorcr provide for their full possession of power up to the crucial • Şaka ' date of 78-79 A.D., and allow for the continuance of certain local reigns as claimed by their subordinate public cpigraplis. « The Şaka cra, with its Indian inonths as 1'ccorded in the Gupta inscriptions, ll belongs to a new order of things, but this much may be added in conclusion, that the carliest cpigraph of Chandra Gupta, the fifth of that race, dated in 82 Şaka, or 161 A.D., leares a satisfactory margiu for the hicroic efforts and successful conquests of the second. Vikramaditya (of Albírúni's legends) and his immediate successors." I have no wish to press thcsc suggestions for more than they are worth, or to precipitate a decision in their farour; but in addition to the incorporation of the Macedonian mouths in thc Baktrian-Páli inscriptions, thich clearly, in their ligler numbers, follow an identical era with thic Mathurá dedicatory epigraphs couched in the Indian Páli alphabet, there are many other cridences of the spread and continued use * Albírúní, writing in India in 1031 A.D., tells us, " Le rulgaire, dans l'Inde, compte par siècles, et les siècles sc placent l'un apres Inutre. On appelle cela le Samratsara du cent. Quand un cent est écoulé, on le laisse ct l'on en commance un autre. On appelle cela Loka-kiila, c'est-à-dire comput du peuple.”—(Reinaud's Translation, Fragments rules, Paris, 1845.) Ť Journ. R. cis. Soc. rol. XII. p. 41 ; Journ. As. Soc. Beng. 1855, P. 565, and 1872, p. 175; Prinsep's Essays, vol. II. p. 86; Journal Asiatique, 1863, p. 393. Š P. 10, supra. § Journ. R. As. Soc. rol. V. N.S. p. 122. “ Ancient Indian Weights," 1874, p. 46. General Cunning. fani's Arch. Nop. vol. III. p. 29. (Reproduccil above, p. 16.) 9 Prinscp's Essays, vol. I. p. 231 et seq.

·COISS 19 of the Seleucıdan system of dating, which would laye tended to commend it to the less enughtened occupying Scythians who succeeded to outlying sections of the dominions of the Baktrian Greeks in India. The Indo-Scythian inscriptions extant at Mathurá are not dated in months, but ia the old triple scasons, Grishma, Varsha, and Hemanta, like so many of the ancient writings in the caves of Western India, and it is a suggestive fact, as bearing upon the omission or non-specification of the hundreds, that none of the Indo-Scythian inscriptions at Mathurí run into three figures they approach closely but do not touch the 100. And the first inscription, as silu, of later date, or 135 of some undefined Samvat, presents us with the earliest specimen among these records of a fully developed Hindu month (Pushya). I Since tlie publication of my letter of the 15th December 1874 Albíruni's account of the method of dating, in the Lokakála, by the omission of the ecen hundreds, has been opportunely confirmed by the discovery that the inhabitants of Kashmir follow this system of computation in all its integrity to the present day. I am well aware that Menander had so far departed from the traditional Indo-Greek abbreviated dates, as to confine himself on his coins to regnal years, inasmuch as I am able to cito from his extant money the dates A 1, B2, r 3, A4, E 5, H 8; but this no more proves the general surrender of the consecutive eral system of dating than the Hathurá regnal dates establish the rule in the mixed instances above adverted to. I can also quote a newly discovered Parthian era, commencing in 248 BCI which viewing its now ascertained employment in the Cuneiform documents of the • Since proposing the above identifications, I bare examined all the Baktrian coins within reach to seek for Dew examples of these abbreviated dates, but without succes I am able, however, to revert to two very curious contributions in the same line from the coins Apollodotug, in the letters 5 = 60 and EE = 65, published by me some years ago sa Prinsep's Essays, vol II p 184, and in the Vumtematic Chroracle, vol XIX p. 22 (Wonograms, p. 66) Under the system of the omission of the hundreds, these dates would correspond with BC 151 and 146_ period which would not be at all inappropriate for this king, who has been variously placed by Lassen at 160 BC, by Wilson at 110 BC, and by Cuppingham at 165 BC. One coincidence 10 connexion with these two Greek letter-dates 19 that they are in both cases erther preceded or succeeded by the lettere NO in a similar position at the foot of the device on the referse, wbich may possibly stand for the intral letters of woma"usage, custom," &c, or some its derivative forms, though this is avowedly a mere conjecture open to further investigation † Cunningham's Arch Report, vol p III. 36, Journ R As She rol V p. 190, and the Cave Inscriptions, in the Journ Bom Br. R ds Soc See also liuen Thsang, vol. II p 63 , and Elliot's Glossary, vol Il. p 47. This can by po possibility be made into a Vibramáditya date , ut 19 more than a question of it can even refer to Saka Similarly, 10 regard to these dates, I am altogether undisturbed by the lindu month in the Gondophares inscription, p 30 ante; in short, whenever we pass the hundred we luse Seleucıdan months, though it would be unwse to propound any absolute law on the subject with our present scanty materials. Thug second juscription ends with the words Saka Kála gatávdah 726—that 19, "Sáka Kal years elapeed 726," equivalent to A.D 801, which is therefore the date of the temple This date also corresponds with the year 80 of the local cycle, which is the Lok-kál of Kashmir or cycle of 2,700 years, counted by centuries named after the 27 nakshatras, or lunu mansions The reckoning, therefore, never goes beyond 100 years, and as each century begins in the 25th year of the Chostian century, the 80th year of the local cycle 19 equivalent to the 4th year of the Christian century, General Cunungbam, Arch Rep 1875, vol V. p. 181. See also Dr Buhler's Report, quoted in the Atheneum of the 20th Nov. 1875 | Assyrian Duscoveries, by George Smith London, 1875, P 339. From the time of the Parthian conquest it appears that the tablets were dated according to the Parthian style. There has always been a doubt es to the date of this revolt, and consequently of the Parthian monarchy, as the classical authorities have left no evidence 89 to the exact date the rise of the Parthian power. [, however, obtained three Parthian tablets from Babylon ; Iwo of them contained double dates, one of wbicb, being found perfect, supplied the required endence, as it was (11510) [D] ·20 ARCILEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF WESTERN INDIA. period, and obvious official preference may liare secured a larger range of acceptance than could otlıcrwise have been conjectured, and may tlius, in its associate extension with the power of the racc, arrogate some claim to rule and regulate our obscure Indo- Scythian dates. Testing thic Dlathurá ligures by this system with its third century commencing in 48 B.O., we have another possiblc approximation towards the solution of this great cnigma. The comparative cstimates by tlıc four methods of computation, stand roughly as follows: Vikramditya - B.O. 48 to A.D. 41. Şaka A.D. 88 to A.D. 177. Scleucidan B.O. 2 to A.D. 87. Parthinn B.O. 39 to A.D. 50. VASUDEVA. No. I*. Gold. Trésor ile Numismatique, Pl. LXXX, figs. 10, 11.t Obrersc.—Scythian figure, standing to the front, casting incense into the recognised small Mithraic altar. To the right a trident with pennons; to the left a standard with bosses and streamers, Loged, around the device, portions of the full titles of PAO NANO PAO KOPANO. Below the left arm Pasu, in the exact form of character to be seen in his Mathurii inscriptions. To the left, on the side of the altar, the letter 5 Rcversc.--The Indian Goddess Parratí scated on an open chair or Greek throne, cxtending in right hand the classic regal fillet; Mithraic monogram to the left. Legend, APAOXPO,S"half Şira," i.c. Parrati. dated nccording to the Seleucidan (ra, nud nccording also to the Parthinu cm, the 144th rear of the Parthians being cqual to the 208th year of the Seleucidæ, thus innking tlic Parthinn era to have commenced B.C. 248. This (Inte is written:"Month .... 23rd dny 14411 year, which is called the 208th year, Arsaces, King of kings." * The Roman ngubers, further defined by a star (*), arc used to denote sucli coins as do not find a place in the exclusively continuous Gupta series embodied in the Autotype Plate. † Those who wish to sce nearly exact counterparts of these types mas consult the coins figured in plate XIV., Ariana Antiqua, figs. 19, 20. The latter scems cren to have an imperfect rendering of the a ra on the obrerse, trich -1 (formcd like pu) on the rercrec. For corresponding types sec also Journ. As. Soc. Beng. vol. V. pl. 36, and Prinsop's Essays, pl. 4. General Cunningham, Numismatic Chronicle, rol. VI. O. S. pl. I. fig. 2. # Plate XV. figs. 8, 16, 20. The 11 is not curred, but formed by a inerc elongation of the down strokic of tbc .s, which constitutes the vowel, as in the case of the 1 on Samudra Gupta's coin No. 2 of the accompanying autotype plate VII. Tlic omission of the Dera on the coins is of no morc importance than the parallel rejection of the Gupta, where the king's name is written down cards in the confined space below the arm, Facsimiles of these inscriptions may also be consulted in Professor Dowson's paper on the Mathurá Inscriptions, Journ. R. As. Soc. rol. V.N.S. pl. IV. fige. 15, vi., &c. See also General Cunningham's remarks on Vásudeva, ibid. p. 195. General Cunningham proposes to amend Professor 1Tilson's tentatire reading of Baraono on the two gold coins, Ariana Antiqua, pl. XIV. figs. 14, 18 (p. 378), into PAO NANO PAO BAZOAHO KOPANO. The engraving of No. 14 certninly suggests an initial B in the name, and the AZ and O are sufficiently clear. We have only to angulariee the succeeding O into A to complete the identification. These coins have a rererse of Şira and the Bull.--Arch. Rep. vol. III. p. 42. Dr. Kern does not seem to bare been aware of these identifications when he proposed, in 1873 (Névuc Critique, 1874, p. 291), to associate the Mathurá Vásudeva rith the Indo-Sassanian Pahlsi coin figured in Prinsep, pl. VII. fig. 6. Journ, R. As. Soc. vol. XII. pl. 3; Ariana Antiqua, pl. XVII, fig. 9. § APAOXPO, Ard-Ugra. The latter is the name of Şira. The preceding Kladphises Indo-Scythians bad, for ·COINS. 21 GHAȚOT KACHA No 1. Plate VII. Gold, weight 116 gr. Very rare. B. M. [The numbers profixed to these coins correspond, without break or interruption, roith the serial order of the numbers entered in the accompanying Autotype Plate the extra or casual specimens are marked by Roman figures, with a further discriminating *] Obverse - The King standing to the front, clothed very much after the manner of his Indo-Scythian predecessors.* The right hand casts incense into the conventional diminutive Mithraic altar, while the left holds the typical standard of the rayed Sun. Marginal legend imperfect. a ká. Under the arm cha. Reverse.--Párvaté holding a lotus flower in the right hand, with a cornucopia of Western design on the left arm. In the field, the Indo-Scythian monogram . Legendarit Sarvardjochchhetta.“The exterminator of all Rajas." SAMUDRA GUPTA. No. 2. Gold. B. M. Obverse.—The king arrayed after the Indian fashion with a dhoti tightly bound round his loins, elaborate native head-dress, very large car-rings, necklace, and armlets of chosen jewels, &c., in the act of shooting a tiger who faces him to the full front. Legend, restored.EYI*# Tyághra parákrama “The tiger hero." Reverse.Párvati with lotus flower and Garuda standard, standing upon a Dragon or some oriental type of marine monster. I Legend - 791#ga: Rájá Samudra Guptah their referse device, a figure leaning on a Bull (Nandi), regarding wluch Professor Maison remarks " The figure leading on the Bull appears, by the breasts and protuberant bars, to be female, but it 19 not invariably so, and 15 sometimes, what it probably always shoull be, of an androgynous outline, the figure helog that of Sıva and his spouse in their composite character of Arrdha náríswara, Siva balf-femmine."-Anana Antiqua, p 351 * A very suggestive note on this question 19 to be found 2 Huen Tbsang "Après la mort du roi Kta-nt-se ka (Kanishka), la race des Kr-lo-to (Kntigas) s'arrogea encore la royauté, chassa les religieux et abolit la loi du Bouddha," i 178 These kings are subsequently spoken ot, in the text, as "cette race gnoble," p 179 The commentator adds at p 454, vol ui. “Kntlyas en Chinos Mai-te (hommes) achetés" (See also, 1 249) Houen- Theang, Paris edit. Cl. disa, krita, and gupta under the sense of "protected," 11 CODDEXIOD with note t p 11 ante, and also Elliot's Glossary, vol. II. p 281 † This monogram bas & cuncus similtude to the old Egyptian symbol for the Bee which, as M Oppert bas showd, was the sign royal in the Hieratie, the prototype of sartu, 70 of the 2n9cription of Nebachadnezzar at Borsippa Journal Asiatique, 1857, p. 143. See also Journ. R. ds. Soe vol L N.S. A simlar aquatic monster may be seen below the feet of an ancient statue at Nongarh (6 miles SSE of Jayanagar) “ The statue 2 made of the red-spotted sandstone of the Sikri quermes dear Matborá"-Cunning. ham, Arch. Report, vol III, p 161. [D 2] Pp. 224, 482 ·22 ARCIIÆOLOGICAL SURVEY OF WESTERN INDIA. No. 3. Gold. B. M. Reversc.--King appareled in close-fitting native costume, with the Indian dhoti, armlets, bangles, &c., l'eserving unexhausted arrows for a retreating lion. Legend.-म इराजाधिराज श्री Dla nú rájádhirája Şri. Reverse.-The Goddess Parvati scated on a lion, with fillet, lotus flower, and the usual Scythian monogram. Legend.-sit fogefa Şri Sinha Vikrama. "The Lion-hero." No. 4, Gold. B. M. Obrersc. -A horse decked for the Aşyamcdha sacrifice. Legend (restored).-नवजमधः राजधिराज पृथिवी जियत्य Navajamadhah Rájadhiraja Prithivi jiyatya. Below the horsese. Reverse. A rayed female figure (Párvati?) holding a chauri or Yák's tail, ordinarily used as a fly-whisk in the train of royalty. Legend.—ÀU THA: 4şvamedha parákramah. “The hero of the Aşvamedha." A recent contributor to the Journal Asiatique, has taken me to task for discovering any traces of Scythism in the Indian Asramedha rite, and after other curious criticisms, intrenches himself in the direct assertion that "le cheval des sculptures est le cheval des légendes et du culte brálmanique."'* To my apprehension the Indian Argaus have put on record, in their own Vedas, a much more mundane account of their notions of the Aşvamedha sacrifice, which seems to have been little more to them than a religious feast, with all the sensual accessories of fat lorse flesh, baked meats, aromas of cooking, with essays on the merits of skilful carving: descending at last into gross questions of skewers, and the stray remnants that adhere to the hands of the operators.T Far different is the impression conveyed by what we can gather from the local conceptions of the Asramedha; here the ideal seems to have been eminently Scythic, both in its inception and application; it was in effect a martial challenge which consisted in letting the victim, who was to crown the imperial triumph at the year's end, go free * Journ. Asiatique, 1875, p. 126. Essai sur la légende du Buddha, par M. E. Senart. The passage to which the author takes cxception is to be found in my article in the Journ. As. Soc. Beng, 1865, p. 57; it has been reproduced in my Indian IV'eights, p. 62. † Rig Veda, ii. iii. súktas, vi. vii., Tilson's Translation, vol. II, p. 112, and note a, p. 121, also Preface, p. xii.-17.; Colebrooke's Essays, Prof. Corell's edit., vol. I, pp. 50, 55, 56; Asiatic Researches, rol. III. p.429; Max Müller's Inc. Sanskrit Literature, pp. 37, 46, 357, 533.

·COINS 23 to wander at will over the face of the earth, its sponsor being bound to follow its hoofs, and to conquer or conciliato tlie occupiers of all “fresh fields and pasturcs new" his equine pioneer chose to fancy.* Surely such a prototype shadows forth more of the conditions of the life of desert communities of the horseman class, than of the surroundings of Aryan cattic-drivers, entangled in the narrow passes of the Himalaya, or dubiously skirting the southern base of the outer mange towards the plains of India in straggling companies. The original germ and development of the contrasted heroic aspect almost declares itself in associations belonging to Nomadic tribes, among whom 1 steed captured in hostile forays, had so frequently to be traced from camp to camp and surrendered or fought for at last. Of course the ultimate decision of this and many other international questions, must depend upon how much of the Turínian element we are to recognize as having existed amid the occupying prehistoric races of India; a subject far too large to be discussed with advantage in this place. KURA GUITA. No, 5. Gold. B. A. Obrersc.--King standing to the left, the right hand is extended as if casting incense into the small Mithraic altar, of which traces can still be recognised The king is girt with tho Khandá or Indian straight broad-sword To the right the Garuda standard, to tho left the initial letters of the name of Kumára, Ku Legend-गमवजित्य सुचरत कुमर Reverse --Párrali seated on a raised throne, below which are expanded the leaves of the lotus In the right hand, the Grecian fillet, with the recognizeil Scythian monogram above the shoulder. Legend -श्री कुमार गुप Sri Kumára Gupta MABEXDRA GUPTA No II*. Gold, weight 125 5 grains. Marsden, No. MLIX B. MI Obrerse. -King on horseback, to the right, trith nimbus, seemingly bare-headed, with long flowing curls. Legend --महेन्द्र गुप्त Mahendra Gupta. • Wheeler's Vahabharata, vol I. 377 Prof Goldstücker has pointed out in the Westminster Rerecto or April 1869) that the passa gra here quoted belong to the more recent " Jaimpiya Asfamedha” See also Wheeler's Rámáyand, pp. 10, &c. See also Prinsep's Essays, pl. XXIII, fig 30, Fol I p. 387. See also Fariants, pl XXX fig. 3, 4, 5, ibid, and Anana Antiqua, pl XVIII, figs 16, 17 No. 16, has 99979 after the Gupta.

·ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF WESTERN INDIA. Rererse.---Párvall, scated on an Indian D[orhá, feeding a peacock. Legend.--27 E 4jila Mahendra. "The unconquered king." No. III*. Gold, wcight 119 grains. B.NL. (?) This is another coin of somo interest, which I doubtfully attribute to Maliendra Gupta. It may be described as follows: Obverse--Standing figure with spcar anl flowing pennons, trident, and small Na. Millnaic altar. Outside the spear the lcttcrs On the inside up. Reversc.-L'arratí scated, with traces of the Greek APAOXPO. Nára Gurra. No. IV* Gold. Ariana Antiqua, Pl. XVIII. fig. 22.* Obrersc.King standing to the front, with Garuda standard on the right, and how in the left hand. Device similar to the designs of Samudra and Chandra Gupta's coins (Ariana Antiqua, XVIII. 7, 8, 9, 1, Varsden, No. AIL. and MLVII.), but materially dctcriorated in thic artistic exccution. Legen, below the left arm.--77 Nú. 1'11. At the foot Gr. DLarginal legend? Reverse -The usual type of Párrati scated on lotus leaves to the front (disclosing greatly debasel art.) Legend, restored from otlıer specimens.t-Tere Biláditya. THE SÁI KINGS OF SURASHTRA. The history of the sal kings of Surashtra is so interwoven with the progress and final supremacy of the Guptas, that we must dorotc full space to the consideration of thicir independent risc and advance to proter as well in regard to the monumental palmographic records, in which the western coast is so rich, as in respect to the Numismatic remains of the dynasty which equally preserve marked local characteristics, and disclose instructive inclications of a source and derivation other than Indian. The inscriptions claim priority in the order of arrangement. These commence with a group of representatire mural tablets which repeat the name of the presumed founder of the Sáh family, Nahapana. I have transcribed the first of these records in full, as furnishing a specimen of the ordinary style and motive of this class of dedicatory * I formerly liad doubts about the due attribution of these coins; but now that I have examined sereral specimens, I concur in General Cunningham's assigoment.-Bhilsa Tores, p. 145. The marginal legend is there quoted ns Para-madhi Naja. † Thicre nro turce specimons in the British Museum.

·SAĦ INSCRIPTIONS. 25 epigraphs, reducing the subsequent quotations to the bare enumeration of royal names or other material data. For the preliminary materials I am indebted to a paper by Professor Bandarkar, which was presented to the London Oriental Congress of 1874, and which is now in course of correction for the volume embodying their Proceedings I.-Inscription of Mahapana in the Násik Cares. (No 17 of Mr. West's facsimiles *) “To the Perfect One! This cavo and these small tanks were caused to be constructed on the mounts Trirasmi in Govardhana, by the benevolent Ushavadáta, the son-in-law of King Kshaharáta Satrap Nahapáña, son of Diníka, who gave three hundred thousand cows, presented gold, and constructed flights of steps on the river Bárnáságá, gare sixteen villages to gods and Brahmans, fed a hundred thousand Brahmans every year, provided (the means of marrying) eight wives for Brahmans at Prabhásu the holy place, constructed quadrangles, houses, and haltung-places at Bharukachchha, Dasapura, Govardhana and Sorparaga; mado gardens, tanks, and wells ; charitably enabled men to cross Ibá, Parádá, Damaná, Tapi, Karabená, and Dáhunuka by placing boats on them; constructed Dharmasálas, and endowed places for the distribution of water, and gave capital worth a thousand for thirty-two Nádhigeras for the Charanas and Parishads in Pinditakávada, Govardhana, Suvarnamukha, Sorparaga, Rámatırtha, and in the village of Nanagola. By the command of the Lord I went in the rainy season to Málaya to release Hirudha the Uttamabhadra. The Malayas fled away at the sound (of our war music), and were all made subjects of the Khatriyas the Uttamabhadras. Thence I went to Poksharaņi, and there performed ablutions, and gave three thousand cows and a village." Remarks. "The first part of this inscription is in Sanskrit The latter part contains a mrxture of Sanskrit and Prakrit." II.-Translation of Inscription No. 16 of Afr. IV'est's fucsimiles, Lines 1,1 "To the Perfect One! This apartment is the benefaction of Dakhamitrá, the daughter of King Kshaharáta Satrap Nahapana and wife of Ushayadáta, son of Díníka." Continuation of Translation of No 16, Lines 3-6 “ To the Perfect One! In the year 42, in the month of Vaisákha, the son of Diníka, and son-in-law of King Kshaharáta Satrap Naharána, gave three thousand 3,000 to the priesthood from the four quarters residing in this case, as capital for (providing] garments and kuşana. Out of this sum on 1,000 the interest is three-quarters of a • Journ Bont Br A As Soc Fol VII p 42 † "I think upon the whole this way of interpreting the expression 13 more in consonance with known facts than making Nabarína gatrap of a king named Kshabarata." "Prabhá-u, es Dr Stevenson says, 13 a place near Pattan Somonth Bharukachchha is now known to be Broach Dacapora must be some place in Gujarat or in the Marathi country bordering on Gujarát. It occurs in Inscription No 1 of Mr West's series Sorparaga 19 Supam Dear Bass-11 The Damaná and Dábanuká must be rivers flowing into the sea at those places in the Tanna District. Tapí 19 well known The others I am not able to ideotify Rámatírtba is, I am told, a small place near Supara Ushavadáta's charities do not seem to have gone further to the north than Gujarat, or further to the south than the northern district of the Puna zullah The expedition to the south described in the inscription was occasional, the object being to 1991st a friendly face of Kshatriyas" (Conf Ind Art vol III. pp 100, 214, 322, vol IV.p 282, Yale's Marco Polo, vol II. p. 353 - Damana is doubtless the Damans Gángs, and Dáhanuks the riper of Debnu to the south of it --J. B) ·26 SRCHEOLOGICAL SCRVEY OF WESTERS INDIA hundred [i.e. 75] Kárshápaņas. These Kárshápanas bearing interest are not to be repaid. Out of this (sum] to thousind, which is the capital bearing an interest of one hundred Kárshápanes is for garments. A capital of $.000 Nádigers was given in Kapurahara and the village of Chikhalapádra.” Bemerks. "From this and No. 18 of the same series it appears clear that Tsharedáta left three thousand Kárshápañas; tmo deposited with one body of theaters, bearing an interest of 100 Padikas or Kárshápaņas, from which chív rikas or ments were to be provided, and one with another body of wearers, bearing an interest of 75 Padikas, out of which kuşana has to be giren. Lines 4 and is of this and of No. IS are this consistent with each other. Te see from the above that the care mas dedicated to the use of mendicacts in the year 42, and from No. 28 that Oshavadáta bestowed other charities in the years 41 and 20. Wut era these are to be referred to will be considered in the remarks," III.-Ircnelction of No. 14 of Jr. Test*series. 1. Son-in-lair of Satrap Nahapana -t. 2. Usual deeds of Usharadáta the Şabat 3. In Chechika, city of Daihanuki, Kekipa. 4. In each sillage, in Tjjayini,t Siklá . . [elerez lines more]. * " This has been usually taken to be Şakı. 2 if there were no doubt about ir. bat it is cot quita safia to ce so in the mutilated state of the itscriprice. -This is cot without dougt.** I quote Pro£ Banduzkur's fia:ll summing up and the restriting cocciesies wat rest of skotin tie dificulties ruich still earima the question of the Sáb dates. - In the first place rre bare tile inscriprioss of Lsharadita trbich mention a king of the name of Ishabarita Nabapiins, who is also called Estatrufa cc Satria Kshaharăta looks very much like Alagirata, and the caracters in these inscriptions ccearr a milers Festion betrreen those of yo. 6 und No. 26. Isusharita Vabapágs therefore way well have been the fruiter of the drzasty that Esplaced the Saturríkaris some time after Krishnkrijk And coins of a rice of things with themselves Kings and Kshatraprs or Satrups bare been found in Gujarát and elsetlere. 22. smoogst tiem cce cf Nibafína himself. There are two inscriptions also it Gujarat, to zich mectin some cf these kings. Ter Bels therefore it was this dynasty that Güutaniputri displaced." * These intereaces rozli be rendered highly protable if wat is now crteliered witi ceni to ide dates of these kings were made to marzenize with the similar information tre Lare with regere to the wates of Krishwuzija 3ad Gantumuputri. The coins of the Satrap cr Sik dynasty teir turas. but it is not Erow to riac erz tie ir to be referred. For the dates of the şáturákaza kings the only anthorities are the Pazinas. Though there is ao rers satisfactory agreement amongst them as to the cares gail gunler of the indirituals coafosing the dyristy. the period of its total duration given by all. nearly correspcras Sartirg Eom the list of Children gupta Maurya, which is ceterilly beliered to be 315 6.C. and deducting -94. the emberi tiso's Islam Pierina, chap. XII. book IT.) of yeurs fur vuier the intervening uymasis reigned. 12 bare 6.C. date of the fuerzation of the Andhrul-brity dsrusty: and ming on further in the same way he Late ? 1.0. for brislinarija's accession : ard 319 A.D. for that of Gantenirgri. Yeri v take Valupima te te the fourder of the Suka eri, and refer at the Sah (lutes to that eri, the informatic got from Cates 2 the inferences based on it are perfectly corsistent with these tates. Vahapana's career o cuaqkezt mest inte eadei in 1.D.TS, Truen the erg tegla; ad this agrees with rhat we tare stised alors that the Stratus were deprived of the province of Vask some time after Krishesrujil. It the same mmor, tie saumont that Gatturniputru exterminated the rice of Bhagirits is true, the last of the Sih dates must come we were enouga to 340 LDthat being the date of Gaatamiputra's death, or, the end of his reign. This list ** the erz is Suba, is according to Mr. Fergussca (Joum. F. As. Sien TcL IT. YS.376. ich wise it would rot agree with the other; but there is a mistake here. JL. Jasties Neriun. wice te folors. assis 3.5 ·SAH INSCRIPTIONS. 27 Other inscriptions of Nahapána at Kárlen and Junir :- At Kárlen- "Peace! By Ushabhadáta, the son of Diníka, the son-in-law of Rája Kshaharata Kshatrapa Nahapána " At Junir- “[Constructed by] Agama, the mimster of Nahapana" Mahákshatrapa Srámi The next palæographic reference to the Sál kings is an elaborate but imperfectlypreserved recapitulation of the consecutive repairs of the dam or bridge which retained the waters of the Paleşani river. This document Mr. Burgess will give in full both in text and translation hereafter. I have merely to anticipate it by a brief quotation, with a view to secure the continuty of my serial evidence, which in this instance, lowever, is only important as confirmatory of a foregone date, already suggested by the coins. The greatest interest, to us Europeans, in this long detail of thio fate and fortunes of the embankment, consists in the reference to its previous restoration by the agents of Chandra Gupta naurya, our classical Sandrokoptos, whose name appears on this single occasion in the whole range of Indian epigraphy This public A.D (Journ. Bom Br R As. Soc , vol. IX p 18) to Srámi Rudra Sáh, the 25th in his list, on the supposition that the era 19 Vikram 1's, whence it appears that he reads the figure on the coin of that monarch 19 291. But if we turn to the copies of the figures given by him at page 28, vol VII Journ. Bom Br. R ds Soc, we sball find that there must be some mistake as to the right-hand stroke on the mark for a hundred in the last of the three dates given under Svámi Rudra Sáh. For the first of theso is 224, the middle figure being the mark for 20, since the circle has one diameter (see the numerals in the Násik Cave Inscriptions, and my paper, p 67, vol. X , Journ Bom. Br. R As Soc.); the second 192, the mark for a hundred having no side stroke. It is impossible then that the king, whose date is 192, should be reigning in 291 It is extremely proudlo that thus kung, No. 18 in fr. Newton's first list (Journ Bom. Br R. As. Soc vol VII ), or No. 25 in his second (vol. IX ), whoso date appears thus to have been muread, is the same person a19 No. 12 :o the former or No 19 to the latter For the Dame of the individual and that of the father is the earne in both cases There is only the piefix wáma, "lord," in the fvimer, which makes no difference, and the date 192 in the one case add 197 in the other. The fiusl date of the Sáhs, therefore, is that of No. 17 (p. 28, FO! VII. Bom. Br R As Soc), which 13 250, for the figure resembling the letter F sa stands really for 50, as I have shown in my paper (p 72, vol. X. Dom Br R. As Soc) on the Valabhi dates This date in the era of the Fala hinge is 328. About that time then, he shout nine years after his accession, the Sábs must have been conquered hy Gautamiputra If, on the contrary, we shoull take the era to be Vibratoa's, Nahapána's date would be about 60 BC, 1.e be reigoed 62 years before Krishnurája, which, it will be seen, does not agree with the evidence of the cases, the Şátarakous dynasty having been in possession of Násik in A D 2. In the same manner, the final date, which, according to Mr. Newtoo and Mr. Ferguson, 18 235 A D on the hypothesis that the era 1a Vikrama's but which really should be 19G A D in conformity with my readıog of the dates, 13 so remote from Gautamiputra's, 319 AD, tbat lie can in no sepse be said to have exterminated the "race of Khagaráta" The Vikrama era will, therefure, pot do The objection brought by Jr Fergusson against the Şaba 19 that of the dates were referred to it, the Sáb; would overlap the Guptas by a considerable period But this period has now been reduced to about ten years the Gupta, being easposed to have come into power in 319 A D. Aod a difference of ten years in the uncertain condition of our chronology 13 almost nothing Besides, there is nothing to show that the Guptas obtained possession of the countries over which the Sábs ruled in 319, or immediately after. Thus the date 319-340 A.D for Gautamípotra, and the Saks era for the Sih dates, alone appear to be consistent with what re find in the CATO inscriptions about that monarch and the Sátaráliada dynasty The dates in Usharadita's inscnplwns, therefore, riz, 42, 41, and 40, would be 120, 119, and 118 A.D respectively." (11540 ) ·26 ARCHIÆOLOGICAL SURVEY OF WESTERN INDIA. hundred [i.e. 75] Karshapaņas. These Kárshápanas bearing interest are not to be repaid. Out of this (sum] two thousand, which is the capital bearing an interest of one hundred Kárshápaņas is for garments. A capital of 8,000 Nádigeras was given in Kapurhlıkra and the village of Chikhalapádra.” Remarks. "From this and No. 18 of the same sorics it appears clear that Ushayadáta left three thousand Kárshápanns; two deposited with one body of wearers, bcaring an interest of 100 Padikas or Khrshápaņas, from which chivarikas or garments were to be provided, and one with another body of weavers, bearing an interest of 75 Padikas, out of which kuşana was to be given. Lines 4 and 7 of this and 3 of No. 18 arc thus consistent with cach other. We see froni the above that the cave was dedicated to the use of monclicants in the year 4.2, and from No. 28 that Ushavadáta bestowed other charitics in the years 41 and 4:0. What cra these are to be refcrred to will be considered in the remarks." III.- Translation of No. 14 of 11. TV cst's series. 1. Son-in-law of Satrap Nalapána 2. Usual deeds of Ushavadáta thic Şaka.* 3. In Chechika, city of Dalianuki, Kekapura. 1. In cach village, in Ujjayini,t Sikhlı . . [cleven lines morc]. *"This has been usunlly taken to lie Şakn, as if tlicre tere no doubt about it, but it is not quite safe to do so in the mutilated state of the inscription. † "This is not without loubi." I quote Prof. Bandarkar's final rimming up and the resulting conclusions, with a view of showing the difficulties which still environ tlic question of the Sálı dntes. "In the first place se bave the inscriptions of Uslincarátn, which incntion n king of tlic name of Kshaharátn Nalapúna, who is also called Kshatrapa or Satrap. Kislinharta looks very much like Klingruts, and the characters in these inscriptions occupy a middling position between those of No. Gond No. 26. Kslnlnríta Nalinpána tlcrcforc mny well have been the founder of the dynasty tlint displaced the Şataráhnnns some time after Krislınarájn. And coins of a race of kings calling themsclvcs kings nnd Kshatrapus or Satrups lave been found in Gujarat and elsewhere, and amongst them one of Noliopinn himself. There nro two inscriptions nlso in Gujarát, which mention some of these kings. Very likely therefore it was this dynasty tlint Goutamiputra di-placed.” “Thesc inferences would be rendrral highly probable if wat is known or believed with regard to the dates of these kings mere made to lnrmonize with the similar inforiontion we liare with regard to the dates of Kțishnorája And Gautamiputra. The coins of the Satrap or Sáh dynasty bear dates, but it is not known to what era they are to be referrel. For the dates of the Satavahana kings the only authorities are the Puráņas. Though there is no very satisfactory agreement amongst them as to the names and number of the individuals composing the dynasty, the period of its total duration, given by all, nearly corresponds. Starting from the date of Chandragupta Mauryn, which is generally beliered to bc 315 B.C., and deducting 294, the number (Wilson's Vishnu Puriņa, chap. XXIV. book IV.) of years for which the intervening dynasties reigned, we have 21 B.C. as the date of the foundation of the Andhrabhſitya (lynasty; and going on further in the same way we have 2 A.D. for Kșishnaraja's accession ; and 319 A.D. for thnt of Gantamiputra. Now if we take Nahapáņa to bo the founder of the Şaka era, and refer all the Sál dates to that ein, the information got from the caves and the inferences based on it are perfectly consistent with these dates. Nahapána's career of conquest must have cnded in A.D. 78, when the era began ; and this agrees with what we hare stated above that the Şátaváhanas were deprived of the province of Násik some time nfter Krishnarájn. In the same manner, if the statement that Gautamiputra exterminated the race of Khagáráta is true, the last of the Sáh dates must come up near enough to 340 A.D., that being the date of Gautamiputra's death, or, the end of his reign. This last date, if thic era is Şaka, is, according to Mr. Fergusson (Journ. R. As. Soc., rol. IV., N.S.), 376, in which case it would not ngree with tlic other; but there is a mistake here. DIr. Justice Newton, whom he follows, assigns 235 .

·SẮP INSCRIPTIONS. 27 Other inscriptions of Nahapána at Kárlen and Jupir :- At Kárlen- * Peace 1 By Ushabliadáta, the son of Dinika, the son-in-law of Rája Kshaháráta Kshatrapa Nahapaņa 3) At Junir "[Constructed by] Arama, the minister of Nahapana" Malákshatrapa Svámi The next palæographic reference to the Sál kings is an elaborate but imperfectlypreserved recapitulation of the consecutive repairs of the dam or bridge which retained the waters of the Palesani river. This document Mr Burgess will give in full both in text and translation herenfter. I have merely to anticipate it by a brief quotation, with a view to secure the continuity of my serial evidence; wluch in this instance, however, is only important as confirmatory of a foregone date, already suggested by the coins. The greatest interest, to us Europeans, in this long detail of the fate and fortunes of the embankment, consists in the reference to its previous restoration lug the agents of Chandra Gupta Jaurya, our classical Sandrokoptos, whose name appears on this single occasion in the whole range of Indian epigraphy. This public A.D. (Journ. Bom Br. Il As. Soe, rol. IX p 18) to Srámı Rudra Sáh, the 25th 10 his list, on the sopposition that the era 19 Vikrama's, whence it appears that be reals the figure on the coin of that monach 14 291. But if wo turn to the copies of the figures given by bim at page 28, vol. VII Journ. Dom Br. R. As Soc, we shall find that there must be some mistake as to the right-hand stroke on the mark for a hundred in tho last of the three dates given under Svám Rudra Sáh For the fret of these 19 224, the middle figure buing the mark for 20, since the circle bas one diameter (ses the numerals in the Nások Cave Inscriptions, and my paper, p 67, vol. X, Journ Bom. Br. R. As Soc.), the second 192, the mark foi a bundred laving no eido stroke It 19 impossible then that the king, wlose date is 192, should be reigoing in 291. It is extremely probable that this king, No. 18 in Mr. Newton's first list (Journ Bom Br. R. As. Soc sol VII ), or No 25 in his second (vol IX.), whose date appears thas to bave been muread, is the same person as No 12 in the former or No 19 in the latter. For the name of the individual and that of the father is the same in both cases There is only tho preflx sodnut, lord," in the fumer, wbich makes no difference, and the date 192 10 the one case and 197 in the other. The final date of the Sibs, therefore, is that of No. 17 (p. 28, rol. VII. Dom. Br. R As Soc ), which is 250, for the figure resembling the letter sa stands really tur 50, as I have shown in DIY poper (p 72, vol. X. Bom Br. A As Soc ) on the Valabhí dates This dato in the era of the Saka Linge is 329 About that time then, 1 e. about nine years after his accession, the Sibs must have been conquered by Gautamiputra If, on the contrary, we shoul.l tahe the era to be Vikrama's, Nahapánu's date would lo about 60 BC, re he reigdal 62 years before Krishnurája, wbieh, it will be seen, does not suree with the evidence of the cases, the Staráhaus dynasty haring been in possession of Násik ia A D 2 In the same manner, the final date, which, accordiog to Mr. Newton and Dir Ferguson, is 233 A D on the hypothesis that the era 19 Vikrama's but which really should be 196 AD in conformity with my reading of the dates, 19 so remote from Gautamiputra's, 319 AD, that he can in no sense be said to have exterminated the "race of Khagáráta" The Vikrama era vill, therefore, not do The objection brought by Mr Fergusson sgunst the Şaka is that if the dates were refurrej to it, the Sibs would overlap the Guptas by a consider alle period But tlns period has now been reduced to about ten years the Guptas being supposed to have come into porer in 319 AD And a difference of ten years in the uncertain condition of our chronology is almost nothing Besides, tbere 19 nothidg to shon that the Gaptas obtained possession of the countries over which the Sábs ruled in 319, or immediately after. Thus the date 319-310 AD. for Gautamiputra, and the Şaka era for the Sah dates, alone appear to be consistent with what we Enl is the care 10scriptions about that modarch and the Şátarálisna dynasty. Tie dates 1a Usharlata's inscriptar, therefore, Yız , 42, 41, and 40, would be 120, 119, and 118 A D respectively." (11540 ) ·IS NOT:OLOGICAL SURVEY OR WESTENX INDIA. recognition of lois dominion amid thic memorial records of the western coast is a new testimony to his influence in those quarters, of which we lind already external cridence in liis traditional treating with Soleucus.* So also is there an importance in tlic distinct mention of his grandson şokil, whose qiropor sume is elsewhere sulxlucd under the lille of Dermnampiya Piyadasi throughout the entire series of religious manifestocs he set up in so many lianec places over the broall continent of Indlin: one transcript of which :ppers on the eastern face of this very rock, which, as hias licen seen, Naturo had constituted as the raidly-prepareel proclamation stone of successive generations. . To: Sí on limia Dinu INSCRIPTIOX, Jusít. "To the Perfect muc! Tluis Suarşana lake, being from Garanagar (Girinagar) · to tlir foot. . 'onstructed in its length, breath, and light of unbroken masonry;' fr, " This prork gare way in tlic 72.1 year .. of Rája Janákshatrapa Rudra Dima, whose name is oft repeated by the great, the grandson of Jalukshatrapa Chastana of well accepted (propitious) name. afterwards (-) by the Maurya Rijá Chaudragupta ..liis (renor:) Svona l'alpagupta of Surashtm (?) (rártiriya only rivihelor) cause to be made .. and by the crlebratal Ynvana Ráján of Aşoka Maurya name Tuslaspa having been regirerl." [The text then yons on to proclaim the glories of the king, thc enemies he overcamic, (c., anu continuing] " who himself cuircil tlic title of Mahikshatrapa, who won, Ec., ... by this Jahukshatrapa Rura Dama," and concludes with his own account of his special work in the ultimate rosir of the dam.i Thir last inscription in this list, which I have to notice, is the brief record on the Jasdan pillar, which proves to be purely genealogicalmand would be otherwise immatcrinl were it uot for its mention of the ancestral « Chashtana," whose name figures in such prominence in thic initial order of the coin scries. INSCRITTION T Jaspas in the North of Kátláwár pránt, “In the year 127 Bludopadla (monll) dark-half, 7th. (clay) of the moon, this Satra (taunl) of Rájá Julákslintrapa Bhadramukha Surání Rudra Sona, tlic greatgrandson of the son of Rája Jahákshatrapa Swami Chashtana; the grandson of the son of Raja Kshatrapa) Swami Jayadáman, tlic grandson of Rájá Malákshatrapa Rudra Damá, (son of) Rája Jalákshatrapa Bhadra-Mukha Stámí Rudra. Of the son of Supra Náthaka of Mánasagotra, the grandson of Klara, with brothers ." . • Justin, hook XV. cap. of; Diodorus, book XIX. cap. 24, book XX. cap. 12 ; Strabo, book II. c. 1, $9. and book XV. cap. 1, $$ 10, 36, 53, cap. 2, $ 9; Pliny, vi. 17; Arrian, Ind., cap. r. Plutarch in Demetrius. # Dr. Bhnu Daji, Journ. Bom. Br. 1. ss. Soc, rol. VII. p. 120. Ivid, vol. VIII. p. 235.

·COLNS OF THE SÁH KINGS. 29 COINS OF THE SÁH KINGS. Thus much for the inscription data, we must now fill in the canvas with the more expanded revelations of the coins. As I have not been able in the brief period which has chanced to intervene between the commencement of the present chapter and its call for the press, to re-examine the conflicting bearings of the evidence affecting the domination of the Sális, I content myself with reproducing the latest inferences of Dr. Newton, who from the first has exclusively devoted himself to the study of the Numismatic remains of this group of kings, and achiered a veritablo specialité in this department. Though in making these quotations I must guard myself by saying that I by no means invariably concur in the interpretations or deductions of the author. Mr. Newton, in one of his latest papers, has had to review, and in some cases to rerise my own early contributions to this subject, I am the more anxious therefore that he should be heard in his own Tords. He says in all frankness, "The arrangement of the dates) having been thus discussed and fixed, there mains determination of era to which the dates on the Sah coinage are to be referred Professor Wilson, in his Ariana Antiqua, was able only to state the priority of the Sális to the Guptas, but he could not restrict the rule of the latter within smaller limits tban from the second or third to the seventh century of our cra.' Mr. Thomas in his article published in 1848, in the XII. vol. of the Journ. R. As. Soc. (to which I havo been, in many respects, much indebted), being compelled by the supposition, then entertained, that the first numerals on all the Sáh coins represented 300, was led to reject cras, which would other wise doubtless have appeared preferable, and to select that of Srí Larsha, dating 467 B.C, made known to us by Albirúní, as the one which scemed best to meet the apparent requirements of the case. Mr. Thomas thus placed the Sáh dynasty between about 270 and 50 B.C., and Jr. Prinsep placed the last member of the series in 153 B.C The initial numcrals being now read as 100 and 200, the era of Vikramaditya at once suggests itself as the one to be preferred."' Proceeding upon these principles Jr. Newton subsequently framed the subjoined list of the Sáh kings, in which he was able to insert the names of six newly identified monarchs. 1. Nahapana, B.O. 60 or 70. 2. The unknown King whose coin is given as figure 10 of the plate (p. 4, Jour. Bom. Br. R. As. Soc. Fol. IX.) 3 (Syamo ?) tika. 4. Chashtana, son of Syamotika, B.C. 10 or 20 5. Jaya Dáma, son of Chastana. 6. Jiva Dámá, son of (Dámá ?) șri, A.D. 38. 7. Rudra Dámá, son of Jaya Dáma. 8. Rudra Sinha, son of Rudra Dámá, A.D. 45-47 9. Rudra Sáh, son of Rudra Sinha. Journ R As Soe, vol. XII, 1848, P 32 † Journ Bom Br. A As Soc. 1862, p 30 (E 2] ·30 ARCHEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF WESTERN INDIA, 10. Şri Sál, son of Rudra sah, 11. Sangha Dáma, son of Rudra Şah. 12. Damá Sáh, son of Rudra Sinha. 13. Yaşa Damá, son of Damá Sáh. 14. Damajata șri, son of Rudra Sah, A.D. 97. 15. Vira Dámá, son of Dámá Sáb. 16. Isvara Datta. 17. Vijaya Sáh, son of Damá Sál, A.D. 115. 18. Damajata Şri, son of Dámá Sáli. 19. Rudra Sáli, son of Rudra Damá, A.D. 131, 14). 20. Vişva Sinha, son of Rudra Şáli, A.D. 143. 21. Atrí Dámá, son of Rudra Sáll, A..D. 153, 157. 22. Visva Şál, son of Atrí Dáma, A.D. 160, 168. 23. Rudra Sinlia, son of Srámí Jiva Damá, A.D. 173 or 213. 24. Yaşa Dama, son of Rudra Sáb. 25. Svámí Rudra Salı, son of Syamí Rudra Damá, A.D. 223, 235. 26. Svámí Rudra Sal, son of Srami Satya Sáh.* I shall reserve any comments or observations upon the still vexed subject of the cra to which these coin-dates belong, till I come to compare the entire range of recorded time-marks supplied by the more recent archaeological discoveries; but I may remark, parenthetically, that the A.D. 235 of the twenty-fifth king in the above list, comes into conflict with the age I am disposed to assign to the Guptas under the Şaka test. As to the correction in regard to the increase of the values of the sign for liundreds by the addition of side strokes, I long ago arrived at a similar conclusion, Having, indeed, myself first suggested the probability of such a method of augmentation which thic materials available in 1848 did not sufice definitively to establish. + * « The inscriptions do not tell us that Nahapana hnd a son, and I have not inserted the name of his son-in-law as he is not shown to hare succeeded to the sovereignty. For the same reason I have omitted the name of Clashtana's father. It is given on the coin, but we do not know that he reigned. Though no coin intermediate between Nalapána and Chnstana has yet been found, I am sure that several years intervened between them. The difference of type and execution obscrrable between their coins is certainly greater than that which exists betwcen that of the former and the coins of the Indo-Bactrians. I have, therefore, adopted a longer interval, and hope that coins of at least two or three kings between Nahapána and Chastada may yet be found. It does not appear that Nahapana's or Chastana's coin bore a date, and it is almost certain that none was marked on the copper coin of Jaya Dámá. If the interval which I have placed between Nalapánn and Chastann and the reigns which I have assigned to Chastann and Jaya Dámíí be considered too long, I should be led to shorten these rather by assigning to them and all the subsequent sovereigns of the Sah series earlier dates than by bringing down Nabapána to a time further removed from the Indo-Bactrians. " I see no reason to modify in any respect the results arrired at in my paper of 1862 as to the succession of the Guptas to the Sáhs, the Valabhí kings to the Guptas, and the Indo-Sassanians to the Valabhí line. “ The limits of the Gujarát sovereigoty in Nahapána's time must not be extended beyond the territories which I was enabled in the paper above referred to to assign to the dominion of the Sáhs. The extent, however, of the districts held in subjection probably varied from reign to reign." † Journ. R. As. Soc. vol. XII. p. 37. See also Journ. As. Soc. Beng. 1855, p. 569, and the Paris Journal Asiatique, 1863, p. 383.

·COINS OF THE SÁH KINGS. 31 THE SAH KINGS OF SURASHTRA. NAHAPANA, No. 6. Silver; Teight 31 gr. Unique, trilingual. MR. NETTON.* OBVERSE.--King's head to the right, with rough har bound with a fillet. Very coarsely executed. Legend, imperfect Greek.--TUPANN REVERSE..A crude spear, with an axe on the side, t and an Indian definition of a thunderbolt ? Legend, in BACTRIAN-Pali characters, reading from the right, commencing below the point of the spear, WD NAHAPANASA, following which, reading from the inside, but in the reverse direction, in INDIAN-Páli letters, 79674 Nahapanasa The engrarer or designer of this die was evidently more conversant with the outlines of tho Bactrian alpliabct than lie was with the forms of the character of the concurrent system of writing of Indian origin † The repetition of the letters of the name of the King in the latter alphabet, retain so much of the appearance of Bactrian writing, that at first, I imagined the line of the legend followed uniformly on to the left of the Semitic version of the leading name; whereas there is an obvious break in the continuity of the legend, and a complete reversal of the run of the alphabetical signs, a system * Mr. Newton's description of tlns coin is to be found in Mr Burgega's text, p 16 † The custons of placing the axe half way down the staff was common with the Indo-Scythians, bce Kudpluses teries, Aruna Antiqua, pl X figa 12-21., and pl XXI fig 19 Procer's Lssays, pl VIII, &c Mr. Burnell, in ki elaborate review of South Indian Palæography" (Mangalore, 1874), has naturally hul to refer to the earlier types of the alplabets of Northern India, regarding which our views to some extent differ. The author bas quoted certain pasegges from a foot-note of mine, published in the Yth volume of the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, NS, P 420. This is not the place to enlarge upon subordinate transitions of alpbabets ettending orer some centuries, but I wish to explain, in reply to Dr Burnell's queries, that my inference regarding the Turanian or quasi-Dravulian origin of the lát character of Asoka's inscription: does not imply a copying or imitation of any giren Tamil alphabet, anul far leze so of the molein form now curent, niz object in giving the sc2rs of the romanized letters of that alphabet was merely to show what lecters were required, and what were not requreil, to express one group of Dravidian linguages I estimate Mr Duidell's services to the cause of Indian archäology on highly that I trust be will do me the honour to read what I have elsewhere written upon these subjects, when be may discover how little ne rrally disagree on most points, though I certainly should object to the evidence of ARoka's monuments, as founil in to separate sets of characters of 250 B C, being tried by the test of the Tofflettu, in which the author detects " most points of resembinuce to the Sasganian of the Inscriptions" (of A D 226-384] (p 41) As I wnte a cumous item of testimony as to the guiding and aliding iaflvence of the old Agola letters comes to us from Ceylon in the letter on Dr. Goldsebmidt's report on the “ North Central Inscription" of that island, publighed in the Academy of 20th November 1875, 2n which he says " by finding the link between the oli Jadian [1e. Aşoka Lat) alphabet and the modern Sumbalese, I was enabled, after a short time, to decipher anscriptions of all ages ·32 ARCILEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF WESTERN INDIA, of definition equally maintained in thc coin of Chashtana (No. 7), where, on the other hand, the Bactrian characters were subordivate and cridently left to the mercies of Indian dic-cutters trained in the courentional schools of their own land. It is interesting to observe the conjoint employment of thic two local alphabets, in concurrence with the fading lines of the Greck, and the retention on both these coins, in a subsiding degree, of the Bactrian system of writing which marks its crratic spread into Surishtra, following proizably the line of thic Indus down yards from Bliatalpur, liitlerin tlic lowest point to which its presence could bc traced with any degree of certainty. CHASIT.131. No. 7. Silver; weight 23 gr. Tinique.--Iegenels, in three different characters. MR. NEWTOX. OBERSI.King's licad to the left, with flat capaul vell exccuted profile. Legeul, imperfect Greel. upit.XX. RIVERSE.--A choilyu, composed of superimposcil arches, with a demilunc capital. llary line below; alsore a well-defined sun to the right and inoon to the left. Legend,t in INDIAS-Páli.--75 763748. ... जतिक पुत्रम चटनम wanwa Najno mahakshatrapinsa ... jatika putrasa Chashtanasu-CHASTANAEL. I Any attempt at the deciplicement of the Greek legends on these tiro coins has hitherto, perhaps wisely, becn avoided. But I have so often found myself indebted to numismatic lints, extending cren to the right appreciation of single letters, that I focl bound to put on record crcn my own short-comings in this instance. The materials it will be seen, arc not very promising, but I may mention that the accompanying Autotype Plate only represents copies of copies ; short of the coins themselves, I bare before me first reproductions in clcctrotype, and photographs taken direct from the originals in the possession of Wr. Newton, so that my deciplierments may possibly appear in adrance of my ostensible illustratire proofs. $ * Sec inscription of Konislıkn, ante. † Mr. Newton's reading of this legend, in July 1869, tras “Rajno Jalakshatrapasa (Syamo?)tika putrasa Chastanası (dala?) ramnn." He did not detect the repctition of the name in the Bactrian charcter. General Cunningham subsequently improred Mr. Newton's deciplcrments, rcmarking, “ I notice that the natirc legends of the coins of Nabapana nod Chasutann liare only been partially read It seems to me from the engravings that the names of both rulers are repeated in Aryan-Páli. Thus the legend on Nahapada's coin appears to ine to be Chatrapa Vahapanasa, perlinps Chatrapa putrasa; and on Chashtann's coin I read Chashtanusa in Aryan-Páli. The Indinn and Aryan names are brought together,"Journ. Bom. Br. R. As. Soc., vol. X. p. cix. | Repeated in Bactrian-Páli. The Lebrete type will onls imperfectly render the adapted Aryan letters of their common Seniitic prototypic. I Bare pointed the consonants after the system of Michaeli. $ ic. the plaster casts herc photographed hunre themselres been taken from electrotype reproductions of thic original coins, which I was favoured with by Jr. Nertou some years ago.

·THE GREEK LANGUAGE IN INDIA. 33 The only letters which strike the eye, at the first glance, are ANN above the king's head in No 7, and in the same position in No. 6, we can trace in coarser outlines the forms of PANN and a possible y before the P. Reverting again to No 7, as exhibiting the best cut characters though they depart more obviously from normaal Greek forms, we have a suggestive 0 after the second N, but the concluding letter or letters are only vaguely preserved in either specimen. The next point to determine is whether the legend should be assumed to run round the central device in one uniform line, as is the exceptional case in some of the Bactrian coins,* or whether we should look for a brenk in the continuity, consequent on the inscrtion of the King's name at the foot of the bust, which is the moro constant rule in the Greco-Bactrian currencies. The balance of evidence apart from the reverse coincident testimony-Tould preferentially lead to the latter conclusion The opening N in the name of Vannpana is sufficiently pronounced in its top lines under such conditions ; but that then in to be said of the prefix to the possible tupa svou representing in space 6 or 7 letters, and what is to be understood to follow that title to the rght in the circular legend These are, perhaps, questions that had better be left for future solution under the nuspices of better numismatic specimens, but thus much may be indicated from the struggling letters which seem to complete the list of titles that they may possibly represent in a degraded form SPATIXIOY for otpürnyós, or, assuming a still greater failing in the local definition of the Greek alphabet, a more directly imperfect rendering of the title of BASIAEQS which commends itself under a closer examination of the prominent letter X which may easily be reduced to an MS. Greek 2. An important branclı of the general inquiry liere presents itself as to the course and survival of the Greek alphabet in India, which followed the conquering progress of the Bactrian Hellencs, as the affiliated alphabet of Semitic origin attended the more complete domestication of the Ayran races. The accessory ucidents differed, however, in this respect, that the Greek language was reserved more exclusively for the rulio; classes during their ephemeral sway, though its hiteral system was preserved in a degraded form, obviously beyond the duration of the curiency of the Semito-Aryan character, Its geograplucal extension may be defined as nearly parallel to that of the Aryan writing towards the Gangetic provinces, while it penetrated in a comparatively independent identity to the Western coast. It is singular that there is no trace of any solitary inscription in the Greek language in India, which might, however, easily be accounted for; but, in its numismatic form it remained the leading vehicle of official record, with a subsidiary vernacular translation, during more than two centuries under Greek and Scythian auspices. It was similarly employed in conjunction with Aryan legends by the Kadpluises Indo-Scythians (triana Antique, pl I figs 5, et scq), while the Kanerki Lorde used it solely and exclusively in the definition of their barbarous titles (Arianu Antiqua, pls XII., XIII, and XIV.) The gold coins of the latter merge into those of our Guptas, but the degraded Greek, as we have seen, gives place to a cultivated type of Indian-Pali letters. Alexander's (Greek) colonies settled in India must have been both numerous and important, if as Arrian (Justin, xiii, iv) and Orosius (nii, c.) declare they were erected * Antimachus, Arana Antigua, plate II fig. 15; Menander, do, plate IV. fg 1, Apollodotus, do, plate IV. fig. 15, Pruosep's Essays, plates XIV, fig. 1 ; XV. Ag 3.

·34 ARCHÆOLOGICAL SURVEY OF JYESTERN INDIA, into an independent charge under Python the son of Agenor, on the distribution of the provinces after the death of the conqueror. Later on, we have evidence of the retention of this political organization in the Indo-Greek contingent, under Eudamus, which joined Seleucus with horse, foot, and 120 elephants (Diod. Sic. xis. 1). The mention of Antiochus and the four Greek kings by name,* in the edicts of Aşoka, would also imply an intercourse more or less free, between the East and the classic Test, coupled with the incidental use of the Greek language in states within or adjoining Indian boundaries. And the settlement of the Bactrian kings must largely have encouraged the domiciliation of Greek adventurers and with it the renetved continuity of the use of their language. Our coins bare long since testified to the occupation of the districts around Bathura by the Bactro-Greeks, and Sanskrit texts hare recently established the extension of their conquests to Sáketa (Oude) and Palibothra (Patna). Incidentally we learn from the Indian Embassy to Augustus (22–20 B.C.) that the credentials of the emissaries were written on parchment (199ecu) in the name of Porus and in Greek (Journ. R. As. Soc. XVII. p. 309), the very mention of the employment of skins indicating a custom opposed to Indian predilections. * General Cunningham has lately published an admiruble fac-simile of a portion of the Indian-Páli Inscription at Khalsi (Archeological Report, rol. I. p. 247), add an improred eye-copy of the XII. tablet of the Semitic Aşoka edict at Kapur-di-giri (rol, V. p. 20). These revised texts are valuable in the geographical sense as suggesting new identifications; and the clear mention of Andra is of considerable importance in fixing the epoch of a race of kings about whose period there has been much discussion. I bare, therefore, tentatirely transliterated the joint texts and added the parallel fragmentary rersion from Girnár. TRAYSLITERATIONS OF THE Aşoka IYSCRIPTIONS OF KAPUR-DI-Gini, KUALSI, LYD Girxan. 1. Kapur-di-Giri. Antiyoka namá Yona raja paraı cha tenan Antigokena chatura ili rajado Traramare 2. Khalsi. Antiyoga náma Yona . , lan chá tena Antiyo . ná chatali + lajane Tulamayc 3. Girnúr. Yona raja paran cha tena chapțena (sic) rajano Turamayo 1. K. namá Antikina nniná Máka pamá Alikasandaro namá Dicbam Choda, Panda, 2. %. náma Antekina náma Váká Dáma Alikyasadale páma nicham Choda, Pandisa, 3. G. cha Antakana . .. Maga cha 1. K. Aram Tambupanniya herammeramhena raja Vishatidi Yonam Kamboyeshu Nibha Ka 2. Kh. Aram Tambapaniyá heraweráhevamerá lájá Vishmarasi Yona Kambojasu Nábha Ku 3. G. . cha. . 1. K. nablatina Bhojam Piti Nikeshu, Andrapulideshu saratam 2. Kh. nábha Pantisa Bhoja Piti Nikesa Adhapiladesa saratá 3. G. ndhepirandesn sarata Under the Elephant at Khalsi, Gajatemre? at the foot of the XIII. tablct at Girnir : Sreto lasti saraloka sukbaharo dámam. † “ Then the ricionsly raliant Greeks, after reducing Säketa (Ayodhya, Oude), Panchála-country and Mathurá, will reach (or take) Kusamadhraja (Palibothra); Pushpapura (Palibothra) being reached (or taken) all provinces will be in disorder, undoubtedly." .. “The fiercely-fighting Greeks will not stay in Madhyadeşa ; there will be s cruel, dreadful war in their own kingdom.” . “It appears that for a time after the Greeks, a spacious Şaka, or Scythian king, was most powerful." Dr. Kern, from the Yugapuráņa of the Gárgí-Sanhitá pp. 35, 38, 39; his Preface to the Brihat Sanhitá (Calcotta, Bibliotheca Indica, 1865). The Yogapurána is assigned by Dr. Kern to B.C. 50. “Ye tbus see that Patanjali lived in the reign of Pushpamitra” and "re ibus see that when this portion of the Bhúshya was written, a Varana king (Menander?) had laid siege to Sáketa or Ayodhya, and Pushpamitra was reigning at Pátaliputra." Professor Bhandarkar, Indian Antiquary, 1., p. 299. See also ii. 59, 70, 96, and like rise Professor Teber, in Indian Antiquary, i. 173, 179 note, 239; ji. 58, 143; Goldstucker Púņini, 230; Babu Rajendralála, Journ. As. Soc. Beng., 1874, p. 263.

·COINS OF A SAKA KING 35 Could we rely impon the statements of Apollonius of Tyana, they would carry us still further towards the proof of the extended currency and survival of the Greek language in India up to A.D. 50 We are supposed to discover Phraotes, king of Taxila, conversing fluently in that tougne, and Iarchus, chief of the Sophoi, is said to welcome his visitor "in Greck;" in like manner certain villagers aro reported conventionally, and without effort, or pretence, to bave used that form of speech. (Journ. R 48. Soc vol. XVII, Pp. 78, 81, 90) This might perchance explain the unusual occurrence of so many numismatic examples of legends couched in current-hand Greek letters as opposed to the ordinary or what we terun uncial capitals of monumental Greek, which gradually fell out of usc about this period (Ariana Antiqua, Pl. XIV., figs 12, 13), and finally merged into the unintelligible jumble of other Scythic examples discovered on Nos. 16 and 17 of the same plate. If the decipherment of the four most prominent letters “PANN" of the Greek legends in the allied coins of Nahapana and Chashtana proves correct, it may open out several new lines of inquiry as to the status and position of Chashtanz and his conteraporaries; and in the enlarged numismatic associations, establish connecting links, both epochal and geographical, that we have hitherto scarcely dared to speculate upon A short time ago Mr. Percy Gardner, of the B M , published a representative coin of a Şaka king named “Heraus," of which the following wood-cut is a fac-simile, with his appended description, originally printed in the Numismatic Chronicle. co | POLANET HIERAUS, SAKA KING. No. IV.* Silver, B.JI. OBVERSE —" Bust of a king, right, diademed and draped ; border of reels and beads REVERSE.—TYIANNOYNTOS HIAOT ΣΑΚΑ KOIANOT. (Τυραννούντος Ιράου Σάκα κουράνου και A king, right, on horseback; behind, NIKE, crowning him "* The assignment of this piece to Heraus has been objected to by General Cunningham, who claims its attribution to the well-known king "Dauas," whose coins cover a large range both in number and variety of types. It is quite true that the • Aumusmahe Chronicle (1874), XIV NS p 161. † General Cunningham rends the name as MIAIOT KOIPAXOT Sce ako umutmatre Chronicle, p 109 letters 4 TAHTU, kozy, pay, &c (11540 )

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·COINS OF A SAKA KING, 37 It is in regard to the typical details, however, that the contrast between the pieces of Mauas and Ieraüs is most apparent. Jauas has no coins with his own bust among the infinite variety of his mint devices; nor has Azas, who imitates so many of his emblems. Bat, in the Gondophares group, we meet again with busts and uncovered heads, the hair being simply bound by a fillet, in which arrangement of the lead-dress Pakores, with his bushy curls, follotrs suit. But the crucial typical test is farnished by the small figure of victory crowning the horseman on the reverse, which is so special a characteristic of the Parthian die illustration. We have frequent cxamples of Angels or types of victory extending regal fillets in tho Bactrian series, but these figures constitute as a rule the main device of the reverse, and are not subordinated into a corner, as in the Parthian system. The first appearance of the fillet in direct connexion with the king's head in the Imperial series, occurs on the coins of Arsaces XIV., Orodes,* (BC. 54-37), where the crown is borne by an eagle,t but on the reverses of the copper coinage, this duty is already confided to the winged figure of Victory. I Arsaces XV, Phrahates IV. (37 B.C.-4 A D.), continues the eagles for a time, but progresses into singles and finally into double figures of Victory cager to crown him, as indicating his successes against Antony and the annexation of the kingdom of media. T Ilenceforth these winged adjuncts are discontinued, so that, if we are to seek for the prototype of the Heraus coin amid Impenal Arsacidan models, we are closely limited in point of antiquity, though the possibly deferred adoption may be less susceptible of proof. Supposing this adoption, however, to have been contemporaneous, the dates B C. 37 to A.D. 4 will mark the age of Heraus, whereas Joas is speculatively assigned to a much earlier period ** But we must await the authoritative determination of many international complications in the annals of Western Asia before we can renture to draw definite inferences from the typical devices of the border-land of India. I feel that no apology is needed for still further breaking the continuuty of the leading subject of this paper by the introduction of a rare and important class of coins, which appear, in a measure, to be connected with the unique piece of Heraus, while their Parthian peculiarities are associated with seemingly Indian forms of costume, which our friends in the Western Presidency may perchance identify, and further secure new numismatic specimens to aid a final decipherment. Though Russia has lutherto contributed the best of our examples,tt sercral have been traced to the lines of the Lower . • I see that the French pumismatists quote the colas of Pacords I Count kang under las father Orodes L.), which fullow western nodels These coins exbibit the figure of Victory Lindsay, History of the Parthians, Cork, 1852, pl. III. fig 2. pr. 146-170; Trésor de Mimismahque, pl. LXVIII fig 17. 1 Ibid, pl V. fg 2, p. 181. Ibud, pl. III bg 60; V.fig 4, pp. 149, 170, Trésor de Aumismatiqur, pl LXVIII. f. 18, p. LXIX fig 5. Nord, pl. III, figs 61-63. Lindsay, p 37 ; Rawlioson, The Sulh Monarchy, p. 182. ** Wilson, 100 BC.: Lassen, 120 B C.; Cunningham, after 126 before 105 B C.; Priprep's Essays, fol. IT P 173. 11 "Il y quelques semaines qu'en Russie (ad gouvernement de Perm) été découvert un petit rase er bronze renfermant quatre mondates en argent, dont j'ai l'hoaneur de vous envoyer les cropreintes ci-jointes. "A joger d'après le type de ces monnaies je serais tenté de les attribuer à quelque roi indo-seşthr, palt etto supposition me semble être reroquée en doute par mne autre tronralle (falte en 1851 dans la memo min) qui catre une monnaie du même genre contenait quelques monnaies sas-snides (elu VIe siècle) et des MBAYA [r 2)

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·INDO-PARTHIAN COINS. 39 symbol of Muhammad bin Kásim's first Arabian settlement on the banks of the Lower Indus. No. 7.* Silper. Musée ASIATIQUE, ST. PETERSBOURG. There is little or no trace of pure Parthianism in these devices, except in the peculiar tooling of the neck ornament.* The obverse head would almost scem to represent a young Indian born Greek, who was so far reconciled to local customs as to cultivate with shaven cheeks a small monstache, and to recognise the manifest advantage of a turband. The eccentric eagle crowning the rider on the reverse may, possibly, imply a newly erected kingdom, or a more moderate extension of ancient boundaries, The free action of the horse recalls the attitude of the front charger of the classic Dioscuri of Eucratides, or the single light lorscman of the Baktrian Philoxenes ;t but, here, the liuntsman supplants the warrior, and the seat and saddle, and even the horse itself, if truly designed, are Indian, in ideal and execution, rather than imitations of Greek designs. The dog (if such it be) is, also, an innovation upon any hitherto recognised medallıc device. The use of the distinctive adjunct of the eagle placing a chaplet on the king's brow, as we hare seen, was derived, in the first instance, by the Parthians fiom Roman teachings; it appears on the coins of Phraates IV. and Teridates II. (B C. 37), but soon gives way to the more natural vinged figure of victory. The legend on the obverse I am as yet unable to decipher, but I must add, that I have neither seen this particular coin, nor even obtained rubbings or impressions of it The curious ornamental scroll over the crupper of the borse has been read by my friends in St. Petersbug, who have sent me this rood-block, as the Arabic term has excellence, wisdom," but, though such an interpretation might be put upon the letters as they appear in tho wood-cut, I should not at present be disposed to concur in any such rendering, though I must confess that the word in front of the king's profilc looks more like cursive and comparatively modern Sassanian Pehlvi tban any other style of writing of which I have knowledge. * The letters on the Parthian coins are what we should call nail-headed (not arior-hcaded), re, tho characters, instead of being cut out and sunk on the die, in continuous lines, ale produced by 1 series of holes drilled in consecutive order upon the general outline of the letter, and connected more or less clearly by mor attaching linka On the coin itself these studs stand up hke the nail-heads on a well-made medveral choir. A the T... Saril Ann Tutu An free 1 ! 187, - pl. XV fig 2 It may possibly be the foal following the mare Longpérier, pl. IX. figs 8.9, pl. X. fig. 5, 6, 7; Lindsay, pl. III. fg. 55, 56, 57

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·INDO-PARTHIAN COINS. 41 crescent in front of the hcad-dress, which, though essentially Sassanian, was not exclusively 50, as the Guptas alike affected the symbol.* One of the grounds for preferring the later date for these coins consists in the fact, that the similitudes of the ware of the curl and general arrangement of the crest are undoubtedly closer, and more marked between the comparatively subsequent Parthian issues of Pacorus II.4 and Vologeses IV. (A.D. 148-190), than those of the primary patterns employed by Phraates II. and Sanatræces; and the elegant leaf-scroll, pendant from the Indian turband of Nos. VI, and VII., finds a curious and almost exact counterpart in the ornamental fall at the back of the Parthun tiara introduced by the same Vologeses IV., § and refired or retained in use by Vologeges VI., I and Artavasdes, I with whom the Arsacidan dynasty became finally extinct. But, here again, we must be cautious how we pronounce in favour of any definite period for these fashions, or pretend to determine priority of usage, which may have been dependent upon so many contrasted motires-old institutions, recent conquests, or pervading provincial designs, which would necessarily repcat themselves in the outlying portions of conterminous territories, Nos. VII. VIII.* Silver. CABINET OF COUTE STROGANOFF. The monogram, at the back of the horseman on the reverse, offers another instance of the strange modifications ancient devices were liable to be subjected to, in the hands of artists who, probably, did not comprehend the intent and meaning of the prototype. I have felt some diffidence in identifying the oud jumble of lines on No. V. as a reproduction of the Parthian engle; but, in truth, the orginal designs on the Imperial mintages, did not contribute any very cxact delineation of the form of the sacred bird, and the Indian copyist may have been even less instructed in ornithology and less conversant with the flight of eagles than the Western designers; while his own local imitators may well havo failed to detect a likeness he himself tras incompetent to give effect to Be this as it may, the symbol or device on Nos. VI., VII, and VIII has clearly arrived at the monogrammatic stage, though quaint traces of the bird's lead are still to be detected on Nos. VI. and VII. The monogram, in its advanced form, is assimilated to several designs in establisbed favour with neighbouring dynasties; in its lower limbs it singularly accords with the special symbols or crypto-monograms employed by Kadpluses, Kanerki and * Journ R As. Soc vol. XII, p! II, figs 39, 49, Ariann Antiqua, pl XV. figa 17, 18 : Prinsep's Essays, pl XVII Longpérer, p! XY fg 6 Iud, pl. XVI. fig. 11 $ Longpérier, pl XVI. fg, II; pl. XVII. fig 7; Trésor de Numismatique, pl XXI fige 13, 14, 17. Lindsay, pl VI og 28. 1 Longpérier, pl XVIII, fig. 6, Lindsay, pl vi fg 31 Longpérier, pl XVIII, fg 11; My Sassonian Juscriptrons, London, 1868, p 127 ·40 ARCHÆOLOGICAL SURVEY OF WESTERN INDIA. This coin and the two succeeding specimens present us with more distinct Parthian identities. The head-dress on the obrerse rould, at first siglit, appcar to have nothing No. VI.* Silver. CABINET OF COMTE STROGAYOFF. < mperial lynasty ; but, dified shape, tlic 1 y traced to an 136–126) and mong the local Parthian coins to the details pliant-goad,) ny monarchs bagazes, A.D.; and, e Partlinn in A.D. 13), phops, of the one surface fairly claim > s are in common with the ordinary though the local tuband is ret scroll-like ornament at the top, association with the crest patt. maintained in occasional use by kings of Edessa, † and appearin of Sanabarest (A.D. 2). The li of the double-thonged whip of the charger, which continue of the Parthian" ce in Scytho- Arsaces, &c singular to st Imperial seri : where the un rude fashion of the coin, kindred with The physio to the conventio luuman face. Thi jom, all associat Sistán | on the one to the Guptas. ** we must infer, cith indigenous art, or a as local rulers, by a the germ, or possibly, ac selres, the later derclopn es no analogy els of the rounded coins of Hans specini he profile, cassion to nition, poticrel them. lo the • Longpérier, pl. 1. figs. 7, 8, 9; † Bayer, Ilistoria Osrhana. Aber I Longpérier, pl. XII. fig. 4; Jy Sas $ Visconti, Icon. Greque, pl. L. No. 2; Į Prinsep's Essays, vol. I. p. 337; vol. II.) l'umismatic Chronicle, vol. IV. X.S. p. 210. Prinsop's Essays, vol. II. p. 94; Jours, 8. s. ** Jouril. vis. Soc. Beng., and Princeps 2:31:05, 14 ·INDO-PARTHIAN COINS. 41 crescent in front of the head-dress, which, though essentially Sassanian, was not exclusirely So, as the Guptas alike affected the symbol.* One of the grounds for preferring the later date for these coins consists in the fact, that the similitudes of the wave of the curl and general arrangement of the crest arc undoubtedly closer, and more marked between the comparatively subsequent Parthian issues of Pacorus II.4 and Vologeses IV. (A.D. 148–190), than those of the primary patterns employed by Phraates II. and Sanatraces; and the elegant leaf-scroll, pendant from tho Indian turband of Nos. VI. and VII., finds a curious and almost cxact counterpart in tho ornamental fall at the back of the Parthian tiara introduced by the same Vologeses IV.,$ and revived or retained in use by Vologeses VI.,|| and Artarasdes, 5 with whom the Arsacidan dynasty became finally extinct. But, here again, we must bo cautious how we pronounce in favour of any definite period for these fashions, or pretend to determine priority of usage, which may have been dependent upon so many contrasted motives-old institutions, rccent conquests, or pervading provincial designs, which would necessarily repeat themselves in the outlying portions of conterminous territories. Nos. VII. VIII.* Silver. CABINET OF COUTC STROGANOFF. Tho monogram, at the back of the lorscman on the reverse, offers another instance of the strange modifications ancient devices rere linble to be subjected to, in the lands of artists wlio, probably, did not comprehend the intent and meaning of the prototype. I havo felt some diffidence in identifying the odd jumble of lines on No, V. as a reproduction of the Parthian cagle; but, in truth, thc original designs on thio Imperial mintages, did not contribute any rery exact delication of the form of the sacred bird, and the Indian copyist may have been even less instructed in ornithology and less conversant with the flight of cagles than the Festern designers; while luis own local imitators may well have failed to detect a likeness he himself was incompetent to give effect to. Bo this as it may, the symbol or device on Nos, VI., VII., and VIII has clearly arrived at the monogrammatic stage, though quaint tmces of the bird's head are still to bo detected on Nos. VI. and VII. The monogram, in its advanced form, is assimilated to scrcral designs in establishal favour with neighbouring dynastics; in its lower limbs it singularly accords with the special symbols or crypto-monograms employel by Kadphiscs, Kancrki an! • Journ R. As. Soc. vol. XII. pl. II. figu, 39, 49; Ariana Antiqua, rl IV, Egs. 17, 18; l'rinup's Essays, L. XXVII. † Longpérer, pl XV. fg. 6. Ibid. pl XVI. fg 11, $ Loopparet, plXVI. fg. 11; pl XVII. B 1; Trésor de Ainmismatique, pl. XXI. fig 13, 14, 17. Lindsay, pl VI f: 29 1 Longpéner, pl YYIII fig 6: Lindssy, pl. YI fig 31. Longpéries, pl XVIII 88. 11; My Sassarian Inscriptions, London, 1963, p. 127.

·42 ARCITEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF WESTERX INDIA. Oocrki (Kanishka and Hovishka)*; while, in its central, upper portion it approaches nearer to the Indo-Sassanian typical design, which occupies the entire coin reverse, as depicted in pl. XVII. fig. 20 of Tilson's Ariana Antiqua,f and otherwise, in general characteristics, it has much identity with the ordinary mystic diagrams of the Sassanian seals $ ; but both these latter may merely represent continuous imitations or developments of an abiding idcal, furnishing a fixed point of departure, which, varied in its minor details, according to thic ruling conceptions or acquired tendencies of the nation, under the religious teaching dominant at tlie moment. No. IX* Copper. A[uscc Asiatique, St. Pétersbourg. Æ The obverse licad, in this instance shows a considerable amount of degradation, eren from the imperfcct models, which it clearly follotrs. The rariation in the reverse device is of moment, not only as removing the mintage from any very close connexion with its predecessors, but as shadowing forth a possible change in locality. The symbol Thich occupies the field belongs to one of thc many forms of the Indian Trişula, or trident, of Șira, which crops up upon so many occasions amid the emblems of the East and the West, and which acquires an importance in the present inquiry, on account of the prominence similar devices will be seen to hold in collateral issues. Having completed the incidental references to the Numismatic devices, I have to encounter the more difficult task of explaining the purport of legends. Those illiterate savages, the Parthians, finding themselves, amid the chances of conquest, so often comesticated as alien rulers; in the absence of any alphabet of their own, very wisely accepted the casual varieties of writing current in the localities in wliich they held stay. Among the lcading and more important systems thus adopted the following may be enumerated : 1. Greek, which was taken over as part and parcel of the Court and Official language, prerailing in the dominions of the Seleucida, about 255 B.C. 2. Bactrian, or the special adaptation of a normal Semitic alphabet for the * Ariana Antiqua, pl. I, fig. 5; pl. XI. fig. 16 ; pl. XIV. fig. 1 ; and pl. XXII. No. 155, ct seg., ante. † See also pl. XVII. fig. 21. | Journ. R. As. Soc. vol. XIII. p. 425, ct seq.; Jordtmann Zeitschrift, 1864, Nos. 63, 101, 124, 140; Lajard, Cultc de Mithra, pl. 8., numerous examples, but especially No. 13. Also plates XLV. figs. 1, 2, 4, 5, 8, 15, agd plate LIV, figs. c, 6, 7, 8, 9-16, 19, 20, 21. § See coins of Kndphises (105 B.C.); Ariana Antiqua, pl. X. figs. 5, 12, &c.; and of Kanerki, pl. XII. fig. 4; Ooerki, pl. XIV. fig. 14. | See coins No. XI.*, &c., and note, p. 47, infra.

·GUPTA SCRÍSIITRAX COINS. 43 definition of an Aryan tongue, Fluich tras largely developed in India about B C 230, but which first appears upon Parthian coins, only in 110 BC 3. Various forms and modifications of Phoenician and Aramaan, employeil on coins of an imitatire type of the Tetradrachms of Euthydemus of Bactria (now assigned to Characene) of uncertain date; and other survivals of an old type of Syriac, such as that found on the coins of Elessa, and in allied branches of coinage of indeterminate locality. 1. The double alphabets of the ancient Peblvi, discriminated as Chaldæan and Sassanian, which intrude among tho Greek legends of the Imperial series 80 early as A.D. 2, and which finally superscde the Greek itself in the official records of Western Asia about the third century, A.D. I release my Indian readers from the dry details of any attempted identification of the lıybrid Ictters of which tho coin legends V.-VIII. aro composed, and simply say that I can only decipher with any pretence to certainty, the word 897 Jarha, for Jalka, which commences in front of the head of the horseman, and is to be read from the outside of the piece. The succeeding letters seem to belong to a different alphabet, and the utınost I venture to gucss at is something approaching the sounds of Shahach or Shemach,* on fis V., which interpretation, lowerer, is seriously shaken by tho almost modern Arabic stylc of tho letters on VI., VII., and VIII., which might be taken for w or comme I now revert to the largely interrupted serial succcssion of the local sih kings of Surashtra, of whose coins, however, I propose to give merely typical examples. ÍŞWABADATTA No. 8. Silrer. BJI, OBVERSE.—The typical and " numismatically " constant Sáh head, in profile. Legend, imperfect, with vague outlines of the Greek characters.-ACCIY REVERSE.-The conventional Chaitya. Legend -राजो महा उत्रपम ईश्वर दत्तम वर्ष प्रथमे. Rójno mahd Ishatrapasa jawara dattasa, carsha prathame. (Tarsha prathame, in " the first year” of his reign ?) It still continues an unexplained mystery, why the coins of the XVI king in Bir. Newton's serial list, p 29, should depart from the established custom of inserting a date at the commencement of the Greek legend, and supplant it by a new form of regnal date at the conclusion of the monarch's titles and designations in the local character on the recerse. "Chach? ung fame was ausis, Tiernaud, l'Inde, pp 126, 147, 176; Jas'audi, vol. I p 342, A'in-i-- Akbari, vol II. p 146; Elliot's Fristomans, p 133 et sty. Journ R, As Soc. yol XI. p 341. (11540 ) ·ANCIOLOGICAL SURVEY OF WESTERN INDIA. VIJAYA ST. No. 1. Silrer. Roral ASIATIC Society. (Dates, according to local custom, 140 10 101.) Outer:St.--Sul hond as usual, Grock legend, imperfect... . . II VILOUICV. Iate behind the head, expresscil in ancient Indian numeral figures, following the initin1, 101. Contirmatory lates, 112 (Afr. Irccling's coin), and 153 (B.JI. coin). RE:NE!--Chailva, half-moon and a cluster of ninc stars. Legent.-रामो मा पचपम विजय माधम रांगो ममा तत्रपम दामा माहम पुत्रम, Minareli Kilnus joya S !, Hljno mahi Biskutrapia Dini Sihasa putrasa. D. JATA SRITAI. No. 10. Silver. Nor ASIATIC SOCIETY. Ontrinsr. The usual Sili licari. Legend, illegible. Date, in ancient ciphers, 1*7.1 . REVERSE.- Chuilyo, half-moon and cluster of four stars. Ingeni visible on this coin. श्रीय राजो मह उत्रपस दम Full legend restored.---újno suhi Dehatrapasa Dámú jota Sriyah, Rájno mahá Kshatrapers! Duma Schupifrosti. KTMÁRA GUIT.A. Sarrishiran Scrics. No. 11. Silver. R: BURGESS. Ongenst.--Tho standardi Súh licad, but much corrupted in the dic csccution. REVERSE.-The goddess Púrrati, apparently imitated from the Eastern type of that dcity, found on Kumlıra's gold coin, No.D. Proring, in cffect, the purport, litherto unsuspected, of thic original design, which is so strangely distorted in all otlier cotemporary issues. Cluster of six stars, as in thic Sál 'coins, but located in a nes position in the lorer portion of Ilic field. Legend.-परम भगवत महराजधिराज श्री कुमर गुप्त महेन्द्रदित्य Parama Dhagarata Jaharijadhirdja Șri Kumara Gupta Vahendraditya. * Mr. Nemton gircs independent fac-similes of the dates 140 and 154, Journ. Bom, Br. R. As, Soc. Fol. VII. P. 28. There is another doubtful date, of 1*4, on Dr, Stephenson's coin.

·GUPTA SURĀSUTRAN COINS. & No. 12. Silver. MR BURGESS, OBVERSE.-The usual imitation of the typical Sáh profile. REVERSE.- Párrall, one degree less recognisable than in No. 11. Cluster of six stars, in the old position, above and to the right of the central figure. Legend as in No. 11. Legible portion.–Parama Bhagavata Muha . . . . 'hendra. ditya. No. 13. Silver. DIR. BURGESS. OBVERSE.-A totally new style of treatment of the typical sáh head, shown in the sensual air, thick-necked profile, short curled moustache, and altered form of ear-ring. Legend in barbarous Greek.-O NONO O, constituting a corrupt rendering of fragments of the standard Scythio legend of PAO NANO PAO Our Ráo of modern days, combined with the NANO, which is referred to the masculine moon, the associate of the Babylonian NANA, NANAIA. This may possibly suggest identities, more or less remote, with the Indian Chandra Vansas ?* REVERSE.—Párrali, further degraded from the original type, but still freely identifiable. Cluster of eight stars. Legend as in No. 11. Portion legible.--. ... rama Bhagavata Maharajadhırága Sri Kumara Gupta No. 14. Silver. AR. BURGESS. OBVERSE.-The original Sáh head, but slightly modified in its details, and more closely adhering to the local prototype than the preceding examples. Legend.—Traces of badly-formed Greek letters. The stylo of writing follows the unintelligiblc mechanical Sáb model more closely than the independently debased and free-band Greek legend on No. 13. REVERSE.--Párvati, degraded type; with cluster of six stars. Legend, expressed in bolder Nágari letters than in the previous specimens. Portion of superscription visible - .... maha rajadhiraja șri Kumára Gupta No. 15 Silver MR. BURGESS, OBVERSE.-The Sáh head, debased in execution, Legend, degraded Greek.—ONOU, REVERSE.—Párratí, still less recognizable, but clearly following, longo intervallo, the established model. The cluster of stars is driven up, in the want of surface space, into the run of letters of the legend. Legend, visible on the coin - Jaharajadhirá . , Sri Kumara Gupta. * Journ. R. A. Soc , vol. XII, p. 15; Journal Asuatique, 1839, P 7; drana Antiqua, pp 358, 364, My Ancient Indian Iesghts (Marsden), p 45 Certain gold coins were called, after the Greek name of NANO, In Smeknit UTV, Ancka's, described as coins with the mark of Şır. [G 2] ·46 ARCHEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF WESTERN INDIA. No. 16. Silver. MR. BURGESS. OBVERSE.--Sáh head, further debased. Legend.-UHOU (NANO). REVERSE.—Parvati further disintegrated. The Sál stars continue to find a refuge amid the ordinary course of letters of the superscription. Legend, expressed in coarse ill-defined characters: visible on the coin. jadhiraja Șri Kumara Gupta. . . No. 17. Silver. Royal Asiatic Society. Royal Asiatic Society. (Presented by the late RÁO OF KUTCH.) OBVERSE.-The Sah lead, finely rendered, with an air and suggestion of Greek art. Legend.ONO (NANO). REVERSE.Pírvati, scarcely recognizable, though the execution of the die is other. vise sharp and unhesitating. Legend, in bold, trell-cut square characters. परम भगवत राजधिरा न्द्रदित्य Parama Bhagavata Rújadhiril ja) Șri Kumara Gupta (Dahe)ndraditya. . श्री कुमर गुप्त . . This piece represents a class of money of which we have absolutely multitudes of specimens, * it has been entered in the plate, to illustrate a well understood distinction from Nos. 11-16, indicated by the absence or omission of the quasi-superlative Janá before the "Rajadhiraja." The intention of this titular discrimination, as I understand it, was to mark the relative grades of Kumara's dignity; I suppose the class of coins of which No. 17 is the representative to have constituted the currencies of the Prince while acting as Viceroy on the part of his father in the Kingdom of Guzarát. He was then a "King over Kings," but not a “Great King over Kings” as he became in later days on succeeding to his father's imperial throne and the position of Lord-paramount of India.t * Journ. R. As. Soc., vol. XII. p. 65. † Objection might bo taken to this conclusion on the ground that the typical degradation of the central figure on the rererse in No. 17 is greater, and evidences a more distinct departure from the prototype than the device on the coin bearing the imperial prefix to Kumára's name. But the character of work of the No. 17 class is better as a rule, while more local in adhering to the Sálı model, than that of the coins with the improved definition of the figure of Pírvati, which perhaps may have been entrusted to artists sent from the capital on the accession of the new Emperor, and who would bare understood the intent and meaning of the device they had to .execute better than the provincial die-cutters, who perhaps worked mechanically from their own anterior models. It will be noticed that the bends on the obrerses of Nos, 11 and 13 follor different ideals. and are less finished than those on Vos. 10 and 17; and the style of tlic Greek character further marks a different school.

·GUITI SURÁSIITRAN COINS No. X* Silver. MR, NETTON. ODVERSE. Rercrso derico similar to No. 18, Autotypo Plate, and Bakra Gupta's coin, No. XI.* Odc of the most suggestiro coins in the entire scries emanating from the Western mints is the piece here reproduced, on scood, from Jr. Newton's original design giren in his l'late, p. 3, Journ. Bom, Br. I. As. Soc. Tol. VII. Tho coin bears tlic contentional imitation of the Sih profilc, with the still clearly marked system of local dating so far as the position is concerned, commencing from the base of the skull on the left, and retaining the ordinary initial prefix of the rola (I), whose purport is as yet unfathomed ; after this symbol, if originals and copies aro not at fault, we encounter the distinct and universally accepted sign for 90(e); following this, in the onlinary lino of reading of the Greek legend, some ragic outlines of a unit may be traced, which would still keep tho date within the reasonable limits of Kumúr's succession, i e within the full hundred, or up to scren indeterminato ycars subscquent to the inscription date of 93 of his father Chandra Gupta II. The giren 00 or any number up to 99 may be tested by three different systems of interpretation; first, under the theory of the omission of kundreils sccn ia Bactrian and other cramples, but alien to the orlivary course of Surashtran definitions, second, under the supposition of a casual default in the copression of the sign for hundred®, and the implication of an impcdiatc succession by Kumára to Swami Rulra Sált, who concludes thic scries of Sal coin dates, in tlic numbers 250–202, espressed in the cipliers of their own system, which would, in so far, account for the consecutire appearance of thic 90 odd on Kumára's coin; or, third, under the more satisfactory and conclusive inference that the munber 90 had refrrence to the family system of dating alreads in use in tlic homo dominions of the Guptas, wluch would curiously confirm many independent verifications of their epoch. It is, therefore, under thus last hicad that I proposc to class the formulated date in question. Thus, taking it in consecutire order with the 93 of Chandra Gupta II., Kumára must bare succeeded to the throne some time before 100 of liis dynastic system of reckoning and assiuming this to have followed the cra of Şaka, about A.D 179 No. XL* Silver. In NEWTON. (Journ. Bom. Br. N. .18 Soc.) 1802, p 3, Plate (un-numbered) Fig. 11. OBTENSE. A rcry straggling and chaotic outline of the Sált profile, its defects are apparently less attributable to the ineffectual efforts of the modern native copyist than to the faulty dies of the ancient mints. REVERSE_The derice shown in the accompanying wood-ent, which lias been copied implicitly by Jr. Adeney from thic original in the Bombay lithograph. • Dr. Newton apparently advocated tlus Fier of the question (Journ Bom Br R As Soc, Fol VIII p 10), though he was quite clear about the abuence of any cipher before the 90, and recogoized tho I, or, 19 lie calls it, the "figure which appears to be a mint mark, commonly found on the Sáh coios" ·4S ARCIA:OLOGICAL SURVEY OF WESTERN INDIA. Legend.--)[r. Xerton, wlio had the original piccc before him, confidently transcribed the chamcters as Parama bhagarata (ríjudhirájá) Şri Kumúra Gupta Jahendrasya. The Kumíra Gupta is clear in the wool-cut, but tlic device separates the piece from the ordinary issues of that King. Birna GUIT.1.* No. XII. Silver. Jr. NETTOX. OBVERSE..Siih licad but slightly raricu, and still retaining the contentional ornamcutal collar. Legendl. Traccs of XAXO. RIVERSE.-Pírvati, not far removed from thic type shown in No. 10 of the accompanying Autotype Platc. Cluster of scren stars. Legend.--परम राजधिराज श्री वम गुप्त विक्रमादित्य Paran rijallinija Sri Balra Gupta 1 ikramaditya. SKAND. GUPT.. Sureshtu Scrics. No. 16. Silver. ROYsL ASLITIC SOCIETT.“ OBIT.RSE.-The typical Sáh licad, greatly dehased. RrransE.-_Púrrati reduced to fragnientary lines and clots. Legendi, in full, restored from better specimens- परम भगवत श्री स्कन्द गुप्त क्रमदत्य Parama Bhagarala Sri Slanda Gupta kramaditya. Visible on this coin, Paruna Sri Skunda Gupta kramaditya. . . No. 19. Silver; double struck. ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY. OBVERSE.-The Sáh head, obscured by the sccond impression of the die. Legend.---Traces of NANO, REVERSE.—Figure of Şira's Bull, Nandi, recumbent. Legend, restored.-परम भगवत श्री स्कन्द गुप्त क्रमादित्य Parama Bhagarata Șri Skanda Gupta kramáditya. Legiblc of the first die impression, Bhagarata $rí Skanda Gupta kramíditya. Traces of the second or superstruck dic, . . ya par . . * Published by Mr. Norton, Journ. Bom. Br. R. ds. Soc., 1862, p. 11. The coin is stated to hare been found in company with a collection of picces of Kumára Gupta. † Engraved as No. 20, pl. IV., Ariana Antiqua, So unintelligible as the derice, that Párratí ras placed, both by the author and the engraver, upside down. I Sco also engravings of this coin in Journ. R. ds. Soc., rol. XII. pl. II, fig. 45, p. 66, and Ariana Antiqua, pl. IV. fig. 16.

·GUPTA SURÁSIITRAN COINS 49 No. 20. Sülrer. B. I. Coin similar to the last, Legible, on reverse of the original piece.--Parama Bhagarata șrt Skanda Gupta. The recumbent Bull, Nandı, which figures on the reverses of these coins was adopted intact as the emblem of the succeeding dynasty of the Valabhís; hence to find it on the seals of the copper-plate grants of Sri Dhara Sena* and Dhruva Sena,t which are further attested with the regal stamp of 7WT*. Sri Bha!árhal, below the Bull. No, 21, Silscr. B. M. . OBVERSE.--The typical Sáh bead, much debased. Legend.-NAN REVEISE.A small Altar, which may be intended either for thc Mithraic altar, figured on Nos 1 and 5 ante, or for the contentional slirino of the sacred Tist tree of the Ilindhs. Legend restored.--9777 oran 21 the T 977[ETU Parama Bhagarata Sri Skanda Grupta kramaditya. Legible on this specimen, Parama Dhogara Skania Gupla kramaditya. It is worthy of remark that this altar symbol, like the Bull of Skanda Gupta's other type of money (Nos. 19, 20), which passed on as the heritage of the Valabhis, is adopted by bis Gurjjan successors as their distinctire emblem. It may be followed in its course on the copper-plate grants of PrasÁNTI-RÁCA, a monarch "devoted to the worship of tho Sun," under the dates of 350 and 385 Saka. The interpretation of the parallel dates by the Şaka-cra test seems to be almost necessitated by the discovery of a later grant of 417, to wluích date the words Şaka Mripa are subjoined.$ SRÍ GUPTA. No. XII*. Silrer. Weight, 31 grains. MIRS. FRECLING. Unique.ll ORTERSE.--The original device of the Sil lead, closcly approximating to the normal outline, Legendi, in imperfect Grcek .. ACIOIO REVERSE.--The standard Párrati depice, deteriorated to the extent shown in the accompanying fac-simile, with the Sáh cluster of stars and associate half moon. . Legend -Tentative reading -- para 99 * Journ As, Soc. Beng, FOL. IV pi XL p 486 t Ibid. fol. VII. P 978; Phaser': Essays, vol li pp. 257, 262. Joum. R. As Soc., N, 6., vol. I. Tp 262, &c loscription of Dalda, whore capital seems to have been Bronce. Journ, Bont. Rr. R. As. Soc, 1871, P 14. & Presep's Essays, vol. II. p. H.

·(110L04:10I, SIRVY O WISTERS ISO1.1. I am afraid think we must reluce the fretensions of the Sri Grpla, whose name apri 4511 tliis unique coin, from the pro-sible pursition of father of the family, down to !! very ininor and incisional -ureazion in the Inter glories of his falling moo. Whaterer speculations may have lwen menurmd by the mer discovery of the name of Sri Gupta mi:<!11095 vive hap to ilin sten determination of muni-matic incis. Tried by such tests threre of our specime! sink it into compartire obscurity and carries down, with isampinispielerasjon, the chains of the kinz who jusuori it. krilir. Grita. l'acorl: type, Inc.0.2, 23. Silter. Vy Cabinet. ONY!... Imaliza a gally bancoil imitation of the Sáh head, especially riiulivit i lisilo Prisotal ri'nirring of ilir ::lnoul cres 1.1.- In: his class of coins all pretenen of angsing or attempting to reproduce 1. imitiv: Gaulos in fairly alonlone. Hulp in lirin horns 17: ne postimetril vil thic for more definite record of the :... gure late manupued from the srdinary position Whind the Siili licad, to the 1:.-- (01:17:6:e in the fir'lıl, in fruni of the profile. In diese cases the use of the i:Nig, 2015 ciplarios, carl of which empatits own full munher, aimangel in the same ſierpirilar onlrr :34 tlinitial- oi the moul 11.200s on the gold coins (Yos. 5, &c.), has think ITT!! Silm of dating in figure cependent on relative position, that ir ! furnici""; *; inrritable in fom.truck pieces, ire can pick out the hundrede, t":, :111:1 .::,1%. Grilli l-olute crriiinty, and combine the general result from independent en“, without being ring down to the proof of it continuous entry on any single coin. HOUSE.main gimimbly rxccute figure of a Pracock with full front expanse of p!!!1111.34***. Toe righi, at the foot, ? relucel cluster of ilirce stars. Land.--देवं जयति विशितावनिरवनिपति कुमार गुप्तो Dipnjaga rijitoris cranirah) humin Guptn. "llis arsts, kiumr? Gupta, who las subdued the cartlı, rules." + P 173 rent fairly ripienil. Ilmsilrecorrland will foc arca lopent lsat fructe dificulsirs. The lapidary ii.cipru 135r als 'l; J'??*&!t!!! :: liispea artis indulci in faulir Sanskrit orthography as well as in Samontiral.7.*, 20 1 14.17.05.31n ay nalilig any comm'lits apon minor imperfections, while the general ww!... 0:18. Do mise socially ckt. I most in:10:1 ilini, in my Devicinari imoscrips, I harc adhereal alors the rigiun) formos impreur! aproa:ho crina ; the version in tlir Roman tre has been corrected 1) 972-67: riquisine-, * Dr. Filouson! Hall. I hope is a **p100* Wylor [**:blyan 7 ) ailes the ja rin Skaula Gania's mins, the use of flich !.::. LrHtruly na still gol.com sie finale in Kuras Inmode 1 * ?4,!:! lira Gupta's coir-di-plar iuxta 1!:s wil furm of in aul the more specially Gupia outline Iftirlsc!er. (Journ, all. Soc. Besim, vol. 11.pl. XLIX., fig. 10 and 12.) The Qy is also seen in its 13:img 9** from she Iripels-lirica latirof early dlar to the almost nodern form ; while at times it appears, 03 Sumin's mulning, 15 chorreios 5:03 avily diinguishable from the later Kumíra #mjust adferted to. This nuteneire malificarinn of the Oy in the numizzantie wpluabet, is thic more curious, as the correspoiling apidary character srining all the painstints of ile ancient outline tlırougliout the Gupta inscriptions, from the Allsbábad. fillor to Butua Gupta's record a: Emn; and creu on to Tora mána's inscription at the same place.

·GUPIA L'EACOCK COINS 51 Thc range of dates on this class of Kumíra coins is more complete in the units than in the tens. We have but a single example of the latter which, however, recurg frequently and constitutes unmistakeably the 0, or casual likeness of that character, which stands for 20. The units for the numbers 1, 4, 8, 9 and entered below the 8 are equally positive. SKANDA GUPTA, Nos. 21 and 23. By Cabinet, OBVERSE.-Head as above. Traces of a date in front of the profile. The figure for 100 is quite plain and distinct on the original of No 21. REVERSE. Peacock as above. The stars are omitted. Legend.-विजितावनिरवनिपति जयति देव स्कन्द गुप्त य Vījudranir aranıpan(!) jayah dera(A) Skanda Gupta-y BUDRA GUPTA. No. 26. Silver. OBVERSE. IIead as aborc. Date in front of the profile, 155.7 REVERSE.--Peacock as in No. 25. Legend.--देव जयति विजितावनिरवनिपति श्री बुध गुप्तो Der(n)jayati rytteanır aranipati() Sri Budha Gupto TORAJÁNA. Nos 27 and 28. Silver. B. DI a. Colonel Busu's coin; 1. Miss BARIXG's late donation to the B. M. OBVERSC..Gupta head, facing to the left, thus marking an intentional modification of the conventional Gupta dies Legend, in front of the profile, reading dowocans, from the outside. 82 or rather 182, tho figure for 100 is obliterated REVERSE ---- Peacock as in the proper Gupta series, greatly debased in form adil design, Legend restored.-देव जनित विजितावनिरवनिपति श्री तोरमण Dera yanita ryxáranir aranpati Sri Toramana. • The 8 has not hitherto been quoted. It may be seen on one of the coins of Kumárs, in the Stacey Collection in the Museum of the Asiatic Society of Bengal The same collection contributes the unique figure of 9 † The unit on the British Bluseam con figured in my plato II. Jotern R As Soc , vol. XIL No. 56, would seem to carry os on to 157. (11540 ) ·52 ARCHÆOLOGICAL SURVEY OF WESTERN INDIA, BIATTARAKA KINGS. Nos. 29, 30, 31. Debased silver. Mr. BURGESS. OBVERSE.-The Sál head, but little modified. REVERSE.Fragmentary traces of the design exhibited in coin XI.* and in the wood-cut of the copper coin, No. XIV.* Legend, partially restored.---Tit HB 97478 Rajno Maha Kshatraparasa कस महस . . भहरकस Bhattarakasa, Bahasa Nos. 32, 33. Copper. OBVERSE.-Sáh head. REVERSE. The combined form of the bow and trident, greatly obscured. Legend. As in No. 29. No. XIV.* Copper. Weight, 12 grains. OBVERSE.-Humped Bull to the left, with a dotted circle. REVERSE.-Strung and dratyn bove, with arrow projecting into a curved trident, of which it forms the central prong. This little mite of copper proves to be worth far more than its weight in gold, for the light it throws upon the primary design of the hitherto incomprehensible device on the class of Surashtran coins Nos. 29-33. But far beyond the mere mechanical identification of an obscure symbol is its value, in the historical sense, in the link it establishes between the Guptas, or their immediate successors, and the proximately contemporary dynasty of the nine Nágas, adverted to the quotation from the Vishnu- Purána (p. 11 ante). The reverse devices of the Gupta Suráshtran coins have already exercised our conjectures: the Párvatí solution, in the one case, was as unexpected as the discovery of the prototype of the device of No. 29 in the simple bot and arror combination with Şiya's trident, disclosed in the food-cut. Many and various bave been the guesses as to the purport of this combination of lines on these coins. My latest impressions were in favour of a crude copy of the figure of " Minerva Promachos" of the currencies of Apollodotus and Menander, which entered so largely into the circulating media of Western India, the degraded types of which would almost have justified any shortcomings on the part of native imitators. Looking at the autotype reproductions of Nos. 30, 31, 32, 33, from the top of the page, the flowing garments and the extended shield readily suggest themselves; but now we discover, under the teaching of the independent home device, that the trişula or special emblem of Şiva, whose worship is so distinctly to be traced by independent testimony, constituted the banner of the Bhattarakas, and Minerra's shield subsides into the light ·NÅGA COINS. 53 battle-aze of the Scythians, which is preserved in its form and relative position on the staff of so many village weapons of Northern India to this day. The Numismatic identifications of the currencies of the Nágas have been followed out in detail, in General Cunningham's later Archeological Reports; it will be sufficient for my present purpose, to append liig remarks in a foot note.t Merely premising that the connection between the Nágas and the Festern successors of the Guptas is indicated in the identity of the outline of the Bull on coins Nos. XIV *, XV.*, and that the • The presence of the trişula or tradent is an indication of the adoption of the worship of Sira, and the trident, it may be remarked, as combined with an axe on one orde of the staff like the tndents at Barabat agd Gopeswara.--Journ As. Soc. Beng, 1836, p. 495, 1 H. Wilson, Anana Antiqua, p 350, pl. X, figs 12-21, pl. XXI Ag. 19, and Chandra Gupta coin, pl XVII fig 10 Varieties of the insul, bald, or trideat, contuged to be emblematie on the coins of the first third of this ceptery in Jathari, Jalaor, Ságar, Srloagir, Kálpi, &c. Prosep's Essays, "Useful Tabea," P 67, pl XLVI. bgs. 42-46, JOUTA As Soc Beng, 1834, pl III, "Useful Tables" p 35 "If I am nght in the identification of Narnar with the Parlmárati of the Puránas, we obtain one of the most interesting and importaat facts in ancient Indian history in fixing tho sctual locality of the kingdom of the Dine Nóga. The ideptification is strongly corroborsted by the Dumerous coms of rarious Nága kingo wbucb bare been found at Warwar, Gwalior, and Mathuri, all of which have been descnbed by me in the Journal of the Asiatic Society (loc. cal.] It u further supported by a passage in the 18th lice of the Allahábsul pıllar 10scrip- 1100 of Samudra Gupta, in which the king boasts of the extent of his dominio09, and enumerates the different princes and countries which had become subject to this power. Amongst the former he mentions Garaparı- Adga as one of the trbatary princes of Aryavartta Now, Ganapalı or Ganendra is the name of the Naga Raya, whose couns are the most common and lie most widely didused of all theso Narwar king and as the legends of his coins are in the very same characters as those of the Gupta coins and anscriptions, it is certain that be must have been a contemporary of one of the princes of that dynasty. I think, therefore, that there is every probability in favour of the identity of the Ganapatz-Nags of the Narwar coins with the Gauspatı-Naga of Samudra's so«cription Bly discovery of an inscription of Samudra Gupta su Mathurá itself is sufficient to show that the Nágas must bave lost their dominion over that city at least as early ng the reigo of Samudra" "The period to which the bene Néges must be assigned depensis eclely on the date of their contemporaries the Guptas, whose power became extinct 19 A D. 919 If, therefore, we refer the rise of the Gupta dynasty to the Saka ere, the date of Samudra Gopta will fall in the first half of the second century of the Christian era But as in his reign the power of the Nágas haul already begun to decline, I think that the establishment of the Nága dynasty may be fixed with some certainty about the beginning of the Christian era Accordiog to this view, the rule of tho nine Negas would havo extended over the whole of the first and second centuries, or from A DO to 225 In the following list I have arranged the names of these Nága Kogs according to the devices of their coup, begonng with those types which seem to me to be the earliest on account of the more ancient sppearanco of their accompanying inscriptions It 18 worthy of note, as corroborative of the date whicb I have assigned to the Nágns, that the whole of the devices of their coins are to be found also on the silver coins of the Guptas themselves, or on those of their acknowledged contemporaries" No A.D Names on Conan Devices I. II III. IV. 0 25 50 75 Ditto 100 125 Bhima Nága Kha Naga ( Klargjura, or Kharpara) Va Naga (l'arma, or Patsa) SŁsoda Nága Ditto Brihaspati Nága Ganapatı, or Gadendis - Ditto Vyáhra Naga Náge Deça Naga Ditto Ditto Close of the dynasty Peacock to the left, Ditto to the ngbt ditto Ditto ditto Bult recumbent to the right. Ditto ditto Bull as in coin No. A beel Ditto Ditto. Ditto Bull recumbent to nght Tripula VII VIII. IX. 150 176 200 Vasu 225 [1 2] ·54 ARCHÆOLOGICAL SURVEY OF WESTERN INDIA, association of the Nágas with the central Indian Guptas is more distinctly shown in the annexation by the latter of the typical Peacock of the first-named dynasty, who, singular to say, latterly abstained from its use, and adopted the new device of the Bull under Skanda: Nága.* GANAPATI NAGA. No. XV.* Copper. Weights (in full currency order) average 36-4, 18:2, 9-1 grains.t Prinsep's Essays, pl. VIIIfig. 9, pl. XXXIV. fig 31, Journ. As. Soc. Beng., 1834, pl. XXVI. fig. 9, 1865, pl. XVIII. figs. 7, 8, 9. OBVERSE.—Bull, as in the coin above figured (No. XIV.*), with a margin of dotted lines of identical design. REVERSE.—No devices. The field is filled in with the circular legend. Legend restored.--श्रीगणपत्य Sri Ganapatya. PAȘUPATI. No. XVI.* a. Copper. Weight, 92 grains. Fig. 15, pl. XVIII., Journ. As. Soc. Beng. 1865, p. 115; and Prinsep's Essays, pl. XXVIII., fig. 23. OBVERSE. Figure of the King seated cross-legged in the Indian fashion, his right hand holding a flower, and his left resting on his hip; the whole surrounded by a circle of large dots. REVERSE.-A. vase surmounted by a crescent and star, or perhaps a flower, and enclosed in a circle of large dots. Legend, in Gupta Nágari characters.-9859fa Pașupati. No. XVII.* b. Copper. Weight, 92 grains. Fig 17, ibid, OBVERSE.-A short trident or trisul, on a stand surrounded by a circle of small dots. प श Pa su Legend in two lines.-- q fa pa ti REVERSE.--The sun, with prominent rays surrounded by a dotted circle. Legend as in Obverse. “As the Nágas would appear to have been tributary to the Guptas in the time of Samudra, I think it most probable that the kingdom or district of Narvar must hare remained subject to them, until near the close of their dynasty, about A.D. 275, when their sovereignty to the south of the Jumna fell to Toramáņa.” “Of Toramáņa's dynasty we have two inscriptions, one of himself at Eran to the south of Norwar, and the other of his son Pasupati at Gwalior to the north of Narwar. From the relative positions of tliese inscriptions we may fairly infer that the intermediate country must also have belonged to the Toramána dynasty. The date of Toramáņa himself is fixed by Mr. Thomas on the authority of a silver coin to the year 180" [proved by the second example in the plate from, No. 28] “odd of the Gupta era, which referred to the initial year of Şaka would place him in A.D. 260. If, then, we alloty twenty-five years to each generation, the reign of Toramana pill range from 260 to 285 A.D., and that of liis son, Pasupati, from 285 to 310 A.D." * Journ. As. Soc. Beng., 1865, pl. XVIII. p. 120. † These coins are common and abundant in the extreme. Colonel Stacy's collection alone contained no less than 3479 specimens; and General Cunningham.mentions that he has acquired, at various times, many more than 3000."

·GUITA DATES 55 RÉSUMÉ. The description of the Gupta coinage, with its provincial ramifications, in unstinted array, lias now been extended, far beyond my original design, in the previous pages. The critical obscrver of my text will notice an apparent absence of method, leading me to expand on the one part and contract on the other the general scope of my annotations. Theso anomalies hare been chiefly due to the uncertain demands of a printing office in England, and the irregular reception of cditorial sanction from the Archaeological Surreyor of the Western Presidency, who is once again at his post, occupied with the duties of a new scason's operations. Thus, as chance would hare it, I have had ample opportunity of completing progressively ccrtain minor detals, but find myself limited in point of time, at the last moment; so that I have had to withdramr, perhaps, the most interesting chapter of the whole scries, consisting of a comprehensive essay on the source, progress, and derclopment of the ancient Indian numerals, as well as to defer a more complete rerion of Indian dates as rectified or coafirmaed by the numismatic evidence above submitted; so tliat I have had to reduce my recapitulation of the Gupta and other international dates to the abstract form embodied in the subjoined table, which horrerer cffcctirely combines most of the existing data arailable for the scrutiny and ultimate adjustment of independent compentators. ABSTRACT OF TO, RECORDED Gupta Dates. Xemce of Kings Ioachiptions Coins Tradition Rexalt, AD Lords leba be Remerki 1. Gupta Ghatot Kacha 3 Chandra Gapia I. 4. Samudra Gupta S Chandra Gapta 11 The first Malásújidbuja 62 93 161 172 Relined Yan aller ito con gree of Burshtn 7 Coin of Kumára, Yo X* 6 Kumara Gorta 90 old 121 129 Beurd 80 200 208 209 217 220 225 130 138 141 146 7. Sksoda Gupta Senopati batarak toyen before ekstra's drats, 155 . { 16S 23+ 24+ 261 . 182 8. Budha Gopts Toraciána Oiber Inral ware. corderl Gupta Klogs. Vallabhra 319 The first elen nominal Wahardja in the irregular dynastic lists is the thiril Scapott The YIIth ruler, is the same order, secm, to bave been the earliest Monarch of any real pretensions.

·56 ARCHÆOLOGICAL SURVEY OF WESTERN INDIA. COINS OF THE ARABS IN SIND, Some of the less prominent examples among Mr. Burgess's recent acquisitions may possibly prove of more direct and immediato interest to Antiquarians in Western India, than the numismatic remains of unrecorded history with which we have hitherto been coucerned, Thic conquest of Sind by the Arabs, in A.L. 93 (A.D. 712), constitutes a marked cpoch in tlıc annals of the land, and is associated with many instructive coincidences in its inception, in tlic domestication of thic conquerors on an alien soil, and their abrupt disappearance into comparative obscurity. The daring and chivalric adrance of Duhammad bin Kásim, was frecly backed by the encoiuagement and support of thic celebrated Hijáj bin Yusaf, who so completely reversed the Khalif 'Umar's policy of non-extension of the Muslim boundaries to the eastward. It is curious to note the readiness with which the conquerors settled themselves as residents and the facilc rcfuge this oxtreme corner of the Muhammadan world afforded to persecuted or heretical members of the new faith, while they retained among themselves so many of their ancient tribal (livisions and jealousies; and it is instructive to follow the witold tale of ethnic subsidence and final absorption into the Indian native element, then tlic truc Arab blood came to be exhausted by forcign admixture, as in other cases thererer the standard of the Prophet carried with it, the loose teachings of polygamy, beyond tlic nomadic tents of tho diesert. Thc solc prcfacc to such obscure investigations as the present must be gleaned froin tlie casual contributions of Arabian writers to the annals of an outlying province, with which they were seldom brought in contact. In the subjoined table of the Arab rulers of Sind, I have taken, as my leading authority, a writer, who seems to have had extensive and exceptional knowledge of his subject. This list was originally compiled from Reinaud's text and translation of Belážarí for my edition of Prinsep's Essays, being further collated with Sir H. M. Elliott's excellent work on the Arabs in Sind, which luas since been incorporated in his Thistorians of India, vol. I. p. 113. A.D. A.H. 711-712 93 714-715 96 1. Muhammad bin Ķásin. 2. Yazid bin Abú Kabstinli as-Saksaki, 3. Habib bin Muhallab, 4. 'Amru bin Muslim Al-Bahili, 5. Junaid bin 'Abd al rahman Al-Marri (under Hisham). 6. Tamim bin Zaid Al-'Urbi. 7. Al hakim bin 'Awannb Al-Kalbi. ('Amrú bin Muhammad.) (Sulaimán bin Hishám and Abú Al-Khattáb)t under the 'Abbásides. 725-726 107 * Abu J’afir Ahmad bin Yahya ibn Jabir al Baláżnrí, ob, inter 256 and 279 A..., Ibn Khaldun, p. 438. Reidnud Fragments Arabes et Persans inédits, rclatifs à l'Inde, pp. xviii., 182. † Appendix to the Arabs in Sind : Cape Town, 1853. Elliot quoting “ Tohfat ul Kirám," Historians of India, I., 443.

·TIIE ARABS N SIND. 57 1.D 2.0 8. 'Abd al rahman bin Maslın Al-Abdi defeated by 9. Navşar bin Jambúr Al-Kall the local Governor under the Ummah Khalifa, 10. Masa bla Kub, Al-Tamiri; orerpowers Madaur (The Tobat ul Karim attributes this sictory to Dáid bia 'All) 757-8 110 11. IIibhám bin 'Amru Al-Taghlabí. 12. 'Amar bin Ilafs bin 'Uomán, IIazármard.* 770-1 154 13. Raḥ bin TIácim. 800 184 14 Dagd bin Yazid bra H&um, 15. Bashir bin Daud (aboot 200 4.11, Reinaud). $28 2131 16. Gbossan bin 'Abd. 17. Más bin Yahia bin Khild, Al Baraki (dies in 221 A 11., 836 A D.) 18 'Amrka bin Musa 19. Fazl bia DI&AD. 20. Muhammad bin Fazl, his brother Másso rebels, and eventaally The Native rucs regain po scalon of the soil. In addition to the kingdoms of Vapşurah and Multán there were other quasi independent gorcruments at Dánia, where 'Umar the son of 'Abdal 'Aziz Jabbar seems to hare held sway,ll and at Knsdár where the governor, in Ibn Haukal's tinic (4.p. 913) Tas Mu'in bin Ahmad. But in all these cascs, as indeed at Manşurah and Multán, the Khutbah, or public prayers, Ferc read in the name of the Khalif. I hare one remark to make with relcrence to tlic peculiarly local characteristics of the numismatic remains discorered by Mfr. Bellasis near the old site of Brahmanabad and tho identification of the new town of Japşırah, as tested by the produce of the inhumed habitations hitherto penetrated, in the fact of the very limited number of Hindú coins found among the multitudes of medieval Blubammadan pieccy, and that the former, as a rule, seem to bare been casual contributions from other provinces, of no individual uniformity or appearance of age such as should connect them with the ancient Hindu capital." • Transferred from Sind to ASTICA 10 A.LT 351 Renaud, p. 213 2.1. 160 to 161, Reinaud, p. 213. I Gildemeister quoting Abulda, II. 150. 215 Belainrt , p عمر بن عبدالعزر العبادي killed by و وبانمن مدينة صعسرة ومنها عمر بن عبد العزيزالهباري القرشي Ibn IIaukal , p 231 text | р Test sluiceo Gildemeieter De rebus Indicis, Bonn, 1838, p 171, Col Anderson Journ At. Soc. Beng, 1952, p. 54; Eliot's Ilustonians, vol I Pp 37, 38. ** The note which I compilerl in 1858 to aid my first fragmentary description of the coins discovered by Mr. Bellasis at Brahmanálád, containg 80 many reference that may prove usrful to Antiquarians in Western Indu, that I have thought it adriable to correct and enlarge 14 as far as possible, up to the requirements of the present day. " Aprau, fils de Johammed Als de Cassem fonda, en deçà dn lac, une ville qu'il nomma Alman. C'est la ville ou nsulent maintenant les gouverneurs"- 120 In a previous passage, Balázarı tells us "Ensuito Molemmed fils de Cassem, s8 ports dessat la vieille Dakmanáhád, qui se trouvant à deux paraanges de Mansoura Du rexte Mansoura n'existait pas encore, et son emplacement actuel était alors no boig... Mohammed plaça on lleotenant à Balimanábád; mais aujourd'hui la ville est ruinée "_"Balázar," Renaud, Fragments Arabes et Persans relatifs d 'Inde, Paris, 1815, 198, 211, The Arabian author from whom these traditions are derived, szilvest oal died in 279 8 (892 AD). See also Reipapil quotiog Albírúnıs Tárkb-.Itynd," Fragments, p. 113 Ibn Khurdádbah (1 11 260) Blong lumall text end translation by M. B de Meydaru, Journal Asiatique, 1865, pp. 277-8, 289, 292, &e Sır 11. Elliott JS. sours همنوا و هي منه الكبرى و سمت منصورة لأي فاتحها تال-: of Albrina Kamin has the following Dynas Jaubert, 1n ha translation of Edrisi, on the authonty of original MSS, states that the local pative ·OS ARCIIÆOLOGICAL SURVEY OF WESTERN INDIA. The first coin introduced into the following list is not supposed to belong to the province of Sind. It has been inserted liere, with a view to trace the apparent prototype, upon which the arrangement of the reversc devices of the local coinage was based. ABD AL RAȚIMAN BIN MUSLIM. No. XVIII.* Copper. A.1. 133, 4, 5, 6. (A.D. 750-753, 4.) معهد رسول الله وحده الله مما أمر به الامير عبد الرحمن بن مسلم بیدم سنة أربع وثلثين ومية الغربي siis ösgell Picioasis pachu! lo "Dic: non peto a vobis ullam hujus "Nominc Dei. Est cx iis, quos (cudi) facti mercedem, nisi amorem in propinjussit Emirus 'Abd al Rahman bin Aluslim quos." (Kurán, 42. 22.) * (4.11.) 131." 66 السامي Masidi tell us , “ I visited Multan .(امام واء and ,زامیرامان ,تامران ,variants) م:رمان اسد القرشي ” .was king there ابو الحلهات المنبه بن ► natne of the place was after 300 ... Wien "At the same time I visited d Manşurafı, the king of that country was then allows us' yn glidl godt [of the family of Habbár bin el Aswad]."--p. 385, Sprenger's 'Translation ; M. Barbier do Meynard's cdition, text and translation, Paris, 1861, vol. I. pr. 151, 372, 377, (c. With regard to the extent and importance of the kingdom we are informed that "All the estates and sillnges under the lependency of el-MInnşúrnh amounted to 300,000; the whole country is well cultivated, and covered with trees and fields."-p. 386, ibid. Further references to the geographical and the other questions inrolred occur as follows:--Kodámah (ob. 337 A.nl.), Journal Asiatique, 1862, p. 168; Vincent's Commeror of the Ancients, London, 1807, rol. I. p. 145; Gladsin's Ayin-i-Akbari, vol. II. p. 137, el scy.; Marusid-al-Ittila', vol. II, p. 161. “Istakhrí” (1.11. 300 to 309) "and Siod is the same as Mangúrali Manşúrnh which they call Sindhi."--pp. 12 nnd 147 ; M, Goeje's new edition of the text, 1870, p. 171, et seq.; Ousclcy's Oricntal Geography, London, 1800. Ibn Haukal (A.11. 331 to 366).- I. Gocje's ner edition of the text (Lugd. Bat., 1873), p. 226, ct scq. ; Gildemeister de Rebus Indicis, Bon, 1838, p. 166; Col. Anderson's translation Journ. As. Soc. Beng., vol. XXI. p. 42; Liber Climatum, Arabic text, J. H. Maller, Gotlır, 1829; Sprenger's Post- und Reiserouten des Orients, Leipzig, 1864, pl. XIV. « Karte von Indien uch Byrúny"; Reinaui's Géographic d'Aloulſeda, vol. I. p. 386, &c.; Tabari, Paris ed., vol. III. p. 518; Reinaud's Mémoire sur l'Inde, pp. 169, 192, 235, &c.; Ancient Accounts of India and China, London, 1733 ; ditto, Reinaud's French edition, Paris, p. 212 ; Elliot's Historians of India, Calcutta, Elliot's Appendix to the Arabs in Sind, Cape Town, 1853. Most of the available information up to dnte has latterly been incorporated in rol. I. of Prof. Dowson's excellent edition of Elliot's History of India, as told by its oion orians, ndon, Trübner, 1867. Ariana Antiqua, p. 414; Journ. As. Soc. Beng., vol. VII. pr. 93, 279; rol. X. p. 183; rol. XIV. p. 75; DIcMurdo, Journ. R. As. Soc., vol. I. p. 23, scg.i Bunes' Bokhirn, vol. III. p. 31; Dr. Bird, Journ. R. As. Soc., rol. I. p. 199; Postan's Obserrations on Sinih, p. 143 ; Pottinger's Beloochistan and Sinde, London, 1816, p. 381 ; Wood's Oxus, London, 1841, p. 20; Mohammed Ma'súm's History of Sind, A.D. 710 to 1590 ; Bombay Government Selections, New Series, No. XIII., 1855; Mr. A. F. Bellasis, The Ruined City of Brahmanibúd, in Sind, Bombay, 1856; Col. Sykes in the Illustratri London Nous, Feb. 21 and Feb. 28, 1857, p. 187. With numerous illustrations of Brahmanábád and engravings of coins of Manşúr bin Jambur [No. XIX, of this series] and of Muhammad [No. XXII.] * In Fræhn's Recensio (1826, p. 18) a second similar piece is giren of the year 135 A.1., a new specimen of the same date is quoted by Stikel (Jena collection, 1845, p. 5). Tornberg cites a coin of 136 A.J. in his Symbole ud Rom numariam Muhammedanorum (Upsalix, 1856), p. 8; and finally M. Tiesenhausen produces a specimen · bearing the date of A.1. 133, Monnaies des Khalifes Orientaux (St. Pétersbourg, 1873), pp. 65, 66. 1849;

·.3: 44 م م د بدید .!!! ؛ علت !! .a. TLY ( Ft و راه اندال Javietor 1rer Jivar,.!! 5.1, Oinsi. In * ردیا شبکه !!--lls, : و :: : . ج م :۔ ، عمره . C: 3, 4 OISILIE. ::::::: :: :: !ال : 1:11 - أ 'پی'' 4 - ales. : مع 49, ۱۲۷ :: ::::) i ai : : : : : : ۰۹ به 0ingit - C ۴۰۰۰۰ +100 - ؟؟ .. ته مبديدم :: ۷/'! . . : } 1 : 1 :1.arefe : : : : : : : : ? ما : . : . 1 م 2 - 4 - 14:46 24 و 450 ; !: (11جAnd r مو ، 15 :. .2 .1 . :: . !!!1 : 0 ,نزو إ: !! 4-ITE = " F لا بد لرمم مسئول انحه ای :s , a ؟؟؟ - 1615 160 167 166 165 داد! 5 :: ani ، ج۲، ۰ ۰ ۰ ۰ ۰ ۰ ۰ ۰۰:۰۰ : ۳ تیم 4 :: : ؟ . . . . . - ۰۷ : 100,000 Fere wifi a'tra ..! :: , - ۰ ۰ ۰ 14 ، تولی,۰ : ۱ ۰ ۲۹ام به! !! ,re , 106: : : : : : : : : إنه 4:43 :lients of S : L چاند به 1.2 م ، " : بلفظ : 4 پیما به that of Fix cfr ·60 ARCHÆOLOGICAL SURVEY OF WESTERN INDIA. of India, who established himself in Sind about 600 A.H. (1203-4. A.D.) to fall at last before the troops of the chivalric Jalál-ud-dín Khárizmi, who, in his turn had to swim the Indus for his life, before the hordes of Changís Khán.* MUŅAMMAD. No. XXII. Copper. Size, 3. A unique coin of apparcntly similar type, (though the obverse is, in this case, absolutely blank,) replaces the name of 'Abd-ul-rahman on the reverse by that of ush Muhammad. The concluding tribal term seems to be identical with the designation cmbodied in the Kufic scroll at the foot of the reverse of No. XXI. 'ABDALLAH, No. XXIII. Copper. OBVERSE.-Device as in No. XXI. ('Abd-ul-rahman). Legend : REVERSE.-Blank. ماند لرسول الله عبدالله No. XXIV. Copper. Size, 3. Weight 1.8 grains. OBVERSE.-Central device the conventional four-pointed star, as in No. XXI., around which, in a circular scroll, may be partially read the formula del gran salsg all 11 x . REVERSE.-Central device composed of the name of words Abd-allah; the two portions me and all beivg crossed at right angles, so as to form a tugira or monogrammic imitation of the outline of the star with four points of the obverse device. The marginal legend is arranged in the form of a square, and consists of the ماکو رسول الله [الامیر Words No. XXV. Silver. Size, 2. Weight, 8-4 grains.t Palm branches, roses, stars, and all other mundane devices arc rejected and replaced by simple Rufic legends, so cherished by severe Muliaminadans, to the following effect : OBVERSE. REVERSE. وحده لاشريكناه لا الا اللع مکمل رسول الله الأمير عبدالله No. XXVA, Copper, bearing similar legends. Other specimens vary in the division of the words, and omit the title of Al-Amir. * Ilduz's special symbol was a "star" beneath the correntional figure of thic Rájpút horseman. Scc coin No. 24, p. 31, of My Pathin Kings of Delhi, Trübrer, 1871. Kubáchah follows in the occasional use of thic Star, No. 87, p. 101, ibid.; so also Mulaimad bin Sátn's own coin; No. 7. (Prinsen's Essays, pl. XXVI. fig. 15,) and Altamsh's coin, No. 48, continue to display thic local device. The coins of Uzbeg Pái, the Indian General of Jalálud-dín, Klárizuí struck at Multán, reproduce the identical cluster of the scren stars of the Sáh Kings, and tuc Guptas (plate VII. figs. 9-13 ante),lich discriminating mark surrived, till lately, on the native currencics of Udipúr and Vjjain, Puthuin Kings of Delhi, No. 85, p. 99; Prinsep's Essays, Useful Tables, No. 18, p. 67. † Among the silver coins exbumed from the so-called Bráhmanábád, some are so minute as to weigh only 1.2 mr.

·TITE ARBS IN SIND. 61 Banú-DLtd. (Dáúd-putra's ?)* No. XXVI. Silver. Weight, 6 6 grains. My CABINET. Unpublished. رائل بنو وسمول العلي AD > The archaic form of Kufic stamped on these coins, yould, under ordinary circum. stances have placed them in a far earlier position, in point of time, than their apparent associates in size and style, whose almost identical legends are couched in less moni. mental letters; but I prefer to attribute any divergence in this respect to local rather than epochal influences, regarding which we have had so many instructive lessons in the parallel Nagari alphabets of India.t BANú'UBCARI No. XXVII. Silver. Size, 14. Weight, 9 grains. Five specimens. Dir. BELLABIC OBVERSE.Legends arranged in five lines. بالله محمد رسول الله Marginal lines, plain or dotted, complete the piece. REVERSE --Ķufic legends in three lines. باللددو عمرونه مندر No. XXVIII. Corper. Size, 1 Teight, 35 grains Common. Legends as in the silver coins, with the exception that the g is placed, for ceonomy of space, in the opening between the two 3's of thelle. No. XXIX. Corper. Bize, 3} Weight, 21 grains. Unique. Mr. BELLASIS. Dansurah, A....4 OBVERSE.Blank. REVERSE Centre: Margin: عمروية منکر س بالمعمورة سنة أربع .... • Daúd-putras, Joken it. As Soe, sol. VII. p 27. of dominion in that provincc. Mag'ardi VI. pp. 88, 91, 98, price II. pp 2, 4 I am inclined to identify this ruler with the Abul Mantar 'Umar bin Abdaltab, indicated in the general poto p. 58 ante, as the reigning forereign of Babşúrah, 10 A v 300-, at the period of the geographer Bl'abudl's visit to the valley of the Indus, and of whom he apeake further in the following terms " There is some relationship between the royal family of el-Madgúrah and the family of esh-Shavárib, tbe Kadı, yel Je and have the هبار پی الاسود ,for the kings of el - Jappirah are of the family of Flabbar ben el - Aswad الماضي name of Devi 'Amr bea 'Abd el-Aziz el-Karshi, yugell dos co yaf o who to be distingushed from 'Amr ben 'Abd el-Aziz ben Verwán, the Oprípido (Khalif)".Sprenger's Meadoto of Gold, p 385 Tbe Arabic is from 21. B. de Meybard's edition, p. 377. Sre also Gildemeister, quotzog ibn Haukal, p 166, and Elliot, citing the same author (Historians of India), p 63; and Professor Don son's edition, vol. I rp 21. (11540 ) ·& IRCIL301,0GICAL, SURYTT ON ESTINY IXDIA. BAXT'Uvar. No. XIX. Compier, Size, 4!. Weight, 30 mins. L'nique. Sir B:1:11.8 l'IERE. ONE:43. Catral drrir, our linni eru Sink ach other at a common rentre, sons tin Form a primitiftar op right point); four of these an, Imrerrt, round off ly dlota, 1, string 37: with intole das 12 d., 1341 [li'y suali circle', filling in the marant spaces caloidr of uncl soni. Mariino-Iso plain circular linens, with an out cirrl of ilot::. 16:VT!:*7.6463! in the lines within : tripir rirrte comprir of clots, rirrir!, dingit plair: lins, mail titol, mithun narration, as : رله بنو .... ما !11), VO. XXXI. Silir. 3r. Biz:824, tripulili-ho. REISE. tale om شوک و 2U 11'111.1.4it (7171i oli.) *, SLII. Sitni. Verín. Hr. [11*1:97848. Yriti. Jr. Irritas, Cnpublished. Pret:51. ܕܬܬܐ ܕܐܟ , بد لله stereo In kaninating this hier Juliaramsan sertion, Longhi in advert, momentarily, to the information obtain four time early inabin travellers in Indin, respecting the misal curario. Sila ili uljninin: prosinya, Thn Beschant Sulaimír, u.1.27 1.1.1.571), is the first who afforls us any insight into the finding of the circling act of the lani : he tells us that, among other pircei tihed in commere in thir dominis of the Ballarii, Pituriya dirhams took a prominent place, and think these were nekonel in valur as onunl to 1 of the ordinary cains of the Kins. *11475:!, CIRI!!4.1!. 42:42 F-sas Sulaiman, irridottally postinga: " Antriois, l'on potnit sans l'Inde los vízére a Si' (walinda gari la politici o data come eliacus suivalait à trois dinárs radionierar draai-(al; L.) 1.2, Brics!: translatian. Sir, ll": in grint of time, the typilian arslot of ilin Vasilik-al..best rı fits to the " Tanlıh d'or "a- cqual 10 Wohlols. 77.ix * throrum reperlative of the negal nncirat treibt of 100 Natis, (Salmrakrika,) 6, Ks try x : : 1, 1:5 tri14. Spills l'othon hings, I'p. 217 737, nail y urcient Indian Wrights, pp. 12, 69, 70, ·THE ARABS IN SIND. 63 The identification of this term Titariya, has formed the subject of much vague speculation; M. Reinaud's latest conjecture pointed at a derivation from the Greek orarte, Stater. I niyself hare, for long past, persistently held that the true term was to be found in Táhiryu, the name of a dynasty dominant above all others in Eastern Asia at the period of the Merchant's visit to India.t This conclusion has gradually been strengthened by the discovery of the exact generic toord in the unique Oxford 38. text of Ibu Khurdadbah, 1 and in the more critical rersion of Mas'audi, lately completed in Paris. To these evidences, I am now able to add the definito legend of a coin of Talhah bin Táhir, struck at Bust, on the Ilelmund, in A.H. 209 (A.D. 821). TALAH DIN TANIR, A.A. 209. Copper: size, 5}; weights, 30, 31, and 225 grains. Bust. A.1. 209 (A D. 824). Two specimens, Cunningham collection, B.M. A third coin, recently acquired, by the B.M., contributes the legible name of the Mint. OBVERSE. إلا الله وحده لاشريك له -: Centre الله ضرب هذا الملس ببست سنة تسع و ماتیں : rginملك REVERSE.-Central device, a reduced Sassanian head, to the right, with the usual flowing back-hair, and traces of the conventional wings above the cap, the border of the robo is bossed or beaded. In front of the profile the name of isults is inserted. . محمد رسول الله مما إمرد الأمير طلعة على يديه عبدالله م:Margin This coin has further claims upon our attention, in its testimony to the survival of old types and the continuty of the recognition of Sassanian devices in Beistán, extending, in its local influences, even to the confessed followers of Islám, up to so late a period as 209 years after the Hijerah of Muhammad * “ La monnaie qui circule dans ses Etats consiste en pièces d'argent, qu'on nomme thatheryn, ybiball. Chacune de ces pièces équraut d an derbeu et demi, monnaie du souverain." Relaton des Voyages, Paris, 1845, I. p. 25; Reidaud, L'Inde, 1849, p.235; Gildemeister, de Rebus Indicis, Bonn, 1838, p. 166, Tou's Rajasthan, quored in Prinsep': Essays, I. 86 D: Spranger, in bas echtica of Mas'nud, proposes the interpretation of Talatantya. | The Arabic text of Yakubí, edited by Juodoll (Lugd. Bat, 1861), gases the dates of this family as follows Tahir bin Al Ilusain A... 205 A.D 8201 Talhah bin Tabir A.B. 207 AD 892-3 'Abdallah bin Tahir A.) 215 AD. 830 Tátır bin 'Abdallah AB 230 4.3. 8445 Muhammad bin Tabir A. 248 A D. 862-3 Y'akúb bin Las . A, 259 AD 872-3 See also Priosep's Essays, U. T, p. 30-4; Hanza lofandri (Gottwaldt), pp 177, 228, &c, &c. Journ Astatuque, 1865, p 289. M B. de Meynard, I find, adhered to the T'atherides, in defiance of Professor Cowell's testimony to Tahertya. Elliot's Historians, vol I p. 4, & Text, vol. I. p 392. į Mr. S. L. Poole discovered the correct reading of this murt from a later coia of Lars bir'AN, A A, 298 NC, Fol XIII r 169.

·641 ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF WESTERN INDIA, Considered under this aspect of fixity of national designs, it may instruct us in the classification of some of the devices previously noticed,* about which our knowledge is at present indeterminate in the extreme. To know from the later developments of the Indo-Muhammadan coinages of the immediate successors of Mahmúd of Ghazní,t that the Eastern Turki Muslims were less strict in their denunciations of emblems and figures, than their presumedly more orthodox co-religionists of the West, and that in these cases the Northern invaders of India freely accepted the national types of the conquered kingiloms, which in this sense may furnish data for tracing back and discriminating the earlier examples of parallel assimilations. To return to the material estimates of the Sindi currencies, we are in a position to cite the consecutire testimony of Istakhri and Ibn Haukal, whose verbatim texts in their latest exhaustire form arc reproduced in the foot-note.f These restored versions authorize us to inſer that there were, among other impinging or still extant national methods of weighing and estimating metallic values inter se, certain market rates, or prices current, for international exchanges, which were quoted in fractions at that time, as our half-crowns still count, in defiance of decimals, in the London stock lists. From these returns we gather that there were coins termed "Victorious" equi- Talent to fire ordinary dirhams in the local exchange, and that, concurrently the Bazár or open market recognized a totally different scale, based upon a coinage only plus fth or rd above the home issucs. With the very imperfect numismatic materials, extant, it would be presumptuous to pretend to fix, eren approximately, the coin preights and measures obtaining in such a vague international crossway as Manşúrah ; but I could quote within narrow geographical or epochal limits, such extremc variations of weights of dinárs, dirliams and copper coins a discretion, that, if I wished it, I might prove almost any given sum to momentary demonstration, an exercise which, as a collector of positire facts, I specially desire to avoid. * p. 26 ante. † Prinsep's Essuys, vol. I. p. 333 ; Pathan Kings of Delhi, p. 58; Journ. R. As. Soc., vol. XVII. pp. 171, 177. الطاطري في الدرهم istakhri-ونقودهم القاهريات كل درهم نحو خمسة دراهم ولهم درهم يقال له الطاطري .Ibn Haukat-ونقودهم الفندهاريات كل درهم منها خمسة دراهم ولهم دوهم يقال له الطاطري في الدرهم وزن درهم وثلثين درهم وثمن UUS Thic conversion of the Kaheriya into žandahiriya seems to liare been a purely arbitrary correction, and one not justified by the tenor of the associate text. Kandahár is not mentioned elsewhere in Ibn Hauķal's geographical lists. The town at this period does not appear to have attained any degree of importance. Sce Goeje's text, p. 297. The name, lorerer, occurs in Ibn Khordádbah, IV., p. 278.

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