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·THE
GEOGRAPHY
OF
KALIDASA
H. C. Chakladar
INDIAN
STUDIES
PAST & PRESENT
3, SAMBHUNATH PUNDIT ST., CALCUTTA-30
PUNDIT

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·THE GEOGRAPHY OF KĀLIDĀSA
Haran Chandra Challadar
GK-1

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·INTRODUCTION The thesis submitted herewith has been drawn up by me without any aid from any person except in so far as I hive derived from books and maps Wherever any such and has been taken, I have acknowledged it by furnishing full references. I have introduced some novelty either of treatment or of subject-matter in almost every section of my thesis, but the following sections may be pointed out for their special originality, sometimes in treatment, sometimes in clearing up the vague and indefinite conclusions of previous workers in the same field and sometimes in working out new conclusions for myself; vi: the sections dealing with Kaldāsa's conception of the world ($2-6). countries and places outside Indta, known to Kālıdāsa (57-10), the rlora, Fauna and people in the Himalayas ($13,14), Kinrāśrama (816), Kanakhala (317), Uttara-Kośrla (819), śúrasena (320), Vālmiki's Hermitage (821), Pandya (830). Malaya (931), Aparänta ($33)Pärnsikas ($35), Grecks ($36), Húnns ($38), thc Western Nations (837), Kambojas (539) or the works of Kūlidāsı, I have used the following recensions and editions Raghuamša--I have used Stenzler's edition with Latın notes, but as his readings hasc been consulted by, and do generally agree with, those of, G R Nandargikar, I have referred to this latter edition in my thesis All my references to Restu are to-Raghusamsa, cdited by GR Nındırgıkar, Third Edition, (The Ms is missing-Ed ]

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·TABLE OF CONTENTS 1 $1. General Observations II. Kālıdāsa's Conception of [the world! (a) 92 The Earth Its shape and (form) (b) $3 The Earth. Its support and Its [?] (c) 94 The Conception of the Mountain Lokāloka (d) $5 The Conception of Meru and the Varsaparı (e). $6 Seven Islands, Oceans and Regions III Countries and Places etc, outside India, known to Külıdása (a) 87 Persia, China, etc (b). $8 Hemakuta (c) $9 Kailās? (d) $10 Mānis Sarowar IV Külıdāsa's Gcography of India A. $11 General Remarks B The Himālaya (a) $12 General Description and Its Minerals (b) $13 Flora and Fauna of the Himalayas (c) $14 People in tlic Himalayas (1) The Kırātas $15. People in the Himalayas (11) The Utsavasanketas (d) $16 Kanväśramı on the Southern Slopes şi7 Kanzhala с Countries and Peoples of India $18 General Remarks $19 Uttara-Kośnia $19 (1) Südcta $19. (b) Kuśivati and Sarăsari $20 sürasena $20. (n) Mathura $21. Vilmiki's llcrmitage $22. Pratisthina $23. Kasi $24 Vidcha $25 Mngadhi $26 Anga $27. Suhma $28. Vaniga $29 Kalinga $10. Pindya $31. Malaya

·$32. Kerala
$33. Aparānta
$34. Anupa
$35. Pārasikas
836. Greeks
$37. The Western Nations
838. Hüņas
839. Kāmbojas
$40. Kāmarúpa
$41. Mālava :: Avanti and Deśārņa
$42. The Route of the Cloud Messenger

·I GENERAL OBSERVATIONS $1 aho udūraramanizā prihmu "How supremely beautiful is this earth", -exclums Kālidása through the hero of his greatest work He looks at the earth with the eyes of a poet-one of the greatest the world hath ever seen--and es cry object on its face is to him 'a thing of beauty' and 'a joy for ever' Beauty in its multitudinous manifestations, in shape, size and form, in movements and attitudes-every element of the picturesque, strikes the strings of his fancy and creates a music the like of which the world has not heard very often In almost everyone of his verses there is a beautiful image taken from nature Every u liere he describes with great love and power the objects of nature.--the wide sea or the lofty mountain, the rivers, valleys and dales, the trees and creepers, the beast and the fow! But what conception had he of the earth as a whole? I! KĀLIDĀSA'S CONCFPTION OF THE WORLD 11S 92. The Earth Its shape and Form Käldisı had no definite conception of the carth 15 a whole, of its shape, size and form or configuration, or of the situation of the different countries in it or its general shape he seems to have some vague conception that it was round Ilc ncier speaks definitely of the carth as triangular, or rectangular, square or round But we may form, from some of the cpithets th it he applies to the earth, some idea of his concep. tion of it. He speaks of the cirth as udadhınemi (in medinimudadhinemin-Rox 10). or samudranemi (R X11,39) --"nt which has the occan about it like the aim of a wheel' This would suggest that Kalidasa thought of the carth as a round object with the sea i girdle about it, almost in the same way as the Greeks thought of their External Oce in In the same sny, hálidas also spells of the cuilh as the girdie or zone soin by Indian Indics round their hips, 115 schiuse it in tfic following expressions rainihara. mekhalan prihnim (R xv 1)-the cirih having the ocoin, the receptacle of precious objects, 75 a zone round it', or again, ramudrarasund vasundhara (R 11 83), or san udre. rašanā urii (Sal 1) This list erpression is also found in some recensions as samutra. Sasana or "having the ocean about it like i piece of cloth (nopped round the body js. we have this image also in sūçarāmharun IR tu 9) llc lisse another description of the carth in the passage relawpravalanūn parikliriasäpardm ursin (R 130)-"the cirth of which the sca-bench forms the encircling rimpants and the sea the hour llere, however, as also in the third group of images we have set forth before, the rarth is not necessarily a round ohject as is suggested by flie first two sels But, on the whole, it appears thit Killisi concenied the cirth not merely as a superficial area,

·832. Kerala
833. A parānta
$34. Anupa
$35. Parasikas
$36. Greeks
837. The Western Nations
838. Hūņas
839. Kambojas
$40. Kāmarūpa
$41. Mālava :: Avanti and Deſārņa
$42. The Route of the Cloud Messenger

·I GENERAL OBSERVATIONS SI alo uläraramanijā prthin "How supremely beautiful is this earth", -exclums Kūlidása through the liero of his greatest work He looks at the earth with the eyes of a poet-one of the greatest the world hath ever seen-and every object on its face is to him 'a thing of beauty' and 'a joy for ever' Beauty in its multitudinous manifestations,-in shape, size and form, in movements and attitudes-every element of the picturesque, strikes the strings of his fancy and creates a music the like of which the world has not heard very often In almost everyone of his verses there is a berutiful image taken from nature Everywhere he describes with great love and power the objects of nature, the wide sea or the lofty mountain, the rivers, valleys and dales, the trees and creepers, the beast and the fowl But what conception had he of the eirth as a whole ? I! KĀLIDĀSA'S CONCFPTION OF THE WORLD But we its The Carth Iis shape and form Kalidasa had no definite conception of the carth as a whole, of its shape, size and Of its form or configuration, or of the situation of the different countries in it He never general shape he seems to have some vague conception that it was round speaks definitely of the carth 75 triangular, or rectangular, square or round may form. from some of the epithets that he applies to the earth, some idea of his concep tion of it. He speaks of the eirth is udadhinemi (in medınımudadhinemim-R 1x 10), or samudrancine (R 313,391-'12 wluch has the occan about it like the aim of a wheel' This would suggest that hüldisa thought of the earth as a round object with the sea I girdle about il, almost in the some way as the Greeks thought of their "External Oce in In the sime sny, halidāsa also speaks of the earth as the girdle or zone worn hy indian ladies round their hips as we have it in the folloning expressions ratnākara mellialam pythuin (R x 1)-the ciril having the ocean the receptacle of precious objects, 95 a zone round 11' or again samudrarašanā vasundharā (R 3183), or samudrarašanā unit (Sok 1) This list expression is also found in some recensions as samudra sasand or having the occan hout it like a piece of cloth (strapped round the body)' we have this image also in sāgarūmbarām (R19) We have another description of Nie carth in the passage eldraprasa'asām parihhikrlasagarām unlim (R 130)—"the carth of which the sca neach forms the encircling ramparts and the sea the moat " llere, honcier, 75 also in the third group of images we have set forth before, the earth is not necessarily a round object as is suggested by the first two sets whole it appears that halidist concessed the earth not merely as a superficial area, But, on the > ·8 but as a round spherical object, though his ideas in this respect were as yet vague and not so clearly defined as with the great Indian scientific astronomers of about the same period as Kālidāsa, viz. Āryabhata and Varāhamihira. Varāhamihira died in A.D. 587, and Alberuni says he wrote one of his works in A.D. 505 1 About the date of Kālidāsa, the general opinion is that he flourished in the fifth century (See Mr. V. A. Smith, Early History of India, 3rd edition, p.304). Mahāmahopādhyāya Haraprasāda Šāstrī, who has very recently discussed the subject at great length from internal evidences in the pages of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society's Journal (Vol ii.pp.31-34) has expressed the opinion that Kīlidāsa lived “at the latter half of the period between 404 and 533 A.D.”I Kālidāsa may, therefore, be taken to be a contemporary of the great astronomers according to the dictum of Mm. Šāstri, or, at least, 10 have lived about the same time as they. Āryabliața was born in A.D. 476 as he himself tells us in his Siddhānta, the Āryabhariya, ch. II, verse 12-[See Kern's Brhat Samlitā, Intro. p.57]. Āryabhata says in his Siddhānta :- vịttabha pañjaramadhye kaksyā parivestitah khamadhyagataḥ / mộjjalaśikhivāyunayo bhúgolaḥ sarvato vſtaḥ || yadvat kadambapușpagranthiḥ pracitaḥ samantataḥ kusumaiḥ / tadvadvividhaih sattvairjaladaiḥ sthalašaiśca bhūgolah 1/8 "In the spherical hollow of universal space, surrounded by the orbits (of the planets), and situated in the sky is the globe of the earth full of earth, water, fire and air and surrounded on all sides (by things upon it). Even as the central bulb of ą kadamba blossom is surrounded on all sides by flowers, just so the globe of the earth (is surrounded) by various kinds of animais born on land and in water." Varāhamihira also says in his work, the Pañcasiddhāntikā, ch. xiji, verses 1-2 : pañcamahābhūtamayastārāgaņapañjare mahigolah / khe’yaskāntāntahstho loha ivāvāsthilovſttah 1/ taruņaganagarārāmasaritsamudrādibhiścitaḥ sarvah 14 Even the astronomical works that are decidedly older than the time of Kālidāsa, such as the Vašiştha Siddhānta (Kern, op.cit. p.46) and the Paulisa Siddhānta (Kern, op.cit. p.50) declare that the earth is round and hanging in space : Vaśiştha Siddhānta : jagadandamadhyasthā mahābhūtamayi kşilih / bhavāya saryasattvānām vșttagolaiva sthitā /15 Paulisa Siddhānta : vșttā cakravadacalā nabhasyapāre vinirmitā dhātrā.6 1. Brhat Samhita, ed. Kern (Calcutta, 1865), pp. 2 & 3, Introduction, 2. JBORS i1. 34. 3. Quoted by Bhatta Utpala in his commentary on the Brhat Samhitī, ed. Mm. Sudhakar Dvivedi (Benares, 1895) Vol. i, p. 58. 4. Ib. p, 57. 5. Ib. p. 58. 6. Ib., p. 57.

·9 The period when Küldāsa lived was one of great activity and progress in the mathematical sciences and astronomy? As Mr Kaye says-'the period when mathcmatics flourished in India commenced about A D 400 and ended about A D 650 , and that Kälıdāsa had studied deeply in astronomy is apparent from the fact that he refers so frequently to matters that require more than a superficial knowledge of that science Thus, I quote only a few of the innumerable passages containing reference to astronomy -haridaśvadidhteranupraveśādiva bālacandramâlı-R 14 22 (it is is pointed out by Mallsnatha, a reproduction of the idea contained in the Brhat Samhitā 1112, Kern, Br Sp 17 salılamae śašini raverdidhıtayo etc), chāyā hi bhūmeh saśmo malarsenāropilā (R XIV 40) tithau ca jāmitragunūnvitäjām (hu vu 1)-(this shows his familiarity with the highly tech nical term jāmitra which was borrowed from Greek diametron) Javadangäraho rūšimi. sūnucahram prati gamanam na karoti (Mal 111) Having regard to all these facts the high level of astronomical culture in his time and the apparently deep study that Kildāsa had made of this science we might expect Lalidāsa to show a little more exact and scientific knowledge of the form and shape of the carth but we must not lose sight of another equally important fact of Kūlidāsa's period , viz, that there was a conflict, as it appears in the mind of the poct between the statements of the ruis as contained in the Šāstras and the discoveries of the scientific astronomers like Āryabhata and Varāhamıhıra This struggle is apparent in the Bihar Samhitä itself, where the anthor "is in the awkward position of a man who has to recon. cile the exigencies of science and the decrees deemed infallible, of the rsis The result of such an attempt is not satisfactory' (hern, op cit. preface.p 27) It is no wonder, therefore, that where an expert like Varāhamıhıra failed, an amateur like Kāldása should mix up the two sets of ideas We know that Milton, though fully aware of the Coper. nican conception of the universe, yet stuck to the older Ptolemaic system for the crisen cies of his pociny $3 The Earth Iis Support As regards the position of the carth Kálıdāsa accepts the fanciful account snen in the Puranas (and the astronomical works) He speaks of the earth as being held up on the hoods of the niga Sesa, as in fimadhāsyat hatham niso mnālam dubhih phanaihda risātrlamulativamarīlambisyatha no cet // (hu 68) The Saptarsts say addressing Himalaya, "How cauld the Nigt support the earth its hoods, tender like the stails of the lotus, unless you supported it with your roots stnking dorn to the lowest regions' (Also in rasõlalūdironmagnam jesam (R x170) Ścua risen from the nether regions) Then he thinks the carth the middle region berncen siarga or heaven above and the nether regions, putülo or rasdiala belon es he on 7 Sec A Smith Earl Ittir of Indla 3rd an. 801 GK2 ·10 speaks of king Dilipa as the madhyamalokapāla (R. ii 16)-"the protector of the middle region". Besides the two passages mentioned above many others might be quoted to Illustrate his reference to the lower regions-e.g.: bhujangapihitadvāram pātālamadhitisthati (R. ii.16), rasātalam samkramite turange (R. xiii.3), pātālamadhyagāt (R. xv.84) etc. The pātālas are said to be seven in the Purāņas. E.g. : atalam vitalam caiva nitalam sutalam tathā/talātalam rasātalam pātālam cāpi saptamam // Brahmapurāņam (Anandāśrama edition., ch. xxi, verses 2-3). The svarga or heaven is spoken of in passages too numerous to mention : we may only generally refer to Act vii of Abhijñāna Śakuntalam where Duşyanta comes down from heaven, or to Vikramorvasiyam, where Purüravas and the Apsarasas (the courtezans of heaven) pass freely up and down between heaven and earth. $.4. The Conception of the Mountain Lakāloka Kalidāsa also referers to the mythical mountain, Lokāloka in : prakāśaścāprakāśasca lokāloka ivācala! R. 1.68).--"I am both bright and dark like the mountain Lokāloka.” The conception of Lokāloka is that it is a vast mountain range that surrounds the world at its farthest extremity and stands so high as to prevent the light of the heavenly bodies from passing beyond it on the other side. E.g., Vāyupurāṇam, ch. lix, verses 142-148 (Anandāśrama ed. Poona, 1905). Cf. also the Vişnupurāņa, translated by H.H.Wilson, edited by Fitzedward Hall, vol. ii (1865), p. 203 : "Beyond the sea of fresh water is a region of twice its extent, where the land is of gold, and where no living beings reside. Thence extends the Lokāloka mountain which is ten thousand yojanas in breadth, and as many in height, and beyond it perpetual darkness invests the mountain all around ; which darkness is, again, encompassed by the shell of the egg". A similar account is given in the Matsyapurāna, ch. cxxiii, verses 45-48 (Ānandāsrama ed., Poona, 1907) in the Bhāgavata (translated by Wilson, op. cit. p.205) and also in the other Purānas, but the account in the Vāyupurāņa seems the fullest. .. 8.5. The Conception of Meru and the Varsapari The Purāṇas have been also followed by Kālidāsa in his belief in the mythical Meru. E.g. in the verse sarvātiriktasāreņa sarvatejo'bhibhāvinā/sthitaḥ sarvonnatenorvim krāntvā merurivātmanā ||--[R 1.14), where he refers to the all-surpassing firmness, the all-transcending lustre and all-exceeding height of the Meru. He speaks of Aja and Indumati in the Raghuvamsa (vii. 24), and again of Hara and Pārvati in the Kumārasambhava (viii. 79), while the couple in either case was going round the sacred hymeneal fire, as : merorupānteşviva vartamānamanyonyasamsaktamahastriyāmam/-j.e. like the day and the night touching each other on the sides of the Meru, the idea being that day and night are made by the revolution of the sun about the Meru, so that while one side receives the light of the day, the other side is in the darkness of night. He also speaks of the high golden summit of Sumeru : uccairhiraņmayam śşñgam sumeroh ·. (Kuvi 72) and the same idea of Meru made of goid burnished bright and smooth like a mirror so as to reflect the kalpa tree, is found in the verse nepathyadarsinaśchayi tasyadarse hsranmaye/virarājodite surye mernu kalpataroriva II (R XVII 26) The same fact of the Meru being of gold is referred to in the humūrasambhava where the asura Táraka is spoken of as building hills for sport in his own houses by breaking the peaks of Meru utpătya meruśrnāni Ksunnānı haritām khuruh / ükri. daparvatās tena kalpitäh svesu veśmasu (ku 1143, or 42 according to the Travancore ed of Pundit Ganapati Sastri) cf Padmapuranam (Anındaśrama cd . 1893) Ādikānda ch 111 verses 26,27 and 33 "The mountain Mālyavān stands extended towards the cast after it is the mountain Gandhımādana Between the circles of these two mountain ranges stands Meru the mountain of gold, shining like the rising sun, like fire free from smoke The sun, the greatest of the heavenly bodies, the moon with the stars and the wind go round this mountain keeping it to the right Exactly the some account in the same words is given in the Mahüblārala, Bhismaparva, ch vi verses 9,10 and 16, Bangvāsi cd cf also the Afärhandeja Purūna translated by FE Pargiter, Bibliotheca Indica, pp 275 282, for an account of Meru and the neighbouring regions Almost the same account in ulmost the same language is found in the other Purānas cr Marsjapurūna (Anandaśrama ed) chcgill, verses, 3-7 ff parimandılıyormidhye meruh kanakapan. atah etc., Vāyspurūna (Anandāśrıma ed )ch_xxxiv, śloka 36 f , Agnipurūna (Anandāframa od) ch cvill, verses 9 ft. Brahmapurūna (Ānandāśrama cd ) ch XVII, versos 13 From these accounts it will be seen that Meru is described as the centre of chains of lofty mountain ranges on every side, ind that these mountain systems stretch from it to the sch It seems that this myth of the Meru represents an insullicient knowledge of that wilderness or mountains to the north Hest of India in the Pamirs, from which issue out grind mountain ranges on every side Two other mythical mountains are referred to by hülıdisa mountain Gandhamidans, of which we have an account in the passage from the Padnapurūna quoted above, is mentioned in gandhav ad gandhami. danam (hu vi 46) gandhamadınngirim (Au vin 281 The other, Nisodha, us found in anûnasiram nisidhinnngendrat (R X1111,1) Nisidh is one of the Varsapanatas in Jambud ipa (ride Waltābhūrala Bhismaparva, 114, Brahmapurina X911, 6 cic) Thc Va, upurūna describes it as larundirvasarnīblo liburonyo nisadhah smpian (ch XXXI, versc 14) We have in the Mahābhūrala, Bhismianaria, ch", (Bangavosi ed, also the Kumbakonim ed) prăgiyati mahiriji sadece virstpari näh / ayagidhyr hvubhayatah smudrou purvaraſcinal 1/3 lunaván hemalonasca nisydluka nagoltamah/ nitrica \nduryamasah seráca sarısanniblah 1/4 samadhitupınaddhalca śroga in nima pariatsh/ ctc vat panati itjan siddhacaranascutih //3 Cf the 1supurami ( nandilnmned ) ch run, verses 2724 ·Of the six varsaparvatas, Kālidāsa has mentioned in his works three : Nişadha, mavān and Hemaküța. The comparative measurements of these mountains, we have the Matsyapurāna, ch.c, verses 21-25. $.6. Seven Islands, Oceans and Regions Kālidāsa also refers to the seven islands and seven oceans and seven lokas of the nythical geography of the Purāņas, eg. 'in resting on the waters of the seven oceans and he sole refuge of the seven worlds' (R. x.21); "the earth with the islands' (R. 1.65). he seven oceans and seven islands are described in every Purāņa : for example, we lave them in two verses in the Brahmapurāņa (Anandāśrama ed.) ch. xviii, verses 11-12. The dripas (islands) are Jambu, Plakṣa, śālmala, Kuśa, Krauñca, śāka and Puşkara ; hese islands are encircled by seven oceans respectively, viz. the ocean of salt water, of sugar-cane juice, wine, clarified butter, curdled milk, milk and pure water. The Vişnupurāna gives the same list in exactly the same language (vide Bangavāsi ed. part ii, ch. iii, verses 5-6). The same account is found in all the Purāņas; cf. Pargiter's Mārkandeya Purāna, p.275. Kālidāsa in one passage speaks of eighteen islands : astādaśadvipanikhātayūpaḥ (R. vi.38). These eighteen islands are referred to in Vayupurāna (Anandāśrama ed.) ch. ii, verse 15 : 'We have heard that Purúravas, on account of his greed, was not satisfied with the precious articles even though he enjoyed the eighteen islands.' Kālidāsa also refers to the four oceans in : catasrah caturarņavopamā vidyāḥ (R.iii.30)--the four branches of learning resembling the four oceans. The four oceans here spoken of appear to be those in Jambudvīpa while the seven spoken of before were in the whole of the world separating the seven great divisions (dvipas) of it. Parāśara, the author of a very ancient work on astronomy which is quoted from by Varāhamihira in his Brhat Samhitā and other works, says: 'More than forty thousand yojanas is Jambudvipa, and there are four oceans (quoted by Bhatta Utpala in his commentary on the Brhatsamhita, ed. by Mm. Sudhakara Dvivedi, Benares 1895, part i, p.286); cf. Kadambari Pūrvabhāga (Nirņayasāgara ed., p.7)-'lord of the earth girt in by the four oceans' (Trans. by C.M. Ridding. p 3). pe III. COUNTRIES AND PLACES ETC. OUTSIDE INDIA KNOWN TO KĀLIDĀSĀ $.7. Persia, China, etc. of the countries of the world outside India, Kālidāsa had very little knowledge. 8. Varāhamihira quotes Parāśara five times in the Brhat Samhitā and twice in the Brhajjātaka, Kern's Bļ. Sam , preface p. 32.

·13 nasya /(Šak He had heard of the Persians (Pārasikas), and the Hünas on the Oxus in Bacina, these two we shall deal with afterwards The Chinese be also kacw by the principal article of import from their country, viz, silk cg cināmśukamiva ketoh prativatam niyama. act 1, last Slokal-like the China cloth of a banner carried forward by the wind', and again we have the same thing referred to in : tat cināmśukash kalpiaketumālam /(Ku vu 3), 'the city was adorned with rows of pennons of China-silk' Malli nātha here explains cināmšukaih by pastarastraih, and he is quite right AS Lassen says, speaking about the commerce of the Indians in the fifth and sixth and centuries "The silk they (the people of India) obtained from China . (Indische Alterthumshunde. Vierter Band, Leipzig, 1861, p 883) That there was a very lively trade with China at this period we know from the accoubt of Chinese pilgrim Fa hien, 10 who at the port of Tâmralıptı 'embarked in a large merchant vessel and passed to Ceylon, and thence again 'he took passage in a large merchantman on board of which there were inore than 200 meall and reached Java and finally got to China by embarking in another similarly large merchantman 1: There is also cvidence of the flourishing trade betreen China and India in the Chinese dynastic records We read in the Sungshu or 'History of the Sung Dynasty, written about A D 500 and embracing the period 420-478, chap. ter 97 "As regards Ta-tsin (Syria) and Tien Chu (India) far out on the Western ocean, we have to say that although the envoys of the two Han dynasties have experienced the special difficulties of this road, yet traffic in merchandise has been effected, and goods have been sent out to the foreign tribes, the force of winds driving them far Away across the waves of the sea There are loſty (ranges of) hills quite different (from Those we know) and a great variety of populous tribes having different names and beanng uncommon designations, they being of a class quite different (from our own) All the precious things of land and water came from these, as well as the gems made of rhinoceros' (horns) and king fishers stones, she.chu (serpent pearls) and asbestos cloth. there being innumerablc varieties of these cunosities, and also (in devotion to) the lord of the world (shih chu=Buddha), all this having caused navigation and trade to be extended to those parts" Similarly we find in the Liang shu, or the history of the Liang Dynasty who reigned in Southern China from AD 502-556—-"Since the accession of the Liang Dynasty, they. (the Indians, Romans &c), have come over the sea every year for acquitting themselves of the duty of tribute in greater number than in any former times", 15 this so-called payment of tribute was nothing but the accredited method of carrying trade with China (vide JRAS, 1896. pp 64-66) 9 The writer is responsible for the translation 10 Raound of Buddhistle Alagd mi tr James lists Otford 1956, D 100 Lerres Ps-Alen p 111 12 IN: PP 11) Tr by IP Oroenveldt fa Vlicellue Paris Relatlar to Indo-China, Ind Sex lat in 1* ·$.8, Momakita There are some scmi-mythical mountains that have been mentioned by Kālidāsa. One of them is llemaküla, the mountain with gold-glittering summits'. It is uponthis mountain that the drama of l'ikramoryasian14 opens, as we learn from the state mient of the opsarasas, the companions of Urvasi, that they would wait for Purúravas on the summit of Ilomakůta (imasmim hoonkidasiharc, Vk. i.19) and it is there that he comes back afler recovering Urvasi 25 we know from thc king's words: “O Fair onc, your friends are looking at your face from Hemakūta"; and again, in Act ii, Urvasi refers to the Ilomakuta sanlii rudā liemaudasilare ctc. (Vk. 11.56). A description of Honakula is given in line will berween Duşyania and Mātali in Abhijñāna ſukuntalam. The king asks-Xalali, what is this mountain that plunges into the Eastern and the Western occans and looks like ihe clouds at evening and from which flows out a stream of liquid gold ?" And Mätali answers thal it is the Hemakuta where the Prajāpati Marica las his listmilage (@yuşman, eşa Khalu hemakulo nama kimpuruṣaparvatah etc). It is there that the king meets Sakuntalā. The Puriņas agree with kalidīsa in the description of Hemakūta as plunging into the Eastern and the Western occans. From these descripcions it appears that (lic Hemiakūta is the name of a range of mountains lying just beyond the Himālaya parallel to it and extending like it between the Eastern and the Wesicrn occans. From those facts I guess that the Hemākuța represents the Trans-Himalayan ranges discovered and explored by the Swedish explorer, Sven Hedin.15 *** 5.9. Kailasa Beyond Hemakūta stands Kailäsa. It is mentioned in most of the works of Kalidasa ; c.8. paulastyatulitasyādreh (R. iv.$0) ; ekapingalairau (Kr. viii 24); kailāsanātham (i'k. prastāvanā); Kailāsa reflected in the dark Yamunā's waters (Vk. act iii, etc.). But the work wliere Kailāsa is described at great length is the Meghadūta (verses 58-70). Unlike the other mountains to the north of the Himālaya mentioned by Kālidāsa, Kailāsa is a well-known mountain, where pilgrims, Hindus and Buddhists, go in fairly large numbers. The Swedish explorer visited it and has given a description of it. In his map Kailāsa stands about 81028'E and 31°N and he gives the height as 21,818 feet. It is the Kang-Rinpoche of the Tibetans. He says, “Pilgrims come hither (to Kailāsa) to pace slowly and in deep medtation, the 28 miles round the navel of the earth, the mountain of salvation" (Sven Hedin, Trans-Himalaya. vol. ij,p.197). He also observed some 14. Vikramortasiyam ed. S. P. Pandit, 3rd ed., revised by B. R. Arte, Bambay 1901. 15. Vide Trans-Himalaya Discoveries and Adventures in Tibet, Seven Hedin. Macmillan 1913, 3 vols. ** 7 ·15 pilgrims measuring all the way round Kailasa with the length of their body; and he goes on to remark: "The stranger also approaches Kang-Rinpoche with the feeling of awe. It is incomparably the most famous mountain in the world. Mount Everest and Mont Blank cannot vie with it". (ibid., p. 198). Sven Hedin thus summarises the mythic accounts of Meru and Kailāsa : "According to the ancient Vedic books, Asia lay floating as a lotus blossom (padma) on the surface of the ocean. The blossom had four petals, and the onc pointing south was India. Amidst the mighty mountain summits which fructified the carth with their rivers stood Moru, the mountaw of the Gods, the loftiest clevation in the world, like a fruit gem in the middle of the flower. Meru inclu. ded the wholc high region which extends northwards from India All Tibet belonged to it. Not only the Aryan Hindus raised their hands to the mountains from which, according to their belief, their help came, but other people also living in the surrounding lands lifted their cyes to the mysterious heights. To the Burmans the snowy land is the dwelling of the departed after death, and even the Chincse have claimed the Kuenlua part of Meru as the abode of their oldest saints. From this Meru flow five cnormous rivers, the Ganges, the Indus and the Oxus to the South and West, the other two to Siberia and China. Threefold ranges of mountains border Meru on the south and north. The three on the south are : Himayan or Himalaya, close to India ; Hemaküta, or the mountain with gold-glittering summits ; the third, 'The Best among the Mountains', serves as thc throne of ladra, the god of rain and storms, who launches the glistening bridge of the rainbow across the vault of heaven after he has made his thunder rumble over the earth. This third range is Kailāsa, the paradise or Siva, the home of the gods. Beyond the holy lakes and beyond the holy sources of the Indus, Sutlej, Brahmaputra, Ganges and Jumna it lifts its sunlit head above a country unmatched an carth for lofty majesty and grand solitude.' Sven Hedin refers also to the account given by Kalidasa. After quoting from Wilson's translation of Meghadūta (60 ff.) hc comments : "The tresses are the clouds, the costly train is the Ganges, which girdles Alakā, and which, therefore, in Kalidasa's poem is supposed to have its source on Kailāsa. It is little more than a hundred years since this crroncous view was definitely confuted. The Yui sa cxhorts the cloud.messenger, alles his task is accomplished, to end his long journey on the summit of Kailisa in the from of an elephant. Among the Tibetans, too, whose riscom is borron. od from India, thc clephant plays a certain part in this country. Ja ide Nyandı monastery at the western foot of Karlīs), tuo clephants' lushs, large parterren, a se set L before the altar, all that the monks could say about them is that had been it:: as long as the monastery itself. n monastery on the noriser le bears the range the elephani, Langho.nan, and finally, the Sutlej. I posteas loxsc:*:* some take, is called Langchen-Kamba, the elephant mier."); "'10 16 16 Vol. mir 116 17 Vol. lit. n 191 ·$.10. Mūnas Sarowar The lake, Manasa or Mānas Sarowar is also described by Kälidā sa with great accuracy. Held speaks of the 'golden lotus-covered lake': hiemāmbhojaprasavisalilam mõnasasyādadīnah (Me. 62); he compares the blue sky to the clear blue water of Mānasa : samprasidadiva mānasam sarah (Ku. viii.64); hc refers to it in racitamänasormayah (Ku. viij.86). Mānas Sarowar is found in Sven Hedin's map at about 810 30. E, 30° 10'N, almost duc south but a little to the cast of Kailāsa. The present level of the lake is 15,098 feet above thic sea (Sven Hedin, op.cit.,p.113). Or turquoise bule water of Mānasa and of its supreme beauty, he speaks in saplurcs. He says, “To the right of our route the turquoise-blue surface of the holy lake is displayed; how beautiful, how fascinating is the scene. One seems to breathe more freely and easily, one feels a pleasure in life, one longs to voyage over the blue depths and the sacred waves. The lake is sacred in the eyes of Lamaists also, who call it Tso-mavang or Tso-rinpoche, the Holy Lake. How can Nanasa and Kailāsa be the object of divine honours from two religions so different as Hinduism and Lamaism unless it is that their overpowering beauty has appealed to and decply impressed human mind, and that they seemed to belong rather to heaven than to carth ? Even the first view from the hills on the shore caused us to burst into tears of joy at the wonderful magnificient landscape and its surpassing beauty. The oval lake, somewhat narrower in the south than the north and with a diameter of about 15.1 miles, is like an enormous turquoise embedded between two of the finest and most famous mountain-giants of the world, the Kailāsa in the north and Gurla Man. datta in the south, and between huge ranges, above which the two mountains uplift their crowns of bright white eternal snow. Yes, already I felt the strong fascination which held me fettered to the banks of Mānas, and I knew that I would not willingly leave the lake before I had listened, until I was weary, to the song of its waves."19 Again, in another place be exclaims-"There is no finer ring on earth than that which bears the names of Mānas Sarowar, Kailās and Gurla Mandatta; it is a turquoise set between two diamonds. The grand impressive silence which reigns around the inaccessible meuntains and the inexhaustible wealth of crystal-clear water which makes the lake the mother of the holy rivers, the toilsome rocky paths that lead thence over the heights of the Himālayas, everything has aided in rendering from ancient times this wonderful country one of the most holy pilgrimage resorts or tirtha of the Hindus."20 In his works Kālidāsa refers to the migratory habits of the rājahamsas, 'the Swans'; but properly the wild geese. He speaks of the geese as residing about the time of the advent of the rains, for a few days only in the Daśārņa country in Central India : * 18. Kālidāsa's Meghadiita, with the commentary of Vallabhadeva, ed, E. Hultzsch, London 1911. All my references to the Meghadīta are to Hultzsch's edition. 19. Sven Hedin, op.cit. Vol.ij, pp.110-11. 20. Ib. p.189.

·najjāsanne sampatsyante katipay adinasthāyı hanısāk dažārnāl (Me 23), and again se read that with the breaking out of the monsoon, the gecse become cager to go to Māna. sa and would follow the trace of the clouds up to Karlāsa • śrutrā te tu śraianasubhagam garjitam mānasorkāh ā kailāsādbisakisalayacchedapāthej arantah/sampatsy ante rabhasi bhavato rājahamsāh sahāyāh || (Me 12) In the Vikramorsasijam, Pururavas erclaims on hearing a twinkling sound, that it is the cichle of the geese longing for Mānasa on secing all sides dark with clouds meghaśyāmā diśo drstiä mūnasotsuhacerasām küfilam rajahamsūnām (Vik. 1v.27) He refers again to the birds longing for Mānnst mānasoisulah patarrinoh (lik. w 10) Kālıdāsa leads his cloud-messenger through the Krauſica pass, forming a door. as it were, for the geesc to pass through, and which was formed by Bhsgupati or Paraśurāma prālejādrerupatatamalıhramia tāmstān vśesün hamsadrāram bhirgupari jasorarına yat krauñcarandhram tenodıcım dišamanusareh (afe 57) "The Krauſica pass, or defile in the Krauſca mountain, is said to have been made by the arrows of Bhſgupati or Parasurama who was educated by Siva on Mount Kailāsa, and who thus opened himself a passage from the mountains upon the occasion of his travelling southwards to destory the Ksatriya or military race" (Wilson s Meghadūla, 2nd end. p 58, sec also Wilson's Pisnu Purāna, p 401) The Vāyu Purāna and the Mahābhārata speak of the Krauñca muuntain as a son of Himayān which was pierced by Skanda bibheda sa šaraih ſailam krauñcam hlmavatah sulam/tena hamsāśca grdhrāśca merum sacchanti parvaram (116) Vanaparva, ch ccxxiv, verse 33, Bang ed ) In Salyaparva (ch xlvi, Bang ed) It is said that the Asura Bāna sought refuge in the Krauñica mountain and therefore Skanda in pursuit of him pierced it That the geese pass through the Krauſca pass is referred to in the Dronaparva (ch cxxxix Bang ed) hamısūh hrauiſ canısaušan It is not possible to identify with any exactitude the piss which Kälıdisa means His cloud. messenger enters the Himalaya near Kanal hala and Hardwar In luis journey towards Kailāsa he has the option of crossing through a number of passes which are thus described by Bernard and Hayden "The Zaska ringe, being the water porting herneen the Kumaun, Himālaya and Tibet, is crossed by a great number of well-known passes the Lipu Lekh (16 750 l ) is south of the upper Kornrlı basin, and near the conjunction of thc 7 nckar and the Great Ilimālayan ranges The Manghang, Lankpya and Dharma passes are about 18,000 ft , thic Untadhuri is slightly belou 17,500 these passes Icad to Tibet out of the basin of the Kali The hingri Bingri (18,300 ft), the Balchha (17,500 (!). the Shalshal (16,200 ft) the Sillhank (18,000 ft) and the Nuli (16 300 (t) are all passes across the water porting belseen the Dhault aMuent of the Alalanandi and Tibet, and they by no means constitute a complete list. The Mani rass (18 000 ft) called also the Dhungri or Phirbitiya, is at the head of the Sarası ati afluent of the Alslananda Thic Vuling pass (height unknown) crosses the water porting hetscen Nhigirathi and Tibet. 91 Vide Sletch of the Gerstandi and Geolyer of the Illisto Voustalat end Tihet So hernant and 18 11 liayden r 92 GK-3 ·18 Mm. H. P. Šāstri-seems to have identified the Krauñcarandhra with the Niti Pass;29 which is one of the passes mentioned above. After passing through the Krauſca pass, as Kālidāsa points out to his cloudmessenger, the geesse are seen sporting in the water of a tank near the Mañas Sarowar : yasyās toye kştayasatayo mānasam sanni krstam/nādhyāsyanti vya pagataśucas irām api prekşya hamsāh (Me. 73). Sven Hedin found the gecse in Mānasa and the lakes in the neighbourhood in spring. He says "He (Kālidāsa) speaks in lofty verse to the messenger which sends his proud thunder rolling among the hills and is accompanied by the royal swans, the rājahamsas, who migrate to the Mānasa lake when the rainy season begins in India. In the language of poetry the wild geese which make their nests every spring on the islands of Rakastal are styled swans."28 In the month of March, Sven Hedin saw that the wild geese had commenced their migrations towards the cold lakes in the hills. On March 30, near Ladungla (17,395 ft. 850E 31°N) he writes, “The wild geese had now commenced their migrations and we constantly heard their cries."94 In July or August (1907) he saw on Mãnasa that "the wild geese swam with their young ones out into the lake" (ibid., vol ii, p. 123), and again he sees one day that "two flocks of geese are swimming on the water producing diverging ripples (ibid., vol ii, p. 149) Even so late as September 14, when he was coming down from the source of the Indus in the north of Kailāsa, he met a lake, and he writes, “Out on the lake a flock of ducks, were quacking' etc. (ibid, vol iii, p. 10). These geese must have been loiterers reluctant to leave the picturesque scenes where they were, until cold forced them southward ; they were due to make their appearance in the Ganges by this time. Kālidāsa hadseen them there in the autumn which commences in September : hamsamālāḥ śaradiva gangām (Ku. i.30). 22. JBORS Vol.i, Part ii, p.202. 23. Sven Hedin. op cit. Voliii. p.192. 24. Ib. Vol.ii, p.321.

·IV. KĀLIDĀSA'S GEOGRAPHY OF INDIA A. & 11. General Remarks Kálidāsa possessed, as we have seen above, a very imperfect knowledge of the shape and form of the world and of the countries and people of the earth outside his native land. But of India his knowledge was accurate and detailed. He was familiar with every part of India, its characteristic features and natural products. India bas very well been called an epitome of the whole world, extending as it does through thirty degrees of latitude and possessing all varieties of climate and scgctation rauging between 'arctic and tropical ; wide fertile plains extend on the one hand, and buming deserts on the other ; it has the loftiest mountain system of the world on the north, while on the other sides the wide sea offers a coast board of a total lcngth of about ninc thousand miles; it is drained by a large number of the most magnificent rivers ; its flora and fauna'embrace a wide variety of types ; and in one part you meet with pcople who have reached the zenith of human civilisation, in another part you meet savages hardly raised from the brute creation in intelligence and culture. With all this extraordinary varicty of physicál aspects, natural products, and types of birds, beasts and human bcings, Kalidísa was perfectly familiar as we shall proceed to show now, so that the conviction grows within us that the poet must have had a personal acquaintance with all parts of his own coualry. B. The Himalayas a. $ 12. General Description and its Alineral Carth. Let us begin our account of Kālidāsa's India with his description of thc great and lofty mountain chains that bound it on the north. "There is in the north", says hc in the opcoing verse of his Kumārasambhava, "the supreme lord of the mountains going by the name of Himalaya, the "Sgowy Range' par excellence, a vcritabic god in csscace". That is bow dic looks at it. The Himalaya is to him pot merely a lifeless and inert mass of rocks, but a vcritablc sod, nay one who, of all beings in the catire universe, deserves to be accorded tho high honour of giving his daughter for union with the Paramešvara, the God of Gods ; $0 awful and decp arc thc impressions produced by the glorious sight that the Himālayas presented to his poetic mind. Hc exclaims: pituh pradebis tava devabhūmayah (Ku v. 45).- "the regions of your father are desabhimis, the sacred spots of the bright ones, the deras". Modern gcographers would give the name of the Himalayas to the mountainous regions coclosed by the arms of the Indus and the Brahmaputra, stretching in a cun c of about the bundred miles. But Kalidisa puts the Himålayas within wider limits. Ilc says, půn (parau foyanidbi vasthya sthitaḥ prthivyä iva mánadangah: plunging into ibe Eastern and the Western occans and standing like a rod measuring the carth'. Thus it includes ibe Nägi GK, 4 ·20 . and the Patkoj ranges on the north-eastero frontier, and the Hindu Kush, Suleiman and Kirtlar ranges on the north-western. It is the mountain whose sides are 'silvered with eterpal snow : gauram tușāraih ( Me 52, edition by Hultzsch ), and where the Kingaras have to walk upon a road on which the snow bad hardened to stone : mărge silibhütahime’pi yatra ( Kui, 11 ), but this ‘ice could not blight . its beauty' : himam na saubhagyavilopi játam (Ku i, 3). The poet hints rather indirectly at its height : manasaḥ śikharāņām ca sadrsi ic samuntatih ( Ku vi. 66 )--the height of your mind and of your peaks is quite alike'; and again he refers to its lofty height in ucchirasā tvayā ( Ku vi. 70). The poet had observed that the clouds do not rise higher than about the middle zone of these lofty heights : ümckhalam saícartām ghanānām-ku (Kui. 5), they stand like screens at the mouth of the caves : darigrhadvärvilambibimbās tiraskariņyo jaladà bhavanti ( Ku i. 14), that sometimes they rain down a dreadful shower of hail-stones : tan kurvithas tumulakarakävęstipätāvakīrṇān ( Me 54, Hul.), and sometimes they descend with a thousand friendly streams to put down thc forest flames' : arhasy enam ( davägnim ) śamayitum alam väridhärásahasraih (Mc 53). Kalidasa is specially impressed with the coloured mineral earth of various parts of thic Hinälaya; Raghu's lorses kicked up a cloud of the dust of minerals on it : uddh;tair dhātureņublih (R iv. 71 ); it bears on its peaks red minerals so brilliant in colour as to produce the appearance of an untimely evening by tinging the clouds with their cffulgence : yaḥ śikharair vibharti valäliakacchedavibhaktarágām akāla sandhyām iva dhātumattām (Kui. 4). The attendants of Śiva ( ganālu ) were besmeared with red earth by lying down upon rocks overspread with śaileya, a bitumen : manahšilāvicchurită niședuh sailcyanaddhesu śilātaleșu (Ku i. 55 ). § 13. Flora and Fauna of the Himalayas. On the Himălaya grows the deodār that shoots a lofty ster high up and at which the elephants brushing their heads let out the sap which makes the slopes filled with its fragrance (Kui. 9), and Raghu's war-elephants were tied to them (Riv. 75) or their trunks rubbing against each other gives birth to a forest fire ( Me. 53 ). The dried and hardened sap of the deodār forms a well-known incense, dhūpa. There also grow the nameru trees with their wide branches in whose shadow rested the soldiers of Raghu (R iv. 74). The ganas, the attendants of Śiva, wear the flowers of the nameru at their ears or on their heads (Kui. 35 ). The other plants that the poet notices on the Himalaya are the birch trees, the bark of which produced in olden times a widely used material for writing upon, and the bamboos ; bere the birch barks were written upon with the red mineral fluid (Ku i. 7) and the wind rustles through the dry leaves of the birch trees and produces notes by entering into the hollows of bamboos (Riv. 73 and Ku i. 8). And he refers to the birch bark as supplying a wearing material also : bhūrjatvacaḥ sparśavatir dadhānāh (Ku i. 55 ). Besides these trees there are some small shrubs or herbs (oşadhayah ) that emit light by night and serve the purpose of lamps without oil : āsannoşadhayo naktam asnehadīpakāḥ (Riv. 75 ) and bhavanti yatrauşadhayo rajanyam atailapūrầḥ suratapradīpäḥ ( Ku-i. 10). This refers to certain herbs that give out a sort of phosphorescence in the darkness. Kálidãsa calls the city of ·21 Himālayas, Osadhiprastha, 'thc Tableland of herbs", which had phosphorescent hcrbs in its walls vaprántary valitausadht ( Ku vi 38 ) and there the women going to their amours on cloudy days were guided by the light emitted by them Jatrausadhiprakaścna naktım darśitasañcarāh / anabhijāäs tamisränăm durdincsi abhısánkah ( Ku v 43 ) Kalidasa in the Raghuvamsa and the Meghadūta dcfinitely speaks of the Western Himalayas, and the trees mentioned by him are peculiar to that region Thorc arc forests of Deodår, Pinus longifolia ( a comparatively rare plant in Sikkim and there only tropical )'95. And again, we read in the Imperial Gazetteer ( vol 1, p 169 ) "thc abscacc of any truc pinc or cypress in the forests of this ( the Eastern ) region of the Himalayas is notable, in contrast with similar clcyations in the Western Himalayas' The nameru is a species of oak of which there are six varieties 30 in the Western Himalayas, and of Bambuscac to which Kálidisa's kicaka belongs, there are seven in the same regions? Tuo birches arc found in the Himalayas and are common to both the Eastern and the Western regionsgo Thc sautānala ( Kuvi 46 ) and halpadruma ( Ku vi 41 ) are mythical trees of the animals on the Himålaya, we have already noticed the wild clephant "Clc. phants are still found wild in places along the base of the Himalayas, as far west as Dchira Dun" ( Imp Gaz 1907, vol 1, p 230) Besides, Kalidasa speaks of the deer Hc says, the cool wind shaking the deodārs is enjoyed by hırālas pursuing the deer kampıtadevaduruh / yadväyur anvistamrgarh kırātazh / Iscvyatc ( Ku i 15 ) This is perhaps the haugal or Kashmir stag ( C Caslınınanus ) that inhabits the pinc forests of Kashmir between 9,000 and 12,000 fect above the sca in summer, coming lower in winter',9or the sambar which 'occurs 10 all the hill groups of India, ascends the Himalayas in places to 9,000 or 10,000 ft '90 Käldása rcfers also to the musk dccr thc rocks upon it arc spect scented with the musk at thc navel of thc dcer dssado yasitotsaugi nisanna. mrganibbibhih (Riv 74 ), surabbitaśılam nābhigandhair mpgånam (Mc 52 ), pristhiam himddrer mſganåblugandhi kiūcitkvanatkin naram adhyurdsa ( hu i 54 ) It is 'the horn. less musk-deer ( Moschus moschiferous ) which is common in thc Higher Ilımälayas and in parts of Central Asia It is chiefly known as the source of musk which is the secretion formed in a glandular sac on the abdomen of the malc In winter about an ounce of muskis obtained from each animal's1. Kalidasa also speaks of the camar) or thc weld yah he rclers to the bushy tatt of thc yak (camaribilabhirah-Mc 53 ) that forms an essential part of the paraphernalia of kings (Kui 13 and 1 48 ) This is the wild zal ( Dos Grum ions ) which is peculiar to the Tibetan platcau, and only just comes within Indian limits in the Kashmir terntonics, but tamc yals arc Acpt throughout the higher llimalayas'33 Kalidasa spcals of the lion as a pause of the llimālaya . wlien Rachu marche ? the Himšlaya with his army, thc lions in the cases only tumcd their ficads and looled. them indifferently without showing any fear at the din caused by the soldiers blaar tulyasati Inima saldy Ighose'py asamblıramam/ guhilay ăn3m simhinim paris, ása'l.com (R sy. 72) Wheo Kios Dilipa was leading thic cow Surabhi, shc catered 103:= 25 'Imperial Gazetteer, 1907, Vol. 1, P 17) 23 lbp 173 b. p 236 30 lb 26 157 p 173 31 1b. ! 237 ·22 thc Himalaya ( R ji. 26 ) and a lion preyed upon 'her ('R ii. 27') and again the bull of Śiva bellowcd loud unable to bear the roar of the lion (K i. 56 ). In the Kumārasambhava, he says that the Kirūtas could track the lions by 'following the line of pearls scattered from their claws ( Ku i. 6). So that it appears that at the time of Kālidāsa 'there were "lions in the Himālayas. But the lion is now almost extinct in India. "The lion was formerly found throughout the greater part of North-Western and Central-Himālaya. In the early part of the ninctcenth century lions occurred in Hariana, Khandesh and Rewah, and as far east ás Palamau, whilst up to 1860 or 1870 many existed in Kathiawar and parts of Rájputana. Now the last remaining Indian lions are said to be confined to the Gir-in Rajputana 38. Kālidāsa in one passage speaks of the gavaya ( Ku i. 56 ); it is certainly'“the Gaur ( bison of Anglo-Indian sportsmen ) which is a magnificent animal, almost the the finest, if not actually the grandest, of living bovines.......... This noble wild bovine is found in all the great hilly forest tracts of India':34. Kālidāsa may have also in his mind the Gayal or Mithan, which though scientifically a little different from the Gaur, is 'hardly distinguishable from it and is considered by some as a domesticated race of the Gaur, and are scarcely now found in a wild state. Kālidāsa speaks of another animal in the Himālaya, the śarabha. It is a fábulous animal, described as possessing eight legs, and of a fierce intractable nature. It is supposed to haunt these mountains ( i.e. the Himalayas )'especially'. 34, Ib., p. 231-2. 33. Ib., pp. 217-8.

·> § 14 People in the Himalayas (1) The Airätas Besides the Devas, Gandhan as Kinnaras and similar mythical beings, Kaldása speals specially of twa classes of human beings, viz the Kırātas and the Utsavasanketas in the Himi. layas The kıråtas are mentioned by Kalidasa as a hunting tribe going in pursuit of deer and other animals, anyıstamțguh kiratash (Ku : 15), and in the Raghuramſa we are told that the kıråtas could learn the height of Raghu's elephants by the height of the marks made on the bark of the Deodar trees by the ropes with which they were tied to them (R 1v 76) Again, Kalidasa speaks of the kıråtas discovering the tracks of lions by following the linc of pearls of the elephants killed by them (Kui 6) This passage also shows that the kıråtas, being naturally hunters, were interested in all animals, especially the elephants, and naturally they observed them yery carefully In the Vikramonašijam (Act v, p 140 ), we find a kiráti ( a female kıråta ) serving the king and giving him some information about the precious stond stolen by a bird In the passage quoted above from the Raghusamša, the scene of action is probably in the Western Himalaya , but in the passage from the Kumarasambhava there is no such ķimitation---the description applying to the Hamālaya in general in the Afahābhūrala, (Dronaparva ch iv, Versc 7 both Northern and Southern reccasions ), we read hima. vaddurganılayah kırätā ranakarkaśāh / duryodhanasya vasagås tvayā karna pură Artah Herc thc kırātas arc represented as living in forts in the Himàlayas and as being hardened fighters, and as having been brought under Duryodhana by Karna In the same (Drona parva)ss we read that the Kıråtas had formerly presented clephants to Arjuna and crc expert in the training of elephants In the Yanaparvaso also the Himalaya is spoken of as inhabi. ted by kırūtas and kinnitas in the Sintiparyasthey arc spoken of among the barbarous people in northern India and are mentioned in company with tribes in the north west Just after getting into the Himalayas from Hardwar, thc Pandavas got into the ling dom of Subihu, which must therefore be in Garhwal and there they found it full of kiritas and other hill tnbcs58 On their return journey from Kailasa they again reached, just after leaving Badari, the kingdom of Subihu, wluch is there spo.cn of as hiritarijño vişnam subshoh ( Vana , ch 177 v 11 ) The Kıritas are found also in other parts of India than the Himilayas in chapter XIV of the Sabhapanas, they are mentioned with castern races and in ch xxyto they are found 36 38 Cha of the Bancavası ed., irses 27 30 Southern teenlion, Ch. cu, srses 2° 32 Chxc, verse 20 (ning cu 37 Cha TTSO 434+ (Dang ). Vanaruna Chcu serse 25 39 Bins ou verse 20 40 lb, 1er 9 GK S ·24 in the retinuc of the king of Prāgjyotisa. Seven of their kings were vanquished by Bhima while he was in Vidcha or Tirhoot41, Bhima then proceeded to conquer the Suhmas. The Väyupurāna places them in the cxtrcmc cast of India (ch. xlv, versc 82, Anandasram ed ). They were alsó vanquished in the North West by Nakula. This agrees with the statement of Varāhamihira who says in his Brhat Samhitū that the kirātas lived in the west ( ch. xiv, verses 17, 18; Kern p. 90). They arc also placed by him in the North East ( Ibid v. 30, p. 92). They attended the Rajasuya sacrifice or Yudhisthira and are describcd as living on fruits and roots and wearing skins and as ferocious warriors doing ferocious dccds ( Mahābhārata, Sabhā, lii. 9 ) and there also we rcad that ten thousand or kirátis were brought as female attendants (Ib., verse 10). From this passage and also from thic fact of a kiráti being the attendant of Pururavas42 it would appear that the kiratas were fair complexioncd and hardy, so as to be employed on sentry work in the larem. Siva, whose complexion is represented as pure white, could easily disguisс himself as a kirāta, as his complexion agreed with that of the kirātas, specially as he worc the skin or an animal like them. And it is reasonable to conclude that the same kiráta was applicd to the numerous fair-complexioned hill tribes of the yellow coloured Mongolian racc that lived in all parts of the Himālayas and also in the hills in the east, such as the Bhutiyas, Lcpchas, Limbccs, Kanets ctc. Mr. Pargiter lias observed about them, “The kirītas formed a scrics of allicd yet distinct tribes or clans; it is almost impossible that tribes so widespread could have been homogenous'43. They were at various stages of civilisation, sometimes organised into a kingdom, sometimes living the life of hunters with nothing to wear but the skins of the animals they killed and having no agriculture. Kālidāsa does not speak of any fight between them and Raghu, as he does in the case of other hill tribes, showing that in his time there was no organised state of the kirátas. This is further supported by the description of the kirātas in the Rāmāyana : Sugriva tells the army of Vānaras proceeding towards the east that they will meet the kirātas that wear pointed knots on the head, had a golden hue, and were beautiful to look at : kirātās tiksnacüdāśca hemābhāh priyadarśanāḥ ( Kişkindhyā Kāņda, ch. xlv, 27, Nir. ed)44. The gold-like yellow complexion of the kirātas is also very beautifully described in the following verses of the Mahābhārata :45 & bhagadatto mahipälah senām akşaubiņiņ dadau / tasya cinaih kirātaiś ca kāñcanair iva samvštam ll babhau balam anádhțsyam karņikāravanam yathā / 41. Ib., Ch. XXX, verse 15 42. We may observe that the hill-women, specially form Sikkim, are employed as maids by Anglo- Indians. 43. JASB, 1897, p. 109. 44. Sugrīva also speaks next of Kirātas living in islands who ate raw fish. (Ib., verse 28). 45. Uddyogaparva, Ch. xix, verses 15-16 (Bang. ed.). $ ·35 § 15 People in the Himālazas (li) the Utsavasanketas The next people we meet with in thc Himālaya are the utsavasankclas, 40 a mountain tribe organised into several republican communities These Parvatiya Ganas offered a very terrible fight to the all conquering hero, Raghu, so much so, that by thc mutual concussion of the darts, spcars and stoncs, flung in the combat, fire flashed forth tatra janyam raghor shoram parvatiyaır sanair abhūt / nārācaksepaniyāśmanispcsotpatitānalam (R 14 77) Kālıdāsa says by a pun upon the name of the utsavasanketas, that they werc made to desist from their utsavas or festivitics, and Raghu obtained a victory over them, the glory of which was sung in the hills śrrair utsavasanketan sa kȚtvå viratotsavān/11 odāharanam biliyor gåpayåmasa kinnarán ( R 1v 78 ) They then came with presents in their hands to offer to thc conquering hero and the richness of these presents made him understand the strength of the Himalaya, or there may be a suggestion that the mountain, ic by infcrcnce thcsc moun tain peoplc, thc utsavasanketas made Raghu feel their strength, just as they were struck with the might of thc puissant monarch from the plains parasparcna vijñātas tesūpåyanapănisu / råjña himuvatah sāro råjñah siro himādrınå // (Riy 79 ) It 19 evident hcrc from the context that thesc Parvatiya Ganas were republican communities, and Mr K P Jayaswal in his paper on Hindu Polity in the fl'echly notes and his articles on Republics in the Mahābhārata in the Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society (vol 1, part 11, pp 173 178 ), bas sufficiently made it clear that in Hindu codes of law the Ganas were not industrial corporations, but non monarchical or republican communitics Herc, of course, it would be absurd to take the word 10 any other scnsc Mallinitha quotes a verse from the Mahabharata ganány utsavasanketān ajayat sapta panduah This is from the Sabha Parva, from thc Digvijaya or crpedition of conquest of Arjuna"7. Herc Arjuna was proceeding in his expedition fighting Rith kings and races in the Himalayas . he had vanquished the great hcrocs in the mountain and then defeated a Paurava princc, perhaps an adventurer who had established a colony there and also a number of robber inbes residing in the hills, then he u inquishied thc sa cn republican communities of the utsavasankctas and nett hc mct thc Ksatriyas in Kashmirio Here it is clear that the seven communitics of thc utsavasankctas arc to be placed in the neighbourhood of Kashmir to its immcdiatc cast in the Himalayas This also agrecs pretty well with their posi tion as suggested in the Raghuramba, as Raghu ascended up thc Hlimālaya just aftcr dcfcat ing thc Kambojas at the north west corner of India, partis outside its borders There were similar other republican communites in the Himalayas, because we read in the samc chapter of the Sabhi Pana as we haic quoted from, that Arjuna conquered there in the course of his conquest from the Lastern Himálaj as the country of the Paoca-Ganas or the fivc com) nities who apparently losed in five republican groups just as the utsavasankctas lived 19 And we know from the Buddhist bools that to the coth of the Ganges and 13 . Scien 46 Malinātha in but floss miles the finitira G-csen RIY 77) idmat Utargaltlar in the peut try, and entertly at noe Sabhi tins, Ch ini, me 16 (Bruto be humba ed. 45 1b. 1876 15 17 ·26 + Himālayas there lived many peoples in highly organised and powerful 'republics, such as the Vrjis, from one of whose sections, the Licchavis, sprang the Imperial Guptas and the Kings of Nepalas. Malamahopadhyaya Haraprasad Sastri; writing in the Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society, has identified the utsavasanketas with the Tibetans on the strength only of a very faint resemblance in sound between the words utsavasanketa and the names of certain Tibetan provinces, specially Ut-schang, a name applied to the two central provinces of Tibet or Tibet proper. He says, 'Kalidasa mentions the Tibetan as utsayasanketān50, which is a Sanskrit word formed by the combination of the names of the Tibetan provinces bordering on IndiaU. Tschang, Bostan and Khotan"51. With all due respect to the high-authority of the savant, I would venture to submit that this is hardly convincing. Nothing seems to have been further from the mind of the poet. Raghu has not to cross the Kimālayas into Tibet to meet the utsavasanketas, but rather he came down from the hills, neglecting to lead an expedition to Kailās and thus putting it to shame (R iv. 80 ), but planting his glory firm there (i.e. on the 'Himavať, which comes from the previous verse ) he came down from the hills (Riv. 80 ). This shows clearly that he did not cross over to the northern side of the Himalayas but came down from it after vanquishing the tribes upon it. Nor is it known that the Tibetans ever lived in repúblics. Then again the utsavasariketas are found in the Maliábhārata and the Purāņas to live in other parts of India besides the Himalayas. Nakula, affer ğöing towards the West from Khāndava-prastlia and crossing the desèrt vanquished the Dašāiņas, Málavas, and then turned again and vanquished the utsavasarkėtas living in the Puşkätāràộya, and then the elders of the villages òn the Indus, and then he proceeded to conquer the whole of the Pañcanada 52. This shows that the utsavasariketas lived also in the Puşkarāraṇya in Rajputana. A section of the utsavasadketas are enumerated in the Bhisma Parva, ch. ix, among the people living in the South. This places this tribe of the utsavasanketas with races living towards the south of central India. They are mentioned in the same region in the Padmapurāna also58. The Mārkandeyapurāņa places a people called sariketas in the Madhyadeśa about the same regions on the slopes of the Western Vindyas and the Aravallis54. In the enumeration of the people of Bhāratavarşa the utsayasanketas are placed in the North55 and also again in the West and South56. 49. "Buddhist India" by T. W. Rhys-Davids, London 1903, p. 40 atid pp. 17-41. 50. JBÖRS, March 1916, p. 36. This is the form in which the word has been put by Mm. Sastri. 51, Alexander Csoma de Koro's says, however, ---The three great divisions of Tibet fare: 1. Tibét Proper, or U-Tsaug; 2, K’ham-Yul, or the Eastern part of Tibet; and 3. Nāri, or the North-Western Part of Tibet: JASB, New Series, Vol. vii, Extra No. 190, p. 2, extracted from JASB Vol. ', p. 122 (1882), and the inhabitants of Tibet are distinguished thus : 'Pot-pa' (or U-Tsang-pa) means a native of middle Tibet ; 'K'hampa' (or K'ham-ba), one of eastern Tibet ; 'Nāripa', one of westera Tibet (Ib. p. 1). $2. Sabha Parya, Ch. xxxii, versés 8 & 9 (Bang. ed.), 53. Ādikānda, Ch, vi, verse 56 (Ananda: 'ed:). 54. Bang. ed., Ch. Iviii, verse 8. Pargitèr Bib. Ind.', p. 53. 55. See Pargiter's Markandeyapurāna' p. 319. 56. Ib. p. 337.

·27 Kalidasa hints at thic probablc etymology of the name by saying that Raghu made thc utsavasankctas desist from thcir utsavas or 'festivities' by means of his arrow's. The word sankcia in technical legal phrascology means 'the regulations entered into by the members of a corporation, and the name utsavasanketa would suggest that these people won this peculiar appellation for themsclves owing to some special or striking rules that they had for the regulation of their corporation. Even now, we know the trade guilds at Ahmedaagar and in Gujarat have special rules for their festivities as for everything cise; onc caste guild has a peculiar rule about the celebration of their marriagc-rites by which thc marriages v sometimes numbering as many as a thousand ) of all thc marriageable couples in the castc take place at thc same time and placc. (d). $ 16. Kansasrama on the Southern slopes Kalidasa places thc scene of his greatest drama in the slopes of the Himalayas. The hermitage of Kanva where king Duşyanta met sakuntala was situated on the bank of the strcam of Mālioi : cşa khala kāśyapasya kulapator anumălinitiram aśramo drśyatest, Again the king says that in thc heat of midday, Sakuntala generally passes the fiercely hot noon on thc bank of the Malini where there arc groves overspread with creepers ( Act iii, p.73 ) and in the same act there is a rcfcrcncc to the stream Målini ( ib. p. 74 ). Thc situation of the hermitage is learned from a statement of the old superintendent of thc king's harcm who reports to him : 'Hermits residing in the forest in the valley of the Himalaya mountain have come with some females with a message from Kośyapa'. (Act . p. 143 ). That the hermitage was about the foot of the Himalayas is also cvident from the words of the king, who says in Act vi, that he must show in the portrait of Sakuolald, her proper burroundings, viz. there should be shown the stream Malini with a pair of swaps on the sandy bank, and near it the foot of the Himalayas with thc dcer lying at casc (Act vi.p.200). The king had come on a hunting cxpedition to the place; therefore it could not have bocn very far from his capital Hastin/pura. This is also cvident from the fact that Sakuntala, though with child, yet could walk on foot from the liermitage of her foster-father. The aime of the capital wc get from a statement of Priyamvadi : 'thc rșis going to Hastinipura arc making a noise. (Act iv. p. 117). The rșis with Sakuntala started carly in the morning and they reached thic capital when the day was considerably advanced in as much as the ling had already left the court and Kañcuki shrinks from disturbing his well-emed rest. In any case, the distance between Kanya's hermitage and the capital was not cry srcat. We get somc dclails about the situation of the hiermitage from the Schattarcia, and they agrec fairly well with those extracted from the drama. We read there about Duyyanta that he saw the forest where subsequently hc mct with Saluntals, at the distance of two Jajanas from his citys: and wandering through the forest he at last reached the alrams or 57. Abhijñāra šilualalam, cd. Israra Candra Vahesapay, 2nd ed. As i, f. 10. St. Marthinu (Kumbh.w)Adrena, ch. ad, TSC 2 ·28 hermitage of Kaņva on the river Māliais. Then, again, we read that Menakā left the newly born Sakuntalā on the river Mālini in the slopes of the Himālaya 60, Hastinapura, the capital of the Pauravas, was situated on the bank of the Ganges ; at present it is a small village in the Meerut district. It has given its name to a whole Pargana. We read in the District Gazetteer of the United Provinces (Vol. iv, Meerut p. 242): The place which gives its name to the Pargana ( of Hastinapur ) is a village which lies in longitude 780 1' E, on the high bank of the Purhganga, in a somewhat remote tract at a distance of 6 miles N. E. of Mawana, 22 miles from Meerut. It consists of two portions of which that_ to the north is known as Hastināpur Patti-Kauravan, while the southern half is called Hastināpur Patti-Pandavan. Both of these are practically uninhabited, the only habitation being the temple built within recent years by Saraugis... There are also 'the remains of an old fort, but no trace of the famous city of ancient times. This is only to be expected, as the whole of Hastinapur was washed away by the Ganges. A small fair is held at the time of the full moon of Kartik and is attended by about 5,000 persons'. From this Hastinapur two yojanasomas mentioned in the South Indian recension of the Mahābhāratamor over 18 miles6l, would take us to the forests at the foot of the Himalayas, and Kațva's hermitage could not liave been far from it, on the slopes of the mountain. In the Rāmāyaṇa, we find that the messengers sent by Vaśiştha to bring Bharata from Girivraja, the capital of Kekaya country in the Punjab, followed the Mālini for some distance and then crossed the Ganges at Hastinapura, and then travelled towards the west69. It is evident from this passage in the Rāmāyana that the Mălini flows to the east of Hastināpura, and we do indeed find a river Mălini there even at the present day. We read in the District Gazetteer of the United Provinces ( Dt. Bijnor, Vol. xiv, p. 216): “Through the north-west of the Pargana flows the Malini, a river of considerable size, which closely follows the Mandawar boundary. The river has cut for itself a deep and wide bed, in which the channel wanders from side to side, seldom doing any injury to the fields above the flood bank. Near its junction with the Ganges, it unites with the khar of the latter river, which consists of a belt of level ground, but slightly inferior to the Malin valley'. It must have been down the valley of this Mālin that ſakuntală came to Hastināpur and to the court of king Duşyanta. Griffith, following Lassen, says in his Rāmāyaṇa, 'The Mālini must have been the western tributary of the Saraju, now called. Chuka' (Griffith's Rāmāyana, Vol. ii, p. 497 ). But the presence of a river Malin in the neighbourhood which agrees in every respect with the desany such guess. cription in the Rāmāyaṇa and other books, does away with the necessity for Another Kanväśrama is mentioned in the : Mahābhārata63. This is placed on the road 59. Ib. verses 21, 29. 60. Adiparya, Ch: Ixxii, verses 10-1. (Bàng. ed.). Also Ch. xciii, verses 15 and 18 (Kumbh, ed.). 61. Di.J. F. Fleet demonstrates in the JRAS, 1912, p. 236 that 'In ancient India there were two "yojanasof specific lengths, namely, a short "yojana" of 16,000 hasta or 4:5 miles and a long "yojana" i.e. of 32,000 hasta or 9:09 miles. The long "yojana" was the general Indian "yojana". 62. Ayodhyākānda, Ch. Ixviii, verses 12-13 (Nir. ed. & Kum, ed.). 63. Yanaparva, Ch. lxxxii, verses 45-6-(Bang. ed.)

·between Puşkara or modern Pokhar and Mahakala at Ujjeio ; and then one goes to the Narmada. Mahamahopadhyaya Haraprasad Sastri in the Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society (Vol. i. pt. ii, p. 201 ) says, 'In the Sakuntala, he describes the hermitage of Kanva which some say is situated in the State of Sirohi just to the west of this part of the country' (viz. Avanti or Malwa ); and Mm. Sastri apparently agrees with them. These scholars must have been misled by some such passage as the one quoted above from the Mahābhārata, because the State of Sirohi lies about Mount Abu and therefore between Puskara and Ujjein ; but they lost sight of the fact that in the Abhijñāna Śakuntalam itself we are told that Kaņva's hermitage was in a valley of the Himālaya. I may refer them to another Kanväśrama mentioned in the Mahābhārata64, placed between the Payoșņi and Sürpāraka or Sopara on the Bombay coast. $ 17, Kanakhala Kālidāsa mentions Kanakhala as the place near which the Ganges debouches into the plains, where he instructs his cloud messenger to enter the Himalaya. There is a village which still retains the name of Kanakhal, but it is now some two miles from the place where the Ganges enter into the plains, viz. Haridwara. Wilson 65 observes, 'It it rather extraordinary that Kalidasa should have omitted the name of Haridwara ( Hurdwar ), and preferred Kanakhala, sepecially as the former occurs in the Puranas, in the Skandapurāna as mentioned in the note, page 450, Vol. xi of the Researches ; and in this passage from the Matsyapuräna, cited in the Purāņa Sarvasva: sarvatra sulabhā gaigā trişu sthåneşu'durlabhi / haridvāre prayage ca gargásāgarasangame'. In this connection, it may be observed that in the Mahābhārata, in the enumeration of tirthas or holy places about the region of the Garngädvåra, Haridwara is not mentioned ; I am not quite sure whether it is at all mentioned in the Mahābhārata ; I have not found it anywhere in the book. But, on the other hand, Kanakhala is mentioned as a specially holy place68. Again, in another passage the Ganges Kanakhala is mentioned as having special sanctifying power68. We also read in the Padmapurāna68 : puņyā kanakhale gangå kuruksetre sarasvati. From these passage it may seem that at the time of Kalidasa, as also when the Mahabhārata received its present form, Kanakhala extended up to and included modern Hardwar; but it is more probable that Kanakhala was at the time looked upon as a very important place, more important even than the exact spot where the Ganges forced its way through 64. Ch, luxviii, verse 11, 65. "Meghadūta' ed. H. H. Wilson, 3nd. ed., London 1843, p. 30. 66. E. 8., 'Mahābhārata', Vanaparva, Ch. Laaiv, yerso 30 (Bang. ed.) and Ch. lxxii, (Kum. ed.). 67. Ibid, Vanaparva, Ch. lxxxvi, versc 88 (Bang. ed.). Ch. luxü (Kumb. ed.). 68. 'Padmapurana' (Anand ed.), Adikānda, Ch, xiij, vitse 6.

·31 $ 19. Uttara-Košala The country of the Raghus has been called by Kalidasa Košala or Uttara-košala, and the people residing in it are also called by him by the same name The first timo wc mcct with it in the Raghuvamſa is in the expression 'Lord of the Northern kosala-applied to king Dilipa (R in 5), then we have kośaleśvara applicd to Raghu (R 1v 70 ), next 'the lords of northern kośala-applied to the Iksvåku kings (R vu 34) Košala is spelt indifferently with the dental s or the the palatal $ Dr Jr Fleet71 would prefer the former Košala as the name of a people or a country does not occur in the carliest Vedic literature, but it is found in the Satapatha Brāhmana (1 4 1 14 et seq ), where the river Sadånirå ( identified with the river Little Gandak79 ) is spoken of as separating it from Vides There is no mention either in the Vedas73 or the Buddhist Biteraturc74 of North and South Kośals, as we find in the later classical Sanskrit works At the time of Buddha, the košalas formed a very powerful clan in northern India and there was a violent struggle between Kobala and Magadha for paramount power over the whole of northern India The Śakyas, among whom Buddha was born, acknowledged the suzeramty of Košala75 And as Prof Rhys Davids observes, 'The very centre of the literary activity of thc Buddhists was precisely Košala’76 It probably had the Ganges for its southern boundary, thc Gandak for its eastern boundary and the mountains for its northern boundary', and it had for its capital Śrāvasti where Buddha preached many of his sermons?? In the Rāmāyana we read, 'On the bank of the Sarayū was a great realm, happy, pros. perous and rich in ample stores of wealth and grain, culled Košala'78 The boundarics of this realm are not given but Daśaratha states he was the suzerain over thc Drávidas, Sindhusauviras, Saurastras, the people of Daksināpatha, Vanga, Anga, Magadha, Matsya, Kasi and Košala ( Ayodhyakanda, Ch x, verses 36-7) In the Rāmāyana also there is no men. tion of more than one Kosala At the time of Rāma's passing away from this world, he divided the whole realm of Košala into two parts, and placed onc of his two sons over cach Kalidasa tells us that he placed Kuša upon the throne of Kuluvati and Lava at Saravati, and then proceeded towards the north (R XV 978) This is then the first partition of tho Košala kingdom This is also borne out by what is said in the Ramayuma (Uttarakānda, Ch cvili, verses 17 & 19 Nir ed ) Kälıdása says nothing moro dcfinito about these towns, but we find that when Kuśa leaving his new capital of Kubiyuni wux again coming back to the old capital of his family which lay descried, lic crosecu tlic Vindhyas where his vast army had to be broken up into many squ idrons, and wlicro this barbarous Pulindas brought him many presents (R xv 312) This shows that Kuld's 71 JRAS, 1897, p 864 72. Fleet, JRAS, 1907 p 614 'Vedic Index by Macdonell & Keith, Vol 1, p 190 "Buddhist India by Rhys Dayids, p 25 75 Ib p 25 761, 163 71. Ih, p, 23 78 Bālākānda, Ch v, verse 5 (Nired) It is also stated here that the capital of Andhya etinas 12 "yojanas in length and 3 in width 73 74 GK 6 ·32 capital in the south was somewhere in the south of the Vindhyas, or at least in one of its defiles. And I think that the poet hereby suggests the beginning of the Southern Košala kingdom. In the Mahābhārata we fiind that the Kośala country was divided into three separate countries. We read of the Uttara-kośalas as having been vanquished by Bhima79; and that Sahadeva defeated the kings of the Eastern-kośalas in the south near the Venvā or Wainganga ( Sabhäparva, Ch. xxxi, verses 12 & 13). The Eastern-kośalas must have gone there in the south out of the fear of Jarāsandha of Magadha, as we are told in a previous chapter (16. Ch. xiv, verses 27 & 28 ). In the Aśvamedhaparva we are told that Arjuna defeated the Pundras and the Kośalas near the coast of the eastern ocean ( Ch. lxxxii, verses 29 & 30; Bang. ed.). These Košalas must have been the southern or the Mabă-kośala 'which comprised the upper valley of the Malanadi with its tributaries, and seems at times to have included a much larger area now forming the eastern districts of the Central Provinces and the tributary states of Orissa'80. This Southern-kośala is evidently referred to in the “kausalakamahendra'81 included among the Dakşiņăpatha rājās vanquished by Samudragupta and 'captured and liberated by him. This is also mentioned in the Ajanta inscription89, in the copper plate charter of Mahāśivagupta88, in the Maranja-Mura charter of Mahāśivagupta84, besides other inscriptions. In the Bșhat Samhitā of Kalidasa's contemporaty Varāhamihira, the Northern-kośala is not mentioned at all, but he places Košala in the South-East (Ch. xiv, verse 8). In the other work of Parāśara quoted by Bhatta Utpala in his commentary85 Kośala is placed in the south east. Varahamihira also mentions the Kośalakas as a people in the east86. In the Atharva-Parisista, Košala is mentioned twice, once in the Middle country and again in the south east87, About a hundred years before Varāhamihira, the Chinese pilgrim Fa-hien who visited India in the course of his travels (A. D. 398-414) found the kingdom of Kosala still existing with its capital at śrāvastī, but he found it to be falling into ruins : he 'came to the city of Śrāvasti in the kingdom of Kośala in which the inhabitants were few and far between, amounting in all ( only) to a few more than two hundred families 88. But Yuan Chwang, who travelled in India about two centuries later ( A. D. 629-645 ), shortly after the time of Kalidasa, found the capital of the Shih-lo-fa-si-ti ( Śrāvasti ) country, a wild ruin without anything to define its area'89. At this time, the northern Kośala country had lost even its name as a kingdom, and Yuan Chwang knew the country after Śrāvasti in which he was 79. Sabhāparva, Ch. XXX, verses 2-3 (Bang. ed.), 80. Vincent Smith in the JRAS, 1914, p. 331. 81. Fleet, 'Gupta Inscriptions' p. 7. 82. 'Arch. Sury, of Western India', Voi, iv, p. 127. 83. JASB, 2nd series, Vol. i. p. 14. 84. JBORS, Vol. ii, pt. i, p. 53. 85. Ed. Mm. S. Dvivedi, Vol. i. p. 288. 86. Kern, op. cit., p. 88. 87. The 'Parisistas of the Atharvaveda' ed. by G. M. Bolling and J. von Negelein, Vol. i, pt. ii, Parisista lvi, verses 2 & 3. 88. "The Travels of Fa-hien traslated by James Legge. Oxford 1886, p. 55. 89. 'On Yuan Chwapg' by J, Watters, Vol. i, p. 377.

·33 94 y Smith. 'Early History of India', 3rd ed, 3016 interested as a Buddhist The only Kośala country that he knows of is the Southern Košala o. From all the facts detailed above, it will be clear that the kingdom of Kośala was split up at first into two and later into three different kingdoms , but the eastern Kośala was absorbed or abolished by the growing power of Magadha, and afterwards by the Pauravas In the Mahābhārata, we find Brhadvala mentioned as the king of Kośala, that is, of northern Košala This kingdom was very powerful at the time of Buddha with its capital at Śrävasti*1 but the gradual growth of the kingdom of Magadha, its rival, underminded its strength, but it seems to have continued a weak existence up to the time of Fa-hien with its capital at śrāvasti. But the Gupta Empire had absorbed it and hence Yuan Chwang found the capital in 'wild ruin'. But he had found a small kingdom round Anyu-te which is identified with Ayodhya It seems that an offshoot of the Gupta dynasty still reigned there, because we know that Ayodhya was one of the capitals of the Gupta Empire, where some of them had established a mint 2 'When a great extension of the empire took place in the reign of Candragupta II, Vikramaditya, c 410 BC It is probable that the capital was transferred, either permanently or occasionally, to a more central position at Ayodhya'os I think it was in memory of this resuscitation of Ayodhya as the capital of a powerful empire, that Kälıdāsa wrote about the return of Kuśa to it in his beautiful poetical language His poetic imagination may have received inspiration from this incident, of which he had perhaps a personal knowledge, as it is believed by many scholars that Kälıdāsa lived at the time of Candragupta II°4. It is not improbable also that the subject of writing a mahākāvya on the dynasty of the rulers of Ayodhyā may have been suggested to Kālıdāsa by this revival of the capital ( which had ceased to exist as a capital, having given place to Śrāvasti as we find from the Buddhist works ). § 19. (a) Saketa, (b) Kušarati and Sarāvati Before finishing this section, I would like to say a few words about the towns in the Kośala country, Säketa or Ayodhya, Kuśavati and Sarayatı or Śravasti Kāldāsa speaks indifferently of Saketa or Ayodhyā and treats the two names as synonymous (eg, R v 31, xi. 61 ; X111. 79 ; xiv. 29, XV 38, XV. 60, xvi 13, XV11 36; etc etc ) Saketa is mentioned in the Buddhist books as one of the large towns As Kern says, "There are other big cities here, such as Campā, Råjagrha, Śrāvasti, Säketa, Kuśámbi and Benares'05 This is a quotation from the Mahāparınıbbānasutta It is known from the well known passage ( in illustration of a sūtra of Panjpı ) in Patañjali's Mahābhâsya , arunad yavanah saketam It is also found in the Gārgisamhıtā6 Fa-hien visited a city called Sha-che, 90, Watters, 'op cit', Voil, 11, p 200 ff R Davids, 'Buddhist India', p 25 V Smith, 'Early History of India', 3rd ed , p. 293 'Indian Coins', by E. J. Rapson, p 25 95 'Histoire de Bouddhisme dans 1 'Inde' par H. Kern Tr. G. Huet, p. 231. 96 Kern's 'Brhat Samhitā', Introduction . 91 92 93 ·34 which is identificd with Sakcta. Säketa is mentioned as a town in the middle country in the Brhut Samhitãº7. It is also mentioned in the Atharva Pariſis!aºs as being in the middlecountry. Dr. Ficet considers Saketa to be the same as 'the modern Audb or Oude or Oudh' ( Indian antiquary, vol. xxii, p. 189 ). But Mr. Vincent A. Smith docs not consider the identification as satisfactory, and he would place the site of Sāketa at Kursiº9. In his Early Ilistory of Indial00, he says, 'At present the position of Säketa cannot be determined prccisely'. Major W. Vost, I. M. S., concludes after stating all the different opinions by saying, 'I conclude by giviog it as my opinion that Tusaran Bihar is the site of Säketa, the capital of Shache and Pi-so-kia’101. Whatever may be the different opinions among thic scholars, it is evident that Kalidāsa lrad not the least misgiving about the identity of Saketa and Ayodhyā, and in Sanskrit literature generally they are always so identified. But it is likely that Säketa and Fa-bien's Sha-che are not the same with the Pi-sbo-ka or Pi-so-kia of Yuan Chwang as Watters101 has shown very clearly ; this identity has been at the root of all the differences in opinion among the scholars, and if it is given up, there is no further trouble to identify Sāketa and Ayodhyā as one and the same city. I have shown above that Kusa crossed the Vindhyas in order to go from his new capital to the capital of his family. That his city, Kusāyati was on the slopes of the Vindhyas is proved very clearly from a statement in the Võīyupurūna ( Ch. lxxxviii, verses 198-200 ; Anand. ed.). This evidence of the Väyupurāna puts it beyond doubt that the sarāvati of Kálidása is the same as Sråvasti, the capital of Kośala at the time of Buddha. It was visited, as we have seen, by Fa-hien and Yuan Chwang, and also by I-tsing103 who was in India during the period A. D. 671-695. General A. Cunningham located the city of Srāvasti at the village of Sahet-Mahet on the borders of the Bahraich and Gonda districts in the United Provinces, on the right bank of the river Rapti which he identified with the ancient river Ajirāvati104. But Mr. Vincent A. Smith pleaded for the village of Balapur in Nepal as the truc site of Srāvasti105, but he has accepted Cunningham's identification in the latest edition of his Early History of Indial08, in consideration of the evidences found by Dr. Vogel107, Pandit Dayaram Sahni etc. of the Archælogical Department of the Government of India, who have found at the site a copper-plate recording the gift of six villages to the community of monks residing at the Jetavana Mahävihāra 108, and the lower half of a statue of the Kushana period bearing the name of Jetavana at Śrāvasti109. These proofs have finally settled the position of Srāvastī. 97. 16., p. 88. 98. Ed. by G. M. Bolling and J. von Negelein, Vol. i, pt. ii, 'Pariſista' lvi. i, verse 2. 99. JRAS, 1898, p. 524. 100. 3rd. ed. p. 214. 101. JRAS, 1905, p. 437. 102. 'On Yuan Chwang', Vol. i, p. 375. 103. 'A Record of the Buddhist Religion' by I-tsing Tr. by Takakusu, p, liii. Geograpby of India' pp. 408-14 105. JRAS, 1898, pp. 520-31. 107. JRAS, 1908, P. 971. 108. JRAS, 1909, p. 1067, A ·35 Kuśăvati is mentioned in the Mahābliărata (Sabhäparva, Ch clxit, verses 57 and 59). a yaksa, Dhaneśvara, attended a meeting of the gods at Kušavati and on his way back towards home evidently in the north, he met the sage Agastya on the bank of the Jamuna This would also suggest central India as the place where Kuśavati was situated $ 20 śūrasena § 20 (a) Mathurā Kālıdāsa mentions the country of śūrasena and its king, Susena in connection with the kings assembled at the Svayamvara of Indumati He speaks of 'Susena, the king of Surasenas' (Rvi 45 ) He further states that his capital was at Mathura on the bank of the Yamunā,--the dark waters of which were coloured partially white by the washing of the sandal-paste on the bosoms of the ladies in his harem, so much so, that it seemed that the Kalindi had mixed her waters with those of the Ganges ( R vi 48 ) He refers to the Paurānika story of the vanquishing of the Nāga Kälıya by Krsna (Rv 49 ), and he refers to the beautiful groves of Brndāvana wbich was hardly inferior to the mythic garden, Caitraratha of the Gandharvas (R VI 50 ) Kalidasa also speaks of the hill, Govardhana, where the stones were scented with Saileya ( benzoin ?) and where the peacocks danced These details enable us to locate the kingdom of Śūrasena as the country round the city of Mathurā Kalidasa has here been guilty of two anachronisms, inasmuch as he afterwards says that ſatrughna established the city of Mathurā or Madhură after vanquishing Lavana , and also for Sunandă to speak of Krsna as putting down Kalıya, an event which, accordin to the Purānas, took place long ages afterwards, is not quite in order. śürasena is not mentioned in the Vedas, but in Manu it is said to form a part of the Brahmarşı-desa which was second in importance only to Brahmāvarta ( Manu 11 19 ) As this verse indicates, in post-Vedic times the country of Śūrasenas attained a great importance, and was a seat of Aryan culture The vernacular of Śūrasena reached a very high position among the spoken languages, the Prăkſta speeches of India In Vararuci's Prākrta Prahasa, which was most probably written about the third century B C 110 we find that Sauraseni or the vernacular of śūrasena occupied a place next in importance only to Mahārastri Among the four Prākrtas of India treated of by Vararuci, are Mahārastri, Parśaci, Māgadhi, and Sauraseni In fact, this last 15 represented as having its origin in Sanskrit saura. seni // 1 || prakrtih samskſtam // 2 //111, but both Parśāci and Māgadhi are spoken of as having their origin in Sauraseni paušaci // 1 || prakrtih šauraseni // 2 //112 and. mågadhi // 1 // prakrtih śauraseni 1/2//115 From the above it is evident that Sauraseai was the vernacular of northern India in general before further local variations werc intro- 110 R Peschel, 'Grammatic der Prakrit', Sprachen, Sec 32, p 33 111. The 'Prakſta Prakāśa or The Prahnt Grammar of Vararucı' with notes and translations by L. B. Cowell, 2pd issue, London 1868, Ch xu, 'sūtras' 1 & 2 112. 16, Ch x, p 86 113. Ib, Cb, XI, p 89 ·36 duccd in the cast to form Mágadhi, and in the frontier provinces, especially the north-west, to form Paiśáci. In Bhāratiya Nayaśāstra, śauraseni is mentioned as one of the seven bhiäşās ( Ch. xvii, verse 48. Nir. cu.): Mágadhi, Āvanti, Sauraseni, Prācyā, Ardhamăgadhi, Vählikī and Dākşinātyā. The surasenas are spoken of in the Mahābhārata as having fled through fear of Jarăsandha of Magadha ( Sabhäparva xiv, 26, Bang. ed.); they were vanquished by Sahadva ( 1b. xxxi. 2); the Påndavas while going from Dvaitavana to Virata's capital passed through the country of the śūrasenas ( Virāțaparva, v. 4). In the Rāmāyaṇa, Sugriva speaks to his army proceeding towards the north of the śúrasenas along with the Bharatas, Kurus etc;ll that is, trives living in the middle country. In the Atharva Parisista, Mathurapupangadeśa is mentioned among the couatries in the north 115. In the BỊhat Samhitā the Mälburakas and Śúrasenas are mentioned as belonging to the Madhyadeśa ( Kern. op cit, p. 87, Ch. xiv, verse 3 ) and in the older account of Parāśara quoted by Bhatta Utpala, Śūrasena is mentioned at the beginning of the many countries and peoples belongiog to the Madhyadeśa. (cd. S. Dvivedi, Vol. I, p. 286). Fi-hien gives the name of the country as Ma-taou-lo or Mathural16. He places it on thic Poo-na river which, as Watters points out, is a contraction for yao-pu-na or Yabuna. Yuan Chwang calls it Yen-mou-na. In describing Mathură, Fa-hien gives a general description of the middle kingdoni, showing that the country round Mathurã was considered at that time as especially belonging to the Madhyadeśa proper. Yuan Chwang describes the country of Mathură as being above 5000 li in circuit, its capital being above 20 li in circuit117, This has been calculated by Cunningham as equivalent to 833 miles and 3.33 miles respectively. This would make the kingdom of Mathura 'include the present district of Mathurā, with the small states of Bharatpur, Khiraoli and Dholpur, and the northern half of the Gwalior territory. To the east it would have been bounded by the kingdom of Jijbaoli and on the south by Malwa'118. But according to the length of the li as established by Dr. J. F. Fleet, viz. that for India ordinarily 100 li should be taken as equivalent to 21,333.3 yards or 12:12 miles119, the circuit of the kingdom of Mathurā would measure 606 miles which would narrow the kingdom within shorter and more reasonable limits. But the circuit of the city in either case would be too small. In the Indian Antiquary ( Vol. X, p. 34 ) there is an inscription of the Śūrasenas. The city of Mathurā, the capital of śurasena, was founded, as Kālidāsą tells us, by Śatrughna after he had killed the dark-complexioned Lavana ( R xv. 2 ) on the the bank of the Yamună (R xv. 28). The whole of the country about this town appears to have been full of dense forests : Satrughna, on his journey from Ayodhya to the habitation of Lavaņa, very soon entered the forests (Rxv. 8 & R xiv. 52-8 ) and on his way passed through the hermitage of Välmiki on the southern bank of the Ganges (R xv. 11 ). That Vālmiki's hermitage was not far from the southern bank of the Ganges appears from the fact that 114. Kişkindhyākāņda, Ch. liïi, verse 11 (Nir. ed.). 115. Ed. by Bolling & Negelein, Parisista lvi, 1, 8. 116. Legge's ‘Fa-bien', p. 42. 'On Yuan Chwang', i, p. 313. 117. Watters, op. cit., p. 301. 119, JRAS, 1906, p. 1013, 118. Cunninham's 'Ancient Geography of India', p. 373.

·37 Laksmana crossed the Ganges with Sita and then pointed out to her the path to the hermitage ( R xiv 52 and 58 ) There she was found by the sage brought thither by the sound of her weeping ( R xiv. 70 ) Now let us follow the track of Satrughna Leaving the hermitage, satrughoa went forward, evidently through forests, and reached the place called Madhupaghna where Lavana also came back at the same time after his raid through the forests (R xv 15 ) The place was evidently a stronghold of the non Aryan people ('the dark complexioned ones' R xv 2 ) in the midst of dense forests where the sages had gone forward and built their hermitages, the torch of civilisation thus lighted by the sages, was further carried forward by the conquests of Satrughna who established a town at the site of the capital of the barbarians. There he enjoyed the picturesque sight of the Yamuni from his palaces (R xv 30 ), and he must have passed a number of years there, because we are told that at the time of his return to Ayodhyā, he divided his kingdom between bus two sons, Satrughātın and Subahu, Mathura falling to the lot of the former and Vidišā to to the latter Now, as the sons of śitā, we are told, were born in the very night that Šatrughna passed at the hermitage of Valmiki ( R xv 13 ), and so again his own sons were born after them (RX 35 ), and as his sons must have reached years of discretion to be placed in charge of newly conquered kingdoms, we may safely guess that Satrughna had to pass at Mathura about twenty years at least There is another consideration Vidısa, where he placed his younger son, is identified with Bhilsā in Central India, and is at a great distance to the south of Mathura It must have taken Šatrughna a pretty long time to have conquered the wide stretch of land from Mathurā to Vidiša and to have civilised it, as much of it was covered by wild forests, resided in by wild tribes Mathurā is a very old town , in the Buddhist time it was also a very celebrated town Buddha did occasionally pay visits to it, but he spoke of its five defects120 It is connected with Upagupta, the great Buddhist teacher, the spiritual preceptor of Aśoka, according to the Mahayānist school of Buddhism121 Mathura is, no doubt rightly, considered to be the same as the methora of Arrian and Pliny and the modoura, the city of the gods of Ptolemy 112 Mathura is mentioned in the Brhat Samhita (Ch 1v, verse 26 and Ch xvi, Verse 17 ) and in the Atharva Parisista as I have already shown before $ 21 Valmiki's Hermitage In this connection, I would like to say a few words about Valmiki s hermitage, as I have already referred to it in this section There I have shown that the hermitage could not have been far from the southern bank of the Ganges, but the exact spot has not been fixed there This we can do with the help of what Kálidasa puts in thc mouth of Valmiki, who "Having plunged into the waters of the Tawaså, the banks of which are not devoid of the residences of rsts, your mind will gain cheerfulacss by offering up oblations says to Site 120 Watters, op cit', p 312 121 Cunningham, 'Arch Sury of India', Vol 1, pp 231 fr and Vol nii, p 13 AT 122 Book vut ·38 on its sandy shore' ( R xiv. 76 ). This shows that the hermitage must have been situated upon the Tamasă, but not far from the bank of the Ganges, though not exactly upon it; because, as I have already said before, Lakşmaņa on the sands of the Ganges pointed out to Sitā the path to the hermitage and not the hermitage itself; and Vālmiki had come away there from his hermitage to gather kuśa and fuel for his sacrifices ( R xiv. 70 ). Therefore, it is now demonstrated that the hermitage of Valmiki was situated at the junction of the Ganges and the Tamasā, nearer the Tamaså than the Ganges. We read in the Rāmāyaṇa : sa tu tiram samasadya tamasāyāḥ munis tada / sişyam áha sthitam pārsve drstvā tirtham akardamam || (Ādikāņda Ch. ii, verse 4; Nir. ed. ) and again : sa praviấy åśramapadam śisyeņa saha dharmavit ( Ib. verse 22 ), etc., In the verse preceding the verse quoted first we read that Vālmiki went to the bank of the Tamaså not far from the Ganges ( Ib. verse 3 ). These passages prove clearly what I have deduced above from the statements of Kālidāsa. The Tamaså here referred to is the Tons, the southern Tons in Central India, ‘rising in the Kaimur range ( 240 N. 80'9' E.) and falling into the Ganges 19 miles below the junction of the latter with the Jumna’123, This agrees with Kālidāsa's statement that Laksmana crossed the Ganges and pointed out the path to the hermitage which was farther to the south, on the bank of the Tamasā which he had not to reach or to cross. This Tamasã is not to be confounded with the other Tamasă in the north near Ayodhyā, which is also called the Tons at the present day, or the Chhoti Sarju ; it joins the Ganges two miles west of Ballia town124. To reach this junction from Ayodhyā, Lakşmaņa would have to cross the Tamasā first and he would have found Valmiki's hermitage there and it would have been absurd for him to cross the Ganges and go to the other side. Besides, this junction lies far to the east where Šatrughna had no business to go on his way to Mathura. Whereas the junction of the Ganges and the Yamunā lies almost due south of Ayodhyā, and the junction of the Tamasã and the Yamunà a little farther to the east, Śatrughna crossed the Ganges there and then proceeded forward along the Yamunā to Mathurā. It might be asked why Šatrughna did not cross at the junction of the Ganges and the Yamunā. I think it was because of the impassable nature of the forests there which are described in the Rāmāyaṇa as scarcely penetrable and even scarce of water for a large body of men 125. Räma and Bharata went there and found difficulties which were surmounted with the help of the Nişāda king, Guhaka. As ſatrughna marched at the head of an army, it was convenient for him to cross at a place where there was a clearing in the forest and a convenient ford. Mr. Pargiter has demonstrated clearly that at the time of Rāma 'Prayāga must have been completely shut off by forest from the common resources of civilization'126. But Mr. Pargiter has made a mistake in locating the hermitage of Välmiki. He had placed it on the Chhoti Sarju by confusing the two rivers called Tamasā. He says, 'Ayodhyā, the modern town Ajudhya, or Oudh, was situated on the west bank on the river Sarajű, the modern Sarju or Ghogra. The Tamaså is no doubt the modern Tons, which flows about twelve miles distant on the west side of the Sarayů. It 124. Ib., p. 418. 123. 'Imperial Gazetteer of India', 1907, Vol. xxiji, p. 419. 125. Pargiter, JRAS, 1894, p. 227. 126. Ib., 239.

·39 was on its banks that Vālmiki dwelt'197. The Tamasū that flows 12 miles off from Ayodhya was the river that Rāma crossed when going out on his exile, and up to the banks of this river it was that the people of Ayodhyā followed him ( Ayodhyškānda, Ch. xlv, verso 32 ; Nır ed ) This river, as I have shown above, has nothing to do with thc hermitage of Valmiki This Tamasă, or the Choti Sarjů has been referred to by our poct, when hic says that kiog Daśaratha embellished the banks of the Sarayů and thc Tainası by crccting sacrificial columns of gold on them ( R 1x 16 ) It is also probably thc Choti Sarajú that is referred to in R 1x 72 $ 22 Pratisthāna The city of Pratisthāna is mentioned by Käldāsa in his Vikramoraſiyam as the capital of the hero of that drama, Purūravas, and he also puts it very clearly at the junction of the Ganges and Jumna The apsaras Citralekhū observes to her friend Urvasi when they are coming down to meet Purüravas at his capital "Wc arc arrived at the house of the Rājarsı which is, as it were, the crown and glory of Pratisthāna, ( as if looking at itself, 1 e ) reflected in the specially sacred waters at the junction of the Bhagirathi and the Yamuna' (ed s P Pandit, 3rd ed, Bombay 1901, Act 11, § 67) Again Urvasi reminds Purúravas that a long time has passed since he had left his capital, Pratışthāna (Ib Act iv, § 66 ) Then again, the Vidusaka says that on his return after a long time to the capital, Pururavas went to his tent after having an abhiseka with the quccns at the junction of the two rivers, as it was a specially auspicious phase of the moon From these it is clear that Kälıdása considered the capital of his hero to have been situated at the junction of the Ganges and the Jumna, and herein he is strictly in agreement with the Puranas The Mātsjapurāna says that at the junction, the city of Pratisthåna was situated on the eastern side of the Ganges ( Ch Cvi, verse 30 , Ch cxii, verscs 8 & 9, Anand ed ) Pargitcr has brought together all the references in the Purinas to the story of Purúravas and has shown from them that 'Sudyumna ( Manu's daugher Ilá changed into a son ) obtained no share of the ten parts into which the whole earth was divided by Manu ), but received the town Pratisthana, at the junction of the Ganges and Jamuna llc gayo it to Purûravas, and Purúravas began the Aila kingdom there'128 $ 23 Kass The kingdom of Kasi is only incidentally mentioned by Kalida, showing that as de independent kingdom it had come to an end at his time Slc mications tlic king or kili valy Ib, P 235 128 JRAS, 1914, D 269 127 GK. 7 ·40 in such phrases as kāśirājaputryā ( Vikram. Act iii, 15 ) and devim kāśirajaputrim ( Ib., Act ii, 2), to designate the queen of king Purūravas. The kingdom of käśi was known in the Vedic times. The Kāśis and Videha were closely connected and the compound name kāśivideha occurs in several Vedic passages. “The śānkhyāyana Srautasūtra mentions one Purohita as acting for the kings of kaśī, kośala and videha'199. In the Purăņas and the Mahābhārata, the kāśis are for the most part united with the kośalas : kāśikośalāḥ ( Bhişnaparva, Ch. iii )--the kāśis and košalas attack Droņa, etc, etc. (Dronaparva, Ch. cxxv). Its capital Benares, has retained its position and its glory up to the present time. About the time of Buddha130 it was incorporated into Košala. But its memory as a very great and powerful state is preserved in the Jätakas, many of which have the wellknown beginning : 'In the past wlien Brahmadatta was the reigning king of Benares'.... With the revival of Brahmanic culture in later times, its glory as the centre of this culture again revived, but as a great kingdom it never again obtained a status...... [ One sheet of the Ms. is missing here-Ed. ] § 24. Videla ... ... by the universal consent of the natives to be the same place as the ancient Janakpur, the capital of Mithila’131. The river Kosi or Kausika flows [ ... ] the kingdom of Videha though there are reasons to believe that at one time it was included in Anga. The fall of the Kosi is referred to by Kálidāsa in his Kumārasambhava, where Śiva appoints the fall of the Kosi as the place where he will meet the seven Rșis sent to negotiate his marriage with the daughter of Himālaya ( Ku vi. 33 ). In the Travancore edition of Pandit Ganapati Sastri, the verse reads mahakausi instead of mabākoši. The magnificent falls of this river still form a noted place of pilgrimage and there is a temple of Mahāmāyāl82, a form of Gaurī Pārvatī, the daughter of Himālaya. It ‘leaves the mountains at Chatra in 260 44' N. and 870 6' E. in a series of cataracts and rapids and after a southerly course touches upon British territory in the extreme north-east of the Bhagalpur district'183. Its tributaries spoken of as the Saptakauśiki from their number and are all held sacred, and the united waters from what is called in Nepal the Sankosi or the Samyukta Kosi, the Mahākośī of Kālidāsa. Through its tributaries the Kosi receives the drainage of the highest peaks of the Himalayas from the Kanchanjanga to Mount Everest. The magnificent prospect of this region is described by Mr. F. A. Shillingford : "Standing near any one of the rest houses [ ... ] the Singlila range...one cannot help being struck with the vast extent of the work of denudation performed by the Sapta-kusa carving out the huge valleys and rugged gorges which stretch in a series of stupendous waves as far as the eye can reach, over a region of mountainous country, extending from Kanchinjanga to beyond Katmandu, and from the alluvial plains of Bengal to 129. Macdonell & Keith, 'Vedic Index', Vol. I, pp. 153-4. 130. Rhys-Davids, 'Buddhist India', 24. 131. 'Ancient Geography of India'. p. 445. 132. JASB, 1895, pt. i, p. 2. 133. 'Imperial Gazetteer', Vol. xy. pp. 407-8. p.

·41 the further chain of Himalayas, forming the southern watershed of the Brabmaputra,-a tract of country 200 miles long by 150 miles wide, containing the two highest mountain peaks in the world with their attendant masses of perpetual snow Thus the Kusi drains a larger tract of the Himalayas and delivers a greater volume of water as it debouches into the plains than any other stream on the southern slopes of the Himålayas, between the Brahmaputra and the Punjab rivers'134 Nagadha Kīlıdāsa leads the bride, Indumati first of all to the king of Magadha, in the assemblage of the most powerful monarchs of India ( R v 20 ), and he puts in the mouth of Sunanda that though there might be thousands of other kings the earth could be said to have a king only on account of the presence of the kiog of Magadha (R vi 20 ) His capital is named Puspapura Kālidasa has to admit the premier position of the king of Patalıputra though he had set to himself the business of singing in verse the glories of the kings of Ayodhyā This latter city was selected by the Gupta Emperors, under whom Kālıdasa lived, as their capital on account of its central position after they had conquered Malaya (Rapson, Indian Coins, p 25) But there was I think, another reason for the preference of the Guptas for Ayodhya Pátalıputra had been for long the seat of the great Buddhist monarchs, therefore the Gupta Emperors removed themselves to Ayodhyā, sacred and holy as the capital of Śri Ramacandra Yet Pātalıputra had so long been associated in the Indian mind as the seat of monarchs wielding imperial sway, that it had to be shown respect, and most probably as Mr V A Smith conjectures195, it was still regarded as the official capital Kālidasa, therefore, while singing the glories of the kings of Ayodhyā, had to admit that the Lord of Magadha was the premier sovercign among all the rulers of India Kalidasa has not furnished any further particulars about Magadha cxcept only the name of its capital Puspapura It is the same as the town that is more generally known as Patalıputra The first beginning of Patalıputra was made while Buddha was still living , when Buddha shortly before his death proceeded to Patalıgāma he saw two officers of Ajataśatru, the king of Magadha, laying out the city there and he prophesied about some future danger (11ahāparımbbānasutta ) This prophecy has been verified by the excavations at Pūtalıputra (by Dr Spooner) where there were signs of layers of ashes and the deposit of silt This was, however, only a frontier fortress It was king Udayı who later built a capital in its immediate neighbourhood and gave up Rājagrba on account of the deep grief for his father as told by the renowned Jain author Hemacandra The Purānas and the Gärgı Sanuutāl36 also support it From this time forward, it gradually rose in importance 134 Vide JASB, 1895, pt 1, pp 2 18 135 'Early History, 3rd ed , p 293 136 Parisistaparyam, ed H Jacobi in the ZDMG, XXy Pargiter, 'Dynastics of the Kali Agc, p 22, Kern, op at , Introduction p 36 ·42 and power, until under Candragupta and Aśoka 'it occupied the premier position among the cities of India. Even in the ninth century king Dharmapāla issued bis copperplate grants from this city. § 26. Anga 5 The kingdom of Aiga is not mentioned in the course of conquests of Raghu, signifying that the kindom of Arga did not exist at the time of Kalidāsa as an independent monarchy, but had been absorbed into the Gupta empire and was administered directly by them. Kálidāsa, however, introduces a king of Anga, in the assemblage of kings at the Svayamvara of Indumati. Here, of course, he draws upon his kuowledge of the past history of the country; no Aiga king is mentioned in the Allahabad pillar inscription of Samudragupta. But in the Purānas and the Mahābhārata, Anga is a very powerful country. Karņa, its king, led the Vangas and other allied races to the Kuruksetra battle. The only particular that Kálidasa mentions about the kingdom of Anga is that the professor of the science of elephants had trained those in his possession. At the present day there are no elephants in the country formerly known as Anga, viz. the regions about the districts of Bhagalpur and Monghyr ; but elephants are found in the Himalayan Terai, to which the kingdom may have extended at some time. However the king of Anga could have no difficulty in procuring elephants from Kāmarūpa, Kalinga and other provinces where they abounded. «Elephants are still found wild in places along the base of the Himalayas, as far west as the Dehra Dun ; a few are met with in parts of the great forest tract east of long 80°E. between the Ganges and the Kistna’137. 'The numbers of the Indian elephant have decreased greatly in India and Ceylon during the course of the last century'138 ; it is likely that formerly there were elephants in the eastern spurs of the What the poet Vindhyas to which the Arga kingdom, when powerful, certainly extended. means to say, however, is that the science of training elephants was much developed in the kingdom of Arga. Hemadri139, in his note on this passage, refers to the book of Pālakāppya, according to which the king of Anga was the first man to learn the science of taming wild elephants and brought down the science from heaven to earth for the first time. Kālidāsa here certainly refers to some such tradition as this.. § 27. Suhina Kalidasa makes Raghu start on his expedition of conquest from his capital Säketa or Ayodhya ; first of all he proceeds towards the east, and leading a mighty army towards the eastern sea, he finds his progress very easy, the kings who withstood him on the way being 137, 'Imperial Gazetteer', i. 230. 138. 1b. 139. Quotation in Nandargikar's ed. of 'Raghuvamsam', notes p. 113.

·43 ousted in some cases from their thrones or up rooted in others, or their power was broken in many cases, until he reached the coast of the ocean dark with the forests of palmyra trees (Riv 28 & 32) There he meets the Suhmas who were no match for him and, therefore, saved themselves by adopting the character of the cane creeper which hapgs down its head to the torrent of a river It is remarkable that Kālidāsa does not mention any kingdom or country between Košala and Suhma I think, it is so because the full powers of the Guptas under whom he lived was felt in these regions and almost the whole of nothern India they ruled over not merely as an Emperor holding the powers of a suzcrain over subordinate kings, but that it was governed directly by them from their capitals at Patalıputra, Ayodhya and Ujjein For this reason he does not mention Mälwā in the course of Raghu's expedition, nor any of the countries in northern India except those on the borders where there were rulers enjoying more or less independence This is also apparent from the fact that he does make a mention of such princes in other connections In the Dasakumāracarita, we read that Suhma contained the port of Dāmalıpta, which is nothing but Tāmralıpta, the great port through which was carried the maritime trade between northern India and China and the Indian colonies in the eastern seas Fa hien embarked in a large merchant vessel here, and of this port I tsing observes, 'This is the port where onc enbarks for returning to China'140 Of the numerous pilgrims whose lives are given by I tsing in his memoires, Tao lin, Ta teheng teng and Hwui Lun landed or embarked here Yuan Chwang describe Tāmralıptı as the capital of the country of the same name which no doubt was Kalidasa's Suhma141 He says that it was 1,400 lt in circuit , therefore, according to Fleet's calculation referred to before viz 100 l as equivalent to 12 12 miles, this would indicate a circuit of 170 miles , thus the country would include considerable portion of the modern districts of Midnapur ( in which Tāmralıptı is situated ) and also Hughli and Burdwan In the Pavana Dütam we are told that a town Vijayapura was its capital MM Chakravarty 143 identifies Vijayapura with the Nudialı mentioned in the Tabakat ı Nasırı143 and he considers Nudiah to mean Navadwip But it is very doubtful whether they can be so identified It is significant that Atharva Pariststal44 mentions the Tamralıptas as a people but not the Suhmadeśa, thus agreeing with Yuan Chwang Suhma is mentioned by Patañjali in his Mahābhāsya as an illustration to Panini's aphorism , visayo dese ( 1v 252) Patañjalı gives the following examples anganăm visayo angah / vangah / submah / pundrah // ( Kielhorn, Mahābhāsya Yol ll, P 282 ) A scholiast on Panini also mentions a Submanagara Some of There are many references to Suhma in the Puranas and the Mahābhārata them have been referred to by M M Chakravarty 140 Memoire composé a l'époque de la grande dynastie sang sur les religieux cmiocnts qui allerent chercher la loi dans les pays d occident par I tsing Traduit en Francais par E Chavannes, Paris 1894, 97 141 143 Ravertz, p 554 Watters, op cit, 11 189 142 JASB, 1905, p 45 144 Bolling & Negelein, Vol 1, pt 2, pp 374-5 Parisista 2 Y1, 3 & 4 Kurma Bibhāga ·44 1 § 28. Varga Kalidasa leads Raghu to the country of the Vargas from Suhma. He observes about them that the Vangas possessed a ſlect as one of the main divisions of their arms, and that they lived about the Ganges (Riv. 36 ), which is no doubt, the main channel of the Ganges that now flows through Eastern Bengal to the sea. Moreover, he refers to the characteristic Bengali method of agriculture, viz. transplantation (Riv. 37). He again refers to this practice in another place ( R xvii. 42). The Vangas arc considered by him to have fallen rather easy victims to Raghu. But a passage in the Atharva Parišiștal:45 does credit to the Vangas as a great marshal race. It says that tlicy are renowned in the earth for their prowess, and they meet the earth only on their death ; that is they do not bend down to the earth to acknowledge submission to any one, certainly not like the transplanted kalumas of Kalidasa : yo rājā prathitaparåkramah pệthiyyām vangāngādişu magadhah saśūrasenāḥ / ye yodhāh samaraṇabhūmilabdhaśabdáste sainyaiḥ kṣayam upayanti śukraghāte // This passage in connection with the Vangas, I think, has not been quoted by any one else. We have already quoted another passage from the Atharva Parisista mentioning the Vangas in connection with the Suhmas. Mm. Haraprasad Sastri has dealt with the history and geography of Vanga included in Bengal at great length in his presidential address at the meeting of the Sahitya Sammilana at Burdwan, and also previously as the President of the Reception Committee at the Calcutta meeting of the same conference. Rakhaldas Banerjee in his recently publihed Bangalar Itihāsa or the History of Bengal has dealt with the geography of Varga in great detail. Pargiter, from a consideration of the passages mentioning Vanga in the Mahabhārata and the Puräņas comes to the conclusion that 'Vanga must have comprised the modern districts of Murshidabad, Nadia, Jessore, and parts of Rajshahi, Pabna and Faridpur'146. This is only partially correct, as we see in the light of the researches of the Bengali scholars mentioned above. Kālidāsa's Vanga does no doubt mainly include what we now call Eastern Bengal, as he places this country after Suhma. § 29. Kalinga Kalidasa takes Raghu to the country of the Utkalas from Vanga : Raghu crossed the kapiša by means of a bridge of elephants and then with the Utkalas as his guides he proceeded towards kalinga. 145. Bolling & Negelein, op. cit.', p. 351. Pariſista LI, 4. 4. Chapter headed 'Gțhayuddham', 146, JASB, 1897, p. 97.

·45 sa tīrtvā kapıšām sainyair baddhadvıradasetubhih / utkalādarśı tapathah kalingåbhimukho yayau // Raghu iv 38 This verse clearly indicates that after crossing the river Kapısa, Raghu met tbe Utkala people, the Wu ta of Yuan Chwang147 and being guided by them he passed through their country in the direction of Kalınga The Kapıſa is, therefore, mentioned not as the boundary between Utkala and Kalinga, but as the boundary of the Utkala country towards the north east This river Kapıśa was identified by the German savant, Ch Lassen, with the Suvarnarekhäl48, which at the present day divides the Midnapur district from the district of Balasore, and I think he is not far wrong At the time of Kalidasa, the Utkalas seem to have been a very weak people, as they did not show fight at all, but on the other hand, like consummate diplomats helped the conqueror to pass through their country without any difficulty, and it is reasonable to conjecture that their kingdom at this time did not extend beyond the Suvarnarekhā, though in later times the Utkalas formed a vast kingdom comprising the whole of the vast coastal country extending from the southern part of the modern Midnapur district up to the river Godāvari and perhaps beyond, as we learn from the dominions of king Prataparudra as described in the Caitanja Cantāmrta There is not much force in Pargiter's argument that 'the Kapısa is the modern Cossye', 149 because the apparent similarity in name is due to nothing but the way in which Anglo Indians often mis-pronounce Indian names The real name is Känsai or Kamsävati which has very little to do with Kapıśa, and I think, Pargiter's equation ( Kamsaı-Kapısavati) does not carry conviction. In the Mahābhārata, Kalinga is said to include the river Vaitarani, though even there the text does not certainly indicate that it commences there, but rather it seems that Kalinga comprised both the banks of that river ete kalingäh kaunteya yatra vaitarani nadi / yaträyajata dharmo'pi devāñjaranam etya var // rsibhih samupāyuktam yajñiyam gırısobhitam / uttaram tīram etaddhi yatatam dvijasevitam //180 This passage signifies that the country where the Vaitarani flows is Kalinga and apparently the northern bank also belonged to Kalinga The weak Utkalas at this tune must have been wedged in between the Suhmas on the north and the Kalingas on the south, both of whom encroached upon their territories Kālıdasa next mentions the Mahendra mountain as included in Kalinga and the forces of the king of that country included a number of elephants The king is spoken of as Mahendranatha (Riv 43 ) and again as the lord 'of both Mahendra and the ocean' (R vi 54) There is a Mahendragırı 'a peak of the Eastern ghats in the Ganjam district, 149 JASB, 1897, p 98 147 Watters, 'op cit, P 193 148 Vide the map attached to Lassen s 'Indische alter tumskunde ISO 'Mahābhārata , Vanaparva, Ch 114 verses 4 5 Bang ed ·Madras, 180 54' N and 840 24' E, 4,923 feet above the sea level’151. But Kalidasa's Mahendra seems to be a range and to comprise almost the whole of the Eastern ghats, along the castern coast, lying between the Mahanadi and the Godavari; although it must be admitted that in the passage where he speaks of Raghu as planting his prowess on the crown or summit of Mahendra ( R iv. 39 ) there can be no doubt that the peak called Mahendra is meant there. There is a reference to the troops of elephants of Kalinga in the Nagpur Stone Inscription of the Rulers of Mālava. We read there, 'Even the troops of elephants of Aiga and Kalinga, kindred to the elephants of the quarters, and bulk like mountains set in motion by the storm at the destruction of the universe, and rivalling rain-clouds dark like herds of logs kept for pastime,-even they had to sue for mercy when they were bewildered by the union of the storm-wind with the powerful elephants belonging to the princes of the army'152, Megasthenes estimates that the king of Kalinga possessed 700 war elephants. Kálidāsa notices several characteristic natural products of the eastern coast regions. The betel-creeper is abundanl there so much so that Raghu's soldiers prepared their drinking beds with its leaves, and they drank the toddy produced by the formentation of the water in the cocoanuts (Riv. 42); again he refers to the forests of palms on the coast of the ocean ( R vi. 57). He also relates that the capital of Kalinga was on the sea-coast, so that the king was roused from his sleep by the roar of the sea (Rvi. 56). This was perhaps Kalingapațam of our modern times. §. 30. Pāndya Kálidása mentions the Pāņdyas in two places, once in connection with the conquest of Raghu and again in connection with the svayamvara of Indumati. They were defeated by Raghu, and they sought to conciliate him with an offer of pearls obtained from the ocean where the river Tāmraparni falls into it (R iv. 50). Then he speaks of the king Pāņdya as the lord of the city of Uragapura ( R vi. 59 ); his country contains the dales of the Malaya mountain where the sandal trees are encircled by the elā ( cardamom ) creepers and the betel nut trees are enclosed in a ring of tāmbūla or betel creepers. The king is described to be dark in complexion like the blue lotus ( R vi. 65 ), which shows that he belonged to the Dravidian race. Kálidāsa's description of the natural scenery of the country is very accurate ; the betel creepers and the tall and slim betel-nut trees form a predominant feature of the eastern coast and the sandal trees do abound even at the present day in the hills of southern Inda. As Dr. T. Bloch observes, 'On the whole Kälidāsa's pictures of the countries conquered by Raghu and their products rouse the impression of a precise knowledge which is best appreciated by us, when we notice that the distant countries were for the first time brought near to the people of Northern India through the 151. 'Imperial Gazetteer', 1907, Vol. xvii, p. 8. 152, Tr, by Kielborn. 'EI'. ii. p. 193. (verse 43 of the inscription )..

·DNSSerii NA WA Cosim Haya NM* WWW WW neol na ito a 10th Meyyy 22, nulla di ito a Jax.V.51 WWW I wil wyniki 2 TSITI mar 'Vs. Withens 'n any lidt titul (Fizzyattaa jotta Luito con i tot wyty Vitri een the same asus x?? CITUT #**** 4uIyal Not the one is part bere and cut the liria eta hirin 1W Yuk egit vacations of pearls that nere Indua za kis kita inging The Hill Within Taoiraparnilss Then be produtus to cnum rite the hill Multimedia wewe ni Thus skors very clearly that Tamraparni must hudhni 141011 With the lite diffenag o many particulars from those of Sumili Bhulp Ventes the lateria tator, explains Tamraparni as the riler la tho cnunciation of the mi w with atso, Varahamıhıra mentions Sımlala und 1 Imoupraf puutely s buth As longtime the south of India 156 We read in the Periplus of the Mother nit del 'thili walent Windo to Colci, where the pearl fishicrocs art, and it Oulunge Mithu Madhan Alayalam Beyond Colcı there follows another district cilled the Cont cuity will let us abo), and has a region inland called Argirn At this place at wwuu law, w do pearls gathered on the coast thereabouts'157. Wo kuow thint dient al lllv 11 lutality food is a niver Tambraparni in the Pandya country, in the linkovelly Melilla Mutan songs and the slopes of the peak Agastyamalai un trio Western yliuta and millong into the mult vi Momo *Near the mouth of the river is Kolkal ( tho Colch of thio Priptoy ), thu that aplil oto Påndyas, the earliest seat of Dravidian civilisation and unco II dimulai Heuponien shows that there were pearl fisheries at the mouth of the rivu maput, ul Aulillo ito mentioned in the Periplus There has been much difference of opinion about the site of this contuf the PAWAN Kingdom mentioned by the poct, viz Urugspuru Ilio namo alla Il sound with whilo, at present*a suburb of the town of Trichinopoly on the aver Cau/1/'1', Tbile Ummi/ in ancient times was known as the capital of the Cold klyon mw Holy that of the Pandyas As Caldwell says, 'We know from nati/c pocit that this along of the wat capital of the Soras was UscijÚs (pronounced Orcijůr Y15), ili apsilt diting by a gif Dearly identical with the modern Trichinopol/161, As we 116 * 11 *!15, mint or Kolkai, the Panduan port, was a dslrict call this unit it, Hy 153 Deze komentual , VIGA Winnie tla 171 174 , lun, D 674 14 15 12. '1,8 , Kenn, (and/orini 15. 15., 77,0,1 191 153. Loremony Coh, 3110A 1,113 1114 100 ماي 4 مر * ورد می کرد و و و مر دمية 2 G4 ·48 asserts, 'was derived from the native name, 'Cola coast, cola-mandalam'162, where, as the Periplus asserts, was situated Argaru, the capital of the Cola country, which Schoff identifies with Uraiyūr. He says, 'It is submitted that this Argaru is identical with Uraiyur, Oraiyur, Warriore, the ancient capital of the Cola kingdom, now part of Trichinopoly'. The Periplus was written in the second half of the first century after Christ, about 60 A. D. But Ptolemy, who died after 161 A. D., and whose Geography may therefore be taken to have been written about a century after the Periplus, mentions 'Argeiron a town, in the Orgalic Gulf, in the Land of Pandion'183. From this we may be justified to deduce that Argaru and Argeiron refer to one and the same town, viz. Uragapura, the Sanskrit form of the name with which it agrees more in sound than with the Tamil form, Uraiyur ; and the fact that Ptoleny mentions the town, as belonging to the Pāņdya country shows that it was at the time in the possession of the Pāņdyas. This name Uragapura occurs in a copperplate inscription of the early Cálukya king Vikramāditya I. 'It is dated in the saka Samvat 596 ( A. D. 674). The grant recorded in the inscription was made at the request of Queen Ganga-Mahadevi, while the king's victorious army having entered the Colika province ( visaya ) was encamped in Uragapura situated on the southern bank of the Käveri’164, This puts it beyond doubt that Uragapura is the same as Uraiyur or Trichinopoly on the Cauvery. It is quite possible that at the time when Kalidasa wrote, the Cola country had temporarily passed into the hands of the Pāņdyas, as appears very likely from the fact that Kälidāsa, who is generally very accurate in the geographical description of the different parts of India, makes no mention of the Colas at all; but he mentions Kerala, the country of the Ceras, the other power in the Dravidian trio of powers in the south. The Ceras, Colas and the Pāņdyas are mentioned in the inscriptions of Asoka165, and the Colas and Pāņdyas have been mentioned by the merchant author of the Periplus. Ptolemy also mentions the the Soras, but they appear to have been driven away from their capital, Argeiron. Orthoura, Ptolemy's capital of the Paralia Soreton does not seem to be the same as Uragapura. In the Mahābhārata, a very powerful Pandya king is mentioned, but there is no similar mention of a Cola king. The Colas are mentioned with the Pāņdyas and Keralas as fighting on the side of Yudhisthira 166. But all the Dravidians residing on the eastern and the western coasts appear to have been led to join Yudhişthira's army by the Pandya king, as we read in the Udyogaparva, where the names of the people joining the two sides are mentioned, that Påndya joined Yudhisthira with many kinds of warriors living in the countries near the sea 167. Again, in the Karnaparva, a whole chapter is devoted to the fight and death of the great Pāņdya king who, it is said, did not consider himself in any way inferior to Bhişma, Karpa, Väsudeva or Arjuna 168. From all these passages it is clear that at the time of the Mahābhārata, the Pāņdya king was very powerful and was the leader of all the Dravidian races. Kälidāsa tells us that his Pandya king had forced the king of Lankā to enter into a peace with him, and that he was the paramount power over a considerable part of southern 162. Schoff, op. cit.', p. 241. 163. 'Ancient India as Described by Ptolemy', tr. by J. W. McCrindle, 1885, p. 59. 164. JRAS, 1911, pp. 156-7. 165. IA, XX. pp. 239, 240, 249. 166. Karnaparva, Ch. xii, verse 15, Vang. ed. 167, Udyogaparva, Ch. xix, verses 9-10, Yang, ed. 168. Karpaparya, Ch. xx, verses 5-6. Yang. ed.

·India appears from Sunanda's statement that if Indumati married Pandya she would become a fellow queen, as it were, of the southern quarters (R VI 63 ) Yuan Chwang also found the Cola country 'a wild jungle region with very few settled inhabitants'109 From all these considerations, it seems reasonable to conclude that the Cola capital was in the hands of the Pandyas at the time A Sanskrit poem, Pavana Dūtam written by Dhoyiki, a court poet of Laksmanasena, king of Bengal about the end of the twelfth century, mentions Uragapura or Bhujagapura, the capital of the pānda deśa on the bank of the Tamraparni (verse 8) I think this twelfth century poet had no personal knowledge of the geography of south India, but he borrowed, as may be amply illustrated, his description of the southern countries from Kalidasa, as he did borrow from him his idea of the whole poem from the Meghadātam, and even there he has made a mess Kälıdasa indeed speaks of the Tamraparni and Uragapura as belonging to the Pandya country, but he never speaks of the one being on the bank of the other Here Dhoyıka depending on his book knowledge only has joined up the two From the account of the conquests of Raghu, it is not possible to find out the exact boundaries of any kingdom or province After describing the conquest of the Kalinga country he leads Raghu's armies along the east coast towards the south and after describing the coast as lined with betel nut trees he simply says that Raghu went towards the south (R IV 44) Then he says that the king crossed the Káveri (R LV 45), and after this he, yearning after conquest, had travelled a long way, then his forces entered the valleys of the Malaya mountain covered with pepper forests ( R iv 46), and there passing through a country abounding in ela latā ( cardamom creepers ) and sandal wood tress, Raghu meets the Påndyas in the extreme south before he turns towards the west ( R iv 479) From this account it seems clear that there must have been countries intervening between Kalinga in the far north and the Pāndya land in the extreme south Kälıdasa does not mention to which country the Cauvery belonged, nor does it seem that it formed boundary between the two kingdoms of Kalinga and Pārdya Kalinga does not appear at any time to have extended beyond the Godavari It is apparent therefore that there were kingdoms lying between the two powerful monarchies of Kalinga and Pandya , but Kalıdāsa's business being a poetical one, he has described only the powerful kings that Raghu vanquished and neglected the smaller and more unimportant kingdoms 170 Sometimes he has dismissed a people with merely a bare mention, as in the case of the Utkalas This method of passing over the smaller kingdoms has been followed by him throughout Towards the south west, the poet does not mention any other country until Raghu crosses the Western Ghats, the Sahya Range Here he appears to strike the real boundary of the Pandya kingdom which comprised generally the modern districts of Tinnevelly and Madura with considerable parts of Travancore, especially the southern portion 169 Watters, 'op cit, u p 224 170 At the svayamvara of Indumati also the only proces of the eastern coast that he meations arc those of Kalinga and Pandya ·50 § 31. Malaya From the analysis that we have given above it will be seen that our poet mentions the Malaya hill after the Käveri is crossed and in canto VI ( śloka 64 ) he speaks of the dales of the Malaya in the Pāņdyadeśa. He next speaks of the two mountains Malaya and Dardura, which were just like the two breasts of the earth, and having enjoyed these two which were covered with sandal-wood trees, that is, having passed with his army, through the dales and valleys of these two peaks, he met the Sahya range and crossed it ( R iv. 51-2). Again, while Rāma points out the sea to Sitä from his sky-borne car Puspaka, he tells her to look at the foaming ocean divided up to the foot of the Malaya mountain by the bridge he built ( R-xiii. 2). This shows that Kālidāsa considers the Malaya hills to commence at the Cauvery and to continue up to Rāmeśvaram, thus including the Nilgiri hills, the Madura Range, the Annimalai and Palni Hills, the Cardamom bills and also perhaps some portion of the southern section of the western ghats. The name Malaya, it appears, was not applied either by Kälidāsa or in Sanskrit works generally, to any particular mountain, but it was used to designate the southern hills in general. "The Tamil word Malai as well as the Malayalam word Mala means mountain in general, and not any particular mountain. The name Malayalam owes its origin to the mountainous character of the country'171. The Brhat Samhitā mentions Malaya and Dardura together as mountains in the south 173. Wilson would confine Malaya 'to the southern portion of the Western Ghats’173, and Mr. Manmohan Chakravarty speaks of Malaya as 'the hill range forming the eastern boundary of Travancore’174. Mr. Anandaram Borooal, says 'the mention (by Kálidása ) of the Caveri flowing by it ( Malaya ), leaves no doubt that it is the same as the modern Nilgiris'175. But Bhavabhūti applies the name Malaya to the southern range (Viracaritam, Act. vii, 11 ). From the mention of Malaya as the mountain to which Sugriva fled on the approach of Rama and Lakşmaņa to Rşyamūka and Pampā176, Mr. Pargiter would suggest that the Malaya range comprised also the southern portion of the Western Ghats'177 at the time of the Rāmāyaṇa. The fact is that the name Málaya was applied, as I have stated before, indifferently to all the mountains in the south. That it was applied to a portion of the western ghats also seems to be suggested by the name Malabar which is a hybrid word composed of the Malayalam word mala, ‘hill' and the Arabic word bar, meaning country, so that ‘Malabar' means 'the land of bills', i.e. the same thing as Malayalam. Apart from this general mention of the Malaya range, Kālidasa mentions a peaķ by the name of Malaya which, with its neighbour Dardura, seemed like the breasts of the southern regions. Such a description could only be made of two peaks not very far from each other and also distinguished by their height from other peaks in the same locality. As I have said before, Varāhamihira mentions Malaya and Dardura together. In the Harşacaritam we read 'Mount Malaya is hard by the Dardura rock, whose cave temples 171. JBBRAS, xxiii (1914), 81. 172. Kern, op. cit.', p. 89. 173. Vişnu-Purāņa, ed. Hall, ii. 128. 174. JASB, 1905, p. 43. 175. 'Bhavabbūti and his place in Sanskrit Literature', Calcutta 1878. 176. 'Rāmāyaṇa' Kişkindhyākānda, Ch. ii. verse 14. (Nir. ed.). 177. JRAS, 1894, P. 255.

·51 are pleasant with the fragrance of sandal branches tossed by the wind from the southern ocean's waves; and Mahendra joins Malaya.'178 In the Mahābhārata we are told that rich gifts, were brought to Yudhisthira from Malaya and Dardura.179 From all these passages we find that the two,peaks Malaya and Dardura are associated together not only in Kalidasa's works but in Sanskrit literature generally; so that their prominence in the hilly regions of the south must have been such as easily to attract the attention of observers. I would therefore suggest thạt Dardura is Dodabetta ( meaning 'pig mountain') which is 'the highest peak of the Nilgiri hills and the second highest point south of the Himalayas, standing in 110 24' N, 760 44' E in the Ootacamund taluk of the Nilgiri district, height 8,760 ft. above the sea 280. Malaya, I guess, is the Anaimudi peak in the extreme northeast of Travancore state. It is 8,837 ft. above the sea, and the highest point in Southern India. Again, 'the highest point is Anaimudi peak in Travancore state (8,837 ſt.) while Dodabetta in the Nilgiri district reaches 8,760 ft.181 I think that Raghu with his armies crossed the Sahya Range or the Western Ghats between these two peaks, and in fact, the well-known Palghat gap which is the only wide opening through the western ghats here, lies between these two peaks. The railway line crosses the Western Ghats here, and Raghu must have crossed them there. The Mahendra bill mentioned in the Hai şacaritam ( quoted above) is 'a peak (in the southern portion of the western ghats ), 14 miles from Nanguneri, 5,370 ft. high, reputed to be the hill from which the monkey god Hanumana jumped across the Larki when he went to gather news of Sita'.182 The statement that Mahendra joins Malaya is significant, showing that the southern portion of the Western Ghats were also comprised in the word Malaya. § 32.- Kerala After crossing the Sahya range, that is, the Western Ghats, Raghu reached the narrow strip of land on the other side, so that it seemed that the sea forming the garments had slipped away from the hips of the earth (Riv. 52 ). The sea, though a fair distance away from the hills, seemed to be very near, as the intervening space had been filled with the numerous troops of the conqueror, who was bent upon conquering the countries on the western coast extending from Travancore to Surat (R iv. 53 ). There the first country named by Kālidāsa is Kerala, where the clouds of dust raised by the army of Raghu served as a substitute for the powder employed to decorate the hair by Kerala women who, through fear, flung away their ornaments (R iv. 54). There his soldiers encamped on the banks of the river Kurala ; and two prominent features in the natural scenery of the country arc mentioned by him, viz. the abundance of Ketaka trees, the pollen from the flowers of which formed a thick curtain about his army, and the forests of kingly palms; he also 178. 'Harşacarita', tr. by 2. B. Cowell and F. W. Thomas, p. 211. 179. Sabhāparva, Ch, lul. verse 34, (Vang. ed.). 180. 'Inp. Gaz.', (1907). 181. Ib., Vol. V, p. 334 & Vol. XI, p. 215. 182. Ib., Vol. xxii, p. 362.

·52 nientions the date palins which occur towards the north of the Aparanta country to which we shall come afterwards. The Keralaka people are mentioned in the south of India in the Brhat Samhitāl83. In the Mahābhārata, we read that Sahadeva conquered them 184. We have already quoted the passage wbere they are shown to have been present in the army of Yudhisthira with the Colas. Kerala is mentioned in the 2nd and the 13th rock edicts of Asoka along with the Pāņdyas and others185. The Kauralaks mentioned in the Allahabad Inscription of Samudragupta are doubtful. Fleet considers the correct reading to be Kairalaka, the people of Kerala186, But this country is so far to the south that it is doubtful if Samudragupta's army ever reached there. In the Atharva-Parisista, the Sahyagiri or the Western Ghats are mentioned along with Konkan etc. in the south-west 187. 'In its widest signification the name Kerala was applied to the whole territory extending from the Kangarote river, near Goa in North Kanara, to Cape Comorin ( Kumārin ). In its more restricted signification the name applied to the southern portion of the coast, now comprised in the Malabar district, and in the Cochin and Travancore states'188, According to the ancient Tamil literatures, the Cera or Kerala kingdom was divided into five provinces or nāļus189, occupying the regions mentioned above, though the southern province Venādu, comprising the southern portion of Travancore, did at times form a part of the Päņdya kingdom. Even at the present day the people of the whole of Kerala comprising the Malabar district and states of Cochin and Travancore are homogenous as we read in the Imperial Gazetteer : 'Identical in people, language, laws, customs and climate, the whole of ancient Kerala is homogenous in every respect, except in the accident of a divided political administration'190. $ 33. Aparānta Kālidāsa uses the word Aparānta in its strictly literal and wide sense. It means the apara, i.e. the 'western", and anta or 'end'; therefore aparānta means the western ends or the western marches. As such Kálidasa includes the Kerala country in Aparānta. He mentions Aparānta first when Raghu has just crossed the ghats (R iv. 53 ) and then he speaks of Kerala as one of the countries included in it. This takes us, as I have shown above, from the extreme south to the neighbourhood of Goa. Then Kālidāsa speaks of the date palms which flourish most in the north, specially in the dry, arid regions of Sindh. Then we find Kalidasa to speak of the kings of Aparánta as paying tribute to Raghu; but it should 183. Ch. xiv, verse 12. 184. Sabhāparva, Ch. xxi, verses 69 & 71. (Vang. ed.). 185. EI, ii. 449 & 463. 186. Fleet, 'Gupta Inscriptions', p. 7, line 19. 187. Bolling & Negelein, op. cit., p. 374-5. 188. JRAS, 1897, p. 867. 189. V. A. Smith, 'Early History' pp. 456-7 (3rd ed). 190. 'Im. Gaz.', xvii. 56.

·$3 be further observed that here also he speaks of the sea, which, he says, pays the tnbute under the disguise of the Aparānta princes It is, therefore, clear, that he did not mean his Aparanta to extend far inland, but that in this name he included all the country from Cape Comorin, the southernmost point of Kerala to Sindh in the north This, I think, also explains his mention of Triküta which is supposed to have been the origin of the name Traikutaka and which has been identified with Tripura or Tripuri, the capital of the Kalacuris, this point, however, is very doubtful Tripuri in central India may be considered to be too far inland to be included in Kālıdāsa's Aparānta, but we may observe that his Anūparaja, ‘king of the country lying on the sea coasť, had his capital far inland at Mahismati or Mandatta Dr R G Bhandarkar for the first time identified Aparanta with the western coast He says, 'Aparanta must be the Western coast below the Sahyādrı , for Kalidasa represents Raghu, in the fourth canto of the Raghuramsam ( śloka 52, 53 & 58 ) to have crossed the Sahya to conquer that country, and to have, by means of his immense army made the sea to appear 'as if it touched the Sahya Mountain'101 Dr Bhagavanlal Indraji following him says, 'It corresponds with modern Konkana, the district extending from Gokarna, in the Karwar Collectorate to the Daman Ganga, the frontier river of Gujarat, or perbaps even further north to the Tapı’199 He quotes in support of his statement a passage from the commentary to the Kāmasūtra and a passage in the Mahābhārata, where it is asserted that Arjuna visited all the tirthas in Aparänta up to Prabhasa in Kathiawar Dr G Buhler in a note also accorded his agreement with this viewl's Pandit Indraji also observes on the authority of the Viśvakosa quoted by Mallınatha that śürpāraka or Sopara was its capital, but this is far from satisfactory Dr Burgess also agrees with this view General A Cunningham, on the evidence offered by the Aparanta coins, shows Apa- Tanta to extend farther north and also to include territories considerably inland Thus he observes-Aparantika is placed by Varāhamıhıra in the Western Division of India along with Sindhu Sauvira and Pancanada, or Sindh and the Punjab'104 He further argues, 'The coins of the Aparantikas, bearing the inscription Apalatasa Mahārajasa, were found chiefly in Rajputana, about Nimach and Ajmer, by Colonel Stacy, while my own specimens have been obtained in North Rajputana and Mathura For these reasons I conclude that the country known as Aparantika or 'West Land', was actually in the West of India, and that it did not extend geographically to the south of the Narbada Politically Sopārā and other places to the south of that river may have been included' But this is not the view of Kālıdása, as we have shown above Yet, at the same tune, it has to be admitted that Cunningham's argument derived from the find of coins has much force Fleet205 also points out that one of the Asoka edicts classes the Yavanas, Kambojas and Gåndhāras as Aparåota Aparānta is mentioned in a Nasik inscription 196 It occurs in several other inscriptions also Aparānta is mentioned in the Malāvamsa as one of the countries to 191 Transaction of the second session of the International Congress of Orientalists held in September 1874 Ed R K Douglas, London 1876 Page 313 192 IA, yn 259 193 lb, p 263 194 Coins of Ancient India', p 102 & 103 195 IA, xxu 173 196 EI, y 60 ·which a missionary was sent after the Third Buddhist Council197. Dr. J. F. Fleet identifies Aparänta with 'the Konkan, with also northern Gujarat, Kathiawad, Cutch, and Sind'198. This is much the same as what we have established above as the limits of Aparānta, viz. from Cape Comorin to Siadh. We have already referred to the ririha of Gokarna ia Aparänta. Kālidāsa mentions it as having been visited by Nárada who went there to worship the image of Śiva. (R viii. 33), Arjuna visited Gokarna and all the tirthas in the Aparānta and last of all went to Prabhūsa. We have already referred to it. The sacrificial horse of Yudhisthira also proceeded from Gokarna to Prabhāsa199. In the enumeration of Tirthas in the Vanaparva, Gokarna is placed between the Kanyátirtha, i.e. Cape Comorin, and the Venā river ; and it is said to be situated in the sea?00. "Gokarna is a town in the Kumta Taluka of North Kanara district, Bombay, 140 32' N and 740 19' E'201. The temple of Mahabaleswar here is a place of pilgrimage now, and contains the Śiva referred to in the above passages, § 34. Anüpa The Anupa country is included in Aparānta or the 'Western Marches'. Anûpa literally means 'the land lying on the sea-coast. The capital of this country is said by Kálidāsa to have been Mähişmati round the ramparts of which the Revå was like a girdle on the hips, and from the windows of the palaces in which the curling ripples in that river could be seen. From this account of Mähismati given by Kálidāså it has been argued by Mr. Pargiter and Dr. Fleet that 'this distinctly locates Māhismatī, not on the Narbada, but in the middle of it ; that is, on an island in it. The other statement is in the Harivamša in the passage ( 5218-27 ) which narrates the founding of the city by Mucukunda ......( He ) made Mähismati at the feet of the two mountains, Vindhya and Rksavat...... This latter passage marks a locality where the Vindhya and the Satpura ranges contact the valley, and come close to the river; that Maheswar does not satisfy the conditions of either of the two statements ; and the place which does satisfy them is the rocky island and village of Māndhätä, now sacred to śiva, and containing a famous shrine of him as Oäkäranātha, about 35 to 40 miles up the river, lat. 220 15', lọng 760 12', six miles east of ‘Barwai' and 7 miles ENE of *Mortakka', stations on the Malvya section of the Rajputana-Malwa Railway'203. This has finally settled the position of Māhismati. It received support from certain inscriptions. As Dr. Fleet points out, 'The inscriptions on the Māndhātā plates of Paramāra king Devapåla ( Epi. Ind., IX, 108 ) tell us that in A. D. 1225, when he made the grant recorded in it, he was staying at Māhişmati'aos. Mr. Pargiter is of opinion that at the time of Kálidása 197. 'Mabāvamśa', ed. Wilhelm Geiger, London 1908, Ch. xii, verses 1-4, 34 & 35. 198. JRAS, 1910, P 427. 199. Aśvamedhapárva, Ch. 83, verse 13 (Vang. ed.). 200. Vanaparva, Ch. 85, vorses 24 ff. 201. 'Imp. Gazi', xii, 307. 202. JRAS, 1910.-443. 203. Ib, p. 427.

·$3 Mähismati must have been absorbed in Avanti and therefore extinct; and he argues thcre. from that our poet's 'description of it and its king in the Raghmanšam stows mcidentally that in portrayiog ancient times he did not follow tlic political geography of his day, but threw his mind back into ancient conditions with very considerablc antiqu irian knowledge 104 The references to Míhısmati in Sanskrit and Buddhistic literaturc and in inscriptions have been given by Dr J Burgess, Mr Pargiter and Dr Flectao, I lcrc give only a few about the Anupa country In the Mahābhārata, Sabhāpırvi, we have anūpardjo xurdlargahı (Cb IV verse 28) In the santiparva, ( Ch fix, versc 113 ), we layo mention or to anūpadeśa Arjuna, Kartaviryya, is called Anupapati (Vanaparva, verso 10189 ) Auipa is mentioned in the Nasık inscription ready quoted in connection with Apiriinta A passage in the Vayupurāna about the origin of the name of the capital Mälusmati of the Harhayas does not appear to have been mentioncd by any one We read in that Purana haibayasya tu dayādo dharmatantra iti śrutih // 4 dharmatantrasya kirtis tu samjñcyasya catmajali / samjõeyasya tu dāyādo mahismannāna pârthivah /400 It was after this king Mahismăn that the capital was called Māhismati $ 35, Parasikas From Sindh which, as we have demonstrated, was included in Aparanta, Kalidósu leads his hero against the Persians and he expressly states that Raghu hcrc followed the land route in preference, apparently, to the sea route, which then cxisted between Vic towas at the mouths of the Indus and the Persian gulf The Greek conqucror, Alexander, kad followed both the paths, the land as well as thc sca-routes, and thic information about both these routes he had derived from the native Indians It is not very di Nicult to pass into Makran or Baluchistan from Sind, at Icast it is Icss dificult to do so than through the passes farther north through the Suleiman Range. He might have passed through the passes of Mula, Mashkat or Bolan or 'thc Gandava Basın (opposite Jacobabad in Sind) (Kachhi Gandaya), which opens the way to Qucita '207 The railway linc to Questa passes here We know also that the Makran was fertile and very thoroughly irrigated in former times, 'it is full of the relics of ancient irrigation works'200 cvcn to the present day, so that it was not so difficult to march through it Morcover, wc arc told that from the Persian frontier to Quelta routes may be found which cncounter so 204, Ib, p 867 205 'Archäological Survey of Western India...Report on the Antiquities of Kathiawada and Kach, London, 1876, pp 130-1 203 lb 206 Ch xcıv, YETICS 4&S 207 "Im Gazi', 1 1 GK.9 ·56 formidable water partings and cross no difficult passes. It follows also that from Kandahar in Afganistan to the sea southwards equally easy passages are to be found, involving little or none of the constructive difficulties which have ever beset those lines of railway which take the frontier bill formation at right angles, cutting across the axis of the ridges',209 Thus we see why Kālidāsa does not mention any other kingdoms between Aparanta and the land of the Pärasikas. He makes Raghu return through the north-western route and mount up the Himalayas. / § 36, Greeks At about the same time as the defeat of the Persians, Kālidāsa mentions the loss of the flush of wine on the lotus-fair faces of yavanis or the ladies of the yavanas, These yavana-women mean most probably Greek women. There was no great or powerful Greek kingdom at this time, because their power had been suppressed by the Yueh-chi in the first century A.D.210 But the Greeks had held an empire in Bactria and Parthia for several centuries and naturally large numbers of them had settled in those regions and they, being a warlike race, carried their arms to any king that could pay them for their services. The Greeks continued to influence the Kushan coinage and art in Gandhāra for a long time after they lost their status as an independent and ruling race. The term Yavana is found in the Purānas to be used a little loosely, but Varãhamihira211 and the Gārgi-samhitā apparently uses the word to mean the Greeks in the well-known passase, which Kern translates as : 'the Greeks are Mlecchas, but amongst them this science is duly established; therefore even they are honoured as Rşis; how much more, then, an astrologer who is a Brahmin.'913 The Gandhāra school of art influenced by the Graeco-Roman art of the early empire 'reached its highest point of development early in the second century of the Christian era.'218 It is evident, therefore, that the Greeks were not extinct at the time when Kalidasa lived, though from the way they are mentioned, it appears clear that they could not have exercised any great power at the time, but that they were known even then as cultured men and warriors seems to be without doubt. Alberuni translates a passage in Brahmagupta, an astronomer later than Varāhamihira, thus : 'Brahmagupta says: Many of the Siddhāntas are Sürya, others Indu, Pulisa, Romaka, Vaśiştha, and Yayana, i.e. the Greeks'.914 Albea runi, again, in translating the word 'yavana' in the Brhat Samhita ( Ch. xiv, verse 18 ) says, ‘yayana i.e. the Greeks.'215 McCrindle gives the following note about the yayanas : "The name of Ion, the eponymous ancestor of the Ionians, had originally the digamma, and hence was written as Ivon. The Hebrew transcription of this digammated form is Javan, the name by which Greece is designated in the Bible. The Sanskrit transcrip- 209. Ib. p. 8. 210. V. Smith, 'op. cit.', 236. 211. Ch. ii, verse 15. 212. Kera, 'Brhat-Samhịtā’, Intro. p. 35. 213. V. Smith, op. cit., 267, 215. Ib. p. 302. 214. Alberupi's 'India', tr. Sachan, Vol. i, P. 153, ·57 generally' 216 tion is yavana, the name applied in Indian works to Ionians or Greeks and foreigners Dr Fleet adds to this a further note "The thirteenth rock edict of Asoka speaks of the yonas, 1 e yavanas (Ind Ant XX pp 239,240,247), and it describes Antiochus II of Syria, as a yona (1 e yavana) king (ibid, pp 239, 240 242 ) The yavanas as a tribe are mentioned in one of the Năsik inscriptions (Arch Sur Westh Ind , IV, p 109), and several individual yavanas are mentioned in the same series of records (ibid pp 90,91,93,94,95,115 ) '217 $ 37 The Western Nations Kalıdása speaks of the Western people with whom Raghu fought a very fierce battle and who fought with horses (Riv 62) These western people are spoken of as wearing long beards on their faces (R iv 63 ) and that when they were defeated, they sought Raghu s protection and acknowledged their submission by taking off their helmets (R 1v 64) Kālıdāsa also tells us that in this country there were rich vineyards where Raghiu's soldiers spread the choicest deer skin and relieved themselves of the fatigue of obtaining victory with the wine extracted from grapes ( R iv 65 ) All these details describe the people living between Kandahar and Kabul and the regions thereabouts After defeating the Persians, Raghu had to meet these fierce warrior tribes living in the ancient land of Gāndhāra and defeat them before he could march up to the north to meet the Hünas on the banks of the Oxus These regions have been noted for their plentiful growth of fruits, specially grapes We read in the Imperial Gazetteer, 'South of Kabul, beyond the basın of the Kabul river, there are many extensive valleys teeming with villages and highly cultivated The great ( and almost level ) highroad from Kabul to Kandahar passes through a fairly rich country, a land of irrigated fields and green pastures The valleys of Chardeh, Maidan, Wardak and Kohistan are visions of luxuriant beauty in the fruit ripening months of Northern Afghanistan'218 Kālıdāsa does not mention, in particular the name of any people or nation, because this hinterland was at hış time a no man's land where Greek, Persian, Yueh chi, Saka, and Hun measured their swords very often, and one after another fresh bordes of conquerors were pouring through it All thic ancient landmarks had been removed and these pastures and vineyards219 were enjoyed by the people with the mightiest arms for the time being But whoever held these rich valleys must have been very powerful in wielding arms and offered a strong resistance to any intruder They were not the people to adopt the 'way of the cane creepers The horses of these regions were famous in India and much prize In the Malā. bharata we have again and again the mention of horses obtained from Gāndhåra, Kamboja, Vanāyu, Āratta etc, on and beyond the north-western borders of India 3 10 216 'Invasion of India by Alexander the Great', p 122, note 1 217 IA, XXII, 194-5 Imp Gaz' Vol 1 pp 13-14 219 The grapes of these regions, of Kabul and Kandahar were very well known in India at the time of Akbar 'Ain 1 Akbarı translated by Blochmann and Jarrett, Vol 1, p65 220 "Mahābhārata', Bhışmaparva, Ch 71, Anušāsanaparva, Ch 103, Karnaparva, Ch 7, 44, 218 ·53 Lu ihe Rāmājana also se meet with a mention of the good horses of these countries. 221 Ayodhya is spoken of 3s full of best horses like these. Kalidasa himself makes a mention of the horses of Vanāyu (R v. 72), Vallinátha explains by quoting Halayudha thai Vanāyu is Persia. In the Vācaspatya Dictionary, Vanäyu is said to Arabia, and that the horses referred to are Arab horses. In the Harśacaritam, we read "He next beheld a stable filled with the king's favourite horses from Yanāyu, Āratta, Kamboja, Bharadvāja, Sindh and Persia."221 In the Amarakoşa we have in the chapter Nāmalingānaśāsanam-Vanäyujāḥ pārasīkāḥ kamboja vählika hayāḥ'. In one of the Ajanta frescoes, we have a picture where a group of foreigners are seen at the court of an Indian king, apparently come there with a message from a foreign prince; they are marked by their long beards, and their horses are shown in the picture. Fergusson considered it to represent a Persian embassy. I quote from Griffiths Ajanta: The subject of this picture was supposed, by the late Fergusson, to be an Iranian embassy sent by Khasru II of Persia (A.D. 591-628 ) to Pulakeši II (A.D. 609-640) of Maharastra, whose capital was probably at Badami in South Kaladgi. Tabari, the Arabic historian, gives clear evidence of close relations between the two kings. The date would be about A.D. 625. Fergusson says, with regard to the members of the embassy, that they are Persians is nearly certain from their complexion and general appearance, as well as from their costume, which is carefully contrasted with those of the Indians in the same picture (J.R.A.S., N.S., Vol XI, p.105 )". Whoever they were, they certainly were a Rople who inhabited the countries west of the ladus and south of Hindukush and who Teached their destination on horseback, for their horses are shown in the There are three of these men with outlandish costumes and appearance and they all wear beards. Dr. T. Bloch thus comments on these passages of Kálidasa : , 'The jump (from Apa- Tänta to Persia ) seems big, and one asks oneself involuntarily wherefore Raghu travelled over the country from Bombay to Persia by the land-route; the sea-route, which we would at the present day take, should surely have been more acceptable. We must, nevertheless, bear in mind that at the time when Samudragupta extended his sway over West India, there actually ruled and were overthrown by him princes of western descent whom he includes in the Allahabad inscription ( line 23 ) under the names : Daivaputra, śahi, Sahāmuşāhi, Śaka and Murunda. And that Kālidāsa knew of these foreign princes a little more than their names, se perceive not only from verse 63, where he alludes to their custom of waaring beards, even further also from the verse 64, where we read about them that they took down their helmets as a token of their overthrow by Raghu. That was a western custom which was later revived in India by the Muhammadans. I believe it is impossible for any one to shut his eyes to such agreement. Kālidāsa drew up his descriptions of the people conquered by Raghu and their customs and usage on the basis of more living observation, picture.'225 J 221. Rāmāyaṇa, idikānda, Cn. vi, sarse 22 (Ni. Ed. ). 222. Harsamaritam' t. Cowall and Thomas, p. 50. 223. Grigths, "The Paintings in the Buddhist Cave Temples of Ajanta', London 1896, Vol. i, p. 23.

·59 and his kuowledge thereof he owed to the campaigns of Samudragupta which had brought nearer those lands distant from Āryävartta proper and their whabitants*224 § 38 Hūnas Our poet says that after vanquishing the western races, Raghu marched towards the north (Riv 66 ) extirpating the northern tribes Then his horses, which had relieved the fatigue of their journey by rolling about on the bank of the Vanksu ( the Oxus ), shook their shoulders to which were attached the filaments of saffron (R iv 67) There the exploits of Raghu made the ladies in the harems of the Hunas gash their foreheads, on account of their husbands having felt the power and been slaughterd by the mighty conqueror (R 1v 68 ) From the valleys of Kandahar and Kabul, Raghu marched towards the north, extirpating the tribes who stood on his way, marching through the passes of the Hindukush in which there are several depressions across which comparatively easy byways connect the north and south The most famous of all the Hindukush passes ( historically ) is that which is said to derive its name Hindukusht, or "dead Hindu", from the fate which once befell a Hindu force on its summit, and which is but of a group leading from the Oxus basın to Kabul This has indeed been a veritable highway of the nations'2 25 In the verses that follow (R 1v 67 ) I have accepted the readings of Vallabha whose texts are more reliable and older by several centuries than those of Mallınātha who reads here sındhutiravicestanaih and kapolapātalādeś in place of sanksutiravicestanaih and kapolapātanādeśı Vallabhas is the earliest known scholium on Kālıdāsa 226 Hultzsch in his edition of Meghadātam with the commentary of Vallabhadeva, obserys 'What renders them specially valuable to us is the fact that they represent the text of Kalidasa and Māgha as it was current in Kashmir about A D 900 297 That Vallabha's text is far superior to and purer than that of Mallinatha has been amply illustrated in the case of Meghadītam "Vallabhadeva s text contains only 111 stanzas or 10 fewer than Mallinatha's' "The table on pages XV to XIX shows that Vallabhadeva's text omits all the verses which were considered as spurious by Stenzter, while all the other recensions (with the exception of the Vidyullata ) exhibit several of them In the remarks on No XIV of the Appendix, I have demonstrated that Vallabhadeva, the Vidyullata and Gildemeister are right in excluding also The the verse āśvās; aivam etc which did not appear suspicious to Stenzler and others secluded position of that home of Saravati, the Kashmir valley would account for the fact that Kalidasa s work was there handed down in a purer condition to the time of Vallabhadeva, who may have had no cognizance of the corruptions which had already crept into the text on the other side of the snowy range in the time of Jinasena'3?8. The com- 224 Die Zert Kalidasas von T Bloch ZDMG, 1xıl, p 675 225 Imp Gaz', 1 12 226 Macdonell in JRAS, 1913, p 176-7 227 Hultzsch, Meghdūtam', London 1911, ! 228 Ib ·60 parative purity of Vallabha's text that has thus been fully demonstrated in the case of the leghadīlum applies with equal force to his text of the Raghuvainsam as well, and it would unquestionably be an error to follow Mallinátha, a commentator of the 14th century and a south Indian where Vallabha, his predecessor by several centuries has a clearly distinct text. Let us now examine the text of Vallabha. G. R. Nandargikar notes in his edition of the Raghuvumsum: sindhu iruvicosianail—for this Cäritravardhana, Vallabha, Sumativijaya, Dinakara and Dharmameru read either vakit or vaiksītiraviceșțanai”. In the next verse also his manuscripts C.D.E.H.I.R. with Cåritravardhana, Vallabha: Sumativijaya and Dharmameru pūļanūdesi for pāļalādesi. In S. P. Pandit's edition of the Raghuvamsam Vallabha reads vaiksī and explains vaikṣīī rūmni nadi, tasyās tire. 'Four Deccan college (Poona) manuscripts of the Raghuvamsam read vaikū and two read vaikṣū229. No doubt the reading vaikšī represents the more correct form. 'Kșirasvāmi, the well-known commentator on the Imarakoşa, who belongs to the second half of the eleventh century, explains vählikaja (K. G. Oka's cdition of the Kșīrasvami, p. 110 ) meaning saffron. Kșirasyämi hicre gives vällikaju as a synonym of kumkuna and as an illustration quotes the linc from thic Rughuvamsam. It is evident that saffron was considered as a product of Vählika country or Bactria where the river Vanşu was. Monier Williams in his Sanskrit- English Dictionary cxplains vakşil, as mentioned in the Brhat Samhitā of Varāhamihira, as thic Oxus and he explains vuiksu as 'an arm of or branch of the Ganges, W.; the Oxus (Wahābhārata ; Pur. )'. He has not given any authority for his first meaning of varkṣu and apparently the second meaning is the more natural and preferable. H. H. Wilson also renders vaikṣu or yakşu as the Oxus230. The philological equivalent of vakşu would of course be Oxus, the nasal sound has no doubt crept in by error. In the map of Central Asia attached to M. Chavaone's work on the Turks, the largest tributary of the Oxus is named 'Sourkhab or Wakhsch'. The famous Arab Geographer Idrisi calls the Oxus the Wakhsh-ab. There is not the least doubt, therefore, that the Vaňkşu is the Oxus. In verse 68, we have a reference to the practice of the Hūna women to gash their foreheads etc. as a sign of mourning. Nandgirkar quotes Caritravardhana and Sumativijaya who explain : hünayoșitah kucakapolavidāraṇapūrvam rudantiti taddeśācāraḥ. Yuan Chwang remarks about the people between China and India : “They flay the face and cut off their ears', as a sign of mourning?31. Watters in his comments shows that similar customs were actually prevalent in some of the Central Asian tribes. From what we have said above, there can be no doubt that the poet makes his hero meet the Hūnas on the banks of the Oxus and not on the Indus, as Mallinātha would have us believe. M. Chavanne in his great work on the Turks has shown from a consideration of original Chinese records that the Ephthalites of white Huns had acquired great power in the basin of the Oxus towards the middle of the fifth century and, in the year 484, their king Akhschounwar defeated the Sassanid Emperor Pirrouz of Persia, and that it was the family 229, IA, xli, 266. 230. Vişnu-Purāņa, Hall's ed., Vol. ii, p. 12. 231. Watters on Yuan Chwang, Vol. i, p. 40.- ·Chavarenes St Petersburg 1903, pp 222 223 61 name of this doughty hero of the Huns, that this branch of their race was called in later times the Ephthalıtes 232 The river Vanksu and the abundance of saffron on its banks is mentioned in the Nagpur Stone Inscription of the rulers of Malava, describing the conquests of Laksmanadeva in the North Kielhorn translates it 'Being encamped on the banks of the Vanksu which were even softer thun nature made them, because the saffron filaments on them were withering under the rolling of the team of frisky horses, presented by the Turuska whom he had eradicated with ease, he taught the Kira chief to utter most flattering speeches, who on account of the proximity of the Sarasvati was eloquent beyond measure, and who was like a parrot shut up in a big cage'283 Mm Haraprasad Shastri has accepted the reading of Mallınatha and has very ably demonstrated his views following from that reading in the pages of the Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society Vol II, part I, pp 834 37 § 39 Kambojas After vanquishing the Hünas on the banks of the Oxus and specially its tributary the Wakhsch, Raghu turned towards the Himalayas But for this purpose, he did not march southwards but entered Kashmir through the north western passes of Hindukush, about the wilds of Kafiristan, and then through Chitral and Gilgit He passed, it seems, through the northern borders of the ancient kingdom of Udjana Kalidasa then places his Kamboja country in the regions just to the north and west of, and perhaps including, the Swat velley, the su po fa su tu ( śubhavastu ) of Yuan Chwang234 , that is, to the north west of the place where Indus bends towards the south Yuan Chwang says that in this country 'grapes were abundant, the country produced saffron', characteristics of the neighbouring country referred to by Kalıdāsa Yuan Chwang says there were dense woods and fruits and flowers were luxuriant, and it may very well include the ankola or walnut trees of the Raghuvamsam (Riv 69 ) Yuan Chwang also says 'the country produced gold and iron', and We are told by Kalıdāsa that the Kambojas presented Raghu with high heaps of gold (Riv 70 ) We have already spoken of the good horses of Kamboja Yuan Chwang relates that their spoken language was different from, but bore much resemblance to that of India', and Beal translates the same passage, 'Their language, though different in some points, yet greatly resembles that of India This agrees with what Yaska 10 bis Nirukta235 speaks about the language of the Kāmbojas The original sense of the to go, is used in the language of the Kambojas while its derivative sara is spoken by the Aryan people Dr Grierson comments 'The Kambojas, a barbarous tnbe of north western India, either spoke Sanskrit with an infusion of Eranian 232 Documents sur les Jou Kine (Turcs) Occidentaux recueilles et commentarés avec une carte par E 233 el 11 194 234 Watters, op cit', , 225-6 Toot sava 235 Nirukta 112 ·62 words, to which they gave Indian inflections, or else spoke a language partly Indo-Aryan and partly Eranian'338. The Mahābhārata speaks of the Yavanas, Kambojas and Gāndhăras together as all belonging to the Uttarapatha337. There are many other passages in which the Yavanas and Kambojas are joined together. The Atharva Pariſista speaks also of the Bactrians, Yavanas and Kāxbojas together with the sakas and Gandhāras238. The Yayanas, šakas, Gandhāras, the Bactrians are all well-known to be the tribes in close neighbourhood to the north-west of India and the Kāmbojas also belong to the same region. As regards the Madras, we have the evidence of the Vamśa Brāhmaṇa of the Vedas. Keith and Macdonell write in their Vedic Index : "The Kāmbojas were later settled to the north-west of the Indus and are known as Kambujiya in the old Persian inscriptions. A teacher, Kamboja Aupamayava, pupil of Madragåra, is mentioned in the Vamsa Brālmāņa. This points to a possible connection of the Madras, or more probably the Uttara Madras, with the Kambojas, who probably had Iranian as well as Indian affinities'239. It will be seen that these two learned Vedic scholars place the Kambojas from a consideration of the Vedic texts, in the same regions as that where I have located them from an examination of Kālidāsa's statements. From this Kamboja country Raghu at once mounts up the Himalayas, as he can very well do by crossing the Indus. I have already dealt with the achievements of Raghu on the Himalaya Mountain. Now it remains to be determined where he came down from the hills. The poet says that Ragbu planted his glory firm on the Himālaya and then came down from the Himālaya as if putting the Kailāsa mountain to shame, as it had been uplifted by Paulastya Råvaņa (Riv. 80 ). I think this verse clearly indicates the place where Raghu came down from the mountains. He says distinctly that he descended putting the Kailasa to shame, that is, after proceeding as far as the place from where the Kailāsa could be seen or from where it might be expected that he might march towards Kailāsa. This signifies that Raghu the cloud-messenger came down through the pass by which Yaksa instructed to proceed towards Kailāsa. This was the path also which Yudhisthira and his brothers followed when going to Kaliäsa, as I have already shown in connection with the Kirdtas. 1 §. 40. Kamarūpa We are told that Raghu came down from the Himālaya after casting a look of scorn at Kailāsa, and then proceeded towards the country of the Kāmarūpas, which he reached after crossing the river Lauhitya or the Brahmaputra, which formed the 236. FRAS, 1911, p. 801 237. Santiparva, Ch. 207, verse 43 (Vang ed.). 238. Bolling & Negelein, 'op. cit., p. 378. cf. also pp. 344-45. 239. Vedic Index. 138. i, ·63 boundary on the west of the kingdom Kalıdāsa calls it Prăgjyotisa and the people he calls the Kāmarūpas In this country he mentiones the agalocana ( käláguru druma Riv 81 ), which forms a characteristic product of it The lord of the Kämarūpas bad withstood other invaders of his kingdom with the help of his elephants, but now he had to offer these very elephants as presents to Raghu Elephants are still caught in Assam by the Batish Government About the two names of Kāmarupa and Prāgjyotisa, we may refer to the copperplate grant of Vaidyadeva, king of Kamarūpa, by which are granted two villages 10 the visa)s of badā, in the mandala of Kämarupa, in the bhuku of Pragjyotisa240 Kālıdāsa again introduces the king of Kāmarūpa as an intimate friend of Raghu's son, Aja, who at the time of his marriage, is said to have come down from the back of the elephant in the procession by putting his hand into that of the lord of the Kāmarüpas (Ryu 17) Samudragupta's Allahabad Inscription places Kāmarūpa among the frontier kingdoms941 The boundary of Kämarūpa was sometimes driven farther to the west than the Brahmaputra were Kalıdāsa places it Yuan Chwang relates that on his way to Kāmarupa from Puodravardhana he crossed a large river'249 In the Tang-shu or the Chinese history of the Tang dynasty this kingdom has been described as “lying 600 h to the south-east of Pundravardhana with the river kā lo tu between that country and Kämarüpa 243 This Kalotu indicates Karatoyà as the river forming this boundary Yuan Chwang speaks of the 20,000 elephants of the king of Kāmarūpa who went to Harsavardhana with them244. Kamarüpa is mentioned in the Atharva Parisista as belonging to the north-east 245. $ 41 Mālava - Avanti and Daśārna The king of Avanti is mentioned among the kings present at the syyamvara of the princess of Vidarbha Of this kingdom Kálidasa mentions here only two particulars, viz 240 Ep Ind, 11, p 358 241 Fleet, 'Gupta Inscriptions', p 8 242 Watters, 'op cit', 1, p 185 243 Ibid, p 186 244 Beal, 'Life of Hiuen Tsiang,'p 172 245 Bolling & Negelein, 'op cit', Pariśista, lyi. 1. 10 GK 10 ·64 ber that not far from his palace was the temple of Mahākäla, and that the trees in the gardens of the king were made to tremble by the breezes cooled by the ripples of the river siprā. These two details serve to locate the capital at Ujjain. The Mahákāla spoken of by Kälidāsa here is the same as the Mabākāla mentioned in his Meghadūtam as being in Ujjayini246. This image of śiva is also referred to in the Nāndi, 'the prologue', of Bhavabhūti's Uttararāmacritain as Kālapriyanātha on the occasion of one of whose festivities the drama was going to be acted. The siprā is a river which ‘rises in Malwa, twelve miles south-east of Indore, winds past Ujjain and enters the Chambal near Kalu Kheri village’947. The temple of Mahäkāla at Ujjayini is mentioned many times in Bāņa Bhatta's Kādamvari e. g. : asti bhagavatā mahākālābhiahānema bhuvanatrayasargasthitisamharakārina pramathanāthenevāpareva prthivi samutpādita...bhagavato mahakalasyasirasi surasaritamālokyopajäterșyayeva satatam samábaddhataramgabhſkuțilekhayā khamiya kṣālayantyä śiprayā parikșittā... avantişújjayini nāma nagari2 48. "The site of the temple of Mahākāla is still shown outside the ruins of the town*349. This town of Ujjayini is also called Viśāla 'the city of wide extent' ( Me I. 30). In the Daśakumāracaritam we have višãlopaśalye. Hemacandra gives Viśālā as a synonym for Ujjayini : ujjayini syādviśālāvanti puşpakarandini. The Siprā is referred to in Meghadītam, I. 31. Then he refers to the temple of Candeśvara. In the neighbourhood of Ujjayini there is another capital that Kālidasa mentions viz. Vidišā. We have already referred to it, as the capital at which Subāhu, one of the sons of Satrughna, was placed ( R xv. 36 ). It is mentioned in the Malavikāgnimitram (iv) as the capital of Agnimitra, who is called the 'Lord of Vidiśā’. The gardens on the bank of the Vidiśã are also referred to ( v. 1 ). His father writes to him that he embraces his son, the long-lived Agnimitra, from Vidiśå abroad and delivers a message ( Act. v). In the Meghadūtam, Kálidāsa speaks of Vidiśā as the capital of the Daśārņas and situated on the bank of the Vetravati. This Vetravati is the Betwa which ‘rises in the Bhopal state at the village of Kumri ( 220 25" N and 770 43" e ) and flows in a northeast direction, through Gwalior, and falls into that Jumna close to the town of Hamirpur’250. Bäņa Bhatta also says in the Kādambari251 : vetravatyä parigatā vidiśábhidhāna nagari räjadhānyasīt. This town is identified with Besnagar ; Bhilsā in its neighbourhood was also certainly united with it in former times, and the two together formed a large and wide city. It is ; che 246. Al-beruni says about Ujain, 'The idol worshipped there is called Mahākāla'. Sachau, i, p. 202. 247. 'Imp. Gaz.', xxiii, p. 14. 248. Kādamyarī, (NSP. ed.), pp. 98, 101, 104. 249. Ib., Tr, Cowell, p. xvi. 250. 'Imp. Gaz.', v. 251. NSP. ed., pp. 11-12, ·65 rather peculiar that the two famous capitals should have existed so much in the neighbourhood of each other In a passage in the commentary of Vätsyayana's Kāmasūtra (Adhikarana 3) we read ujjyini deśabhavāsta evaparamalavyah mālavya itu purvamälavadhavah352 Western Malava is here called Ujjayini and the eastern Malava is Malava properly so called So great was the difference in usage and practice in these two parts of Malwa that their coins vary from each other in a very marked way Cunningham observs, "That they (Ujain and Besnagar ) were usually independent states is shown by a most marked difference in their money, the coins of Ujain being invariably round pieces, while those of Besnagar and Eran are nearly all round Both districts belong to Malavas (mälavān of the early coins ) and must once have been confederated, as they gave their name to the "era of the Malavas", which is now known as the Vikrama Samvat, or era of Vikramaditya'953 About the god Mahakala, so much spoken of by Kalidasa Cunningham says, 'No 6 (of the Ujjain coins ) has a three headed standing figure, which is probably intended for the Bhahmanical god, Mahakala, who had a famous temple at Ujain The idol worshipped at Ujain as Mahākala was carried to Delhi by the Muhammadan conqueror Il tut mish, and there broken to pieces in front of the great mosque The figure on the coins seems to hold club in one hand, and a water vessel in the other, both of which symbols are characteristic of śıva The coin may, therefore, be accepted as a single evidence of Brahminism at Ujain 154 Among the votive inscriptions at the Såñci stupas, there are many which record the gifts of the citizens of Vidiśa and Ujjain, either collectively or individually One of these records the gift of the ivory workers of Vidiśă vedisakā damtakara355 This, no doubt, indicates that these artisans formed a guild I quote another instance from Ujjayini ujeniya vākılıyānå dānam-'the gift of the Vakılıyas, from Ujjain 258 It would seem that the inhabitants of Ujjain and Vidiša ( with the people of some other places such as Māhismati, the capital of the Anupa country, 'defrayed nearly the whole expense of the ornaments of the two stupas, the lion's share falling to Ujain which is mentioned 35 times 257 The story of Udayana referred to by Kalidasa in Meghadütan ( I 30 ) is given in the Kathāsarıtsägara of Somadeva But Kalidasa must have learnt it from the orginal source, 252 IA, vu, p 259 253 This is the mālavaganasthiti over which there bas tately been so much discussion between Flect, Thomas, Bhandarkar and others 254 Cunningham, 'op cit.', P 98 255 Ep Ind 11, P 96 256 Ibid, p 100 257 Ibid, p 369 ·66 viz. the Brhatkathā, of which Somadeva admits to have given an abridged translation in his book. It is alluded to in the Malatinādhava of Bhavabhūti and forms the pith of the story of Vāsavadattă by Subandhu. § 42 The Route of the Cloud-Massenger The Yakṣa who sends the cloud with the message to his wife was according to Kālidāsa at Ramagiri which is identified by Wilson with Rānțek or “Rāmțenkdi', which in Marathi means the same thing as Rāmagiri, ‘Rāma's hill. This hill forms the western extremity of the small Ambagarh range and is rather detached from it. Round the foot of the hill lies the town of Rāmţek in 21° 24' N and 790 20' E, 24 miles north-east of Nagpur city by road and 13 miles from Ralwa Railway station. Mahamahopadhyaya Haraprasad Shastri indentifies Rāmagiri with Rāmgarh in the Sarguja district258. This hill of Rāmagiri is, according to Kālidāsa, imprinted with the footprints of Rāma on its sides., In verse 1. 13, he begins to instruct the cloud about the route to be followed by him. The cloud is to start towards north ( Me. I. 14 ) and he is first of all to get up the Mälakṣetra, the high plateau containing the mār or the black cotton soil. "The plateau of Malwa is mainly composed of a vast spread of basaltic rock, which forms great rolling downs, dotted over with flat topped hills. The country is highly fertile, being principally covered by the soil here called mār or kāli by the natives, and black cotton soil by Europeans 259. It is the high level fields that Kālidāsa here refers to, specially those containing the mār or the black cotton soil. Vallabhadeva in his commentary explains : mālamuddāram kşetram : uddāra means 'an alluvial plateau' as translated by Hultzsch260 who compares in this connection Rājatarangiņi, translated by Stein, vol. ii, p. 425f. Next the poet takes the cloud to 'the hill with the slopes full of mango trees' (I. 17) on which there were ripe mangoes at the time ( on the first day of Āsādha ). It is the hill or rather the plateau of Amarakaņțak ( 220 41' N and 810 48' E), at the north-eastern apex of the Satpura range, in Rewah ( Central India )261. From a small tank at the top, 3,000 feet above the sea, the river Narmadā, ( or Narbadã ) issues and follows a course of 801 miles to fall into the sea below Broach. cf. Vāyupurāņain, ch. 77.4 & 13 ( Ananda. ed.), and Padmapurāṇam, Ādikāņda, ch. xiii. 8. Then the poet describes the Revā or the Narmadā, a thin stream flowing by the foot, 258. 'Imp. Gaz.', 1907. 259. Ib., xvii. 99. 260. Megbadūtam, Tr. Hultzsch, p. 11. 261. 'Imp. Gazi', xix. 375.

·67 of the Vindhya, after it comes down from the top of Amarakantak (I 19) The Vindhya is mentioned in most of the works of Kálıdāsa (Raghuvamsam vi 61, xi 31, xiv 8, xvi 31, Rtusamhāram 11 27 ) Then the cloud is to pass from hill to hill and then to reach the country of the Dasarnas, which is dark with the ripe berries of the jambu and which is frequented by the swans only for a very few days ( I 23 ) The berries (jambu ) of course ripen about this period everywhere in India About the migratory habits of the geese, I have spoken in detail while dealing with the Mānasasarovara The word Daśarna means 'the country of the tea citadels' It is mentioned in the Ramājana ( Nır xlı 10 11 ) In the Kuruksetra war the Daśārnas fought on the side of Duryodhana369 They were vanquished by Bhima in the east and also by Nakula in the west The capital of the Dnśārnas ( with the river Betwa on which it stands ), which the poet describes next, has been already dealt with in the section 'Malva-Avantı and Daśarna' At Vidıśa, the cloud may rest on the hill named Nicaih, a hillock of little importance 'most likely the Sañchi of modern maps"263 The Sāroddharını comnientary explains 264 kharvanamanam vămanagırım kharvadhithanam etc Then (I 26 ) he leads the cloud by the gardens on the banks of the Vananadı , this may be either a petty streamlet or it may simply mean 'a river flowing through a forest' as Vallabha explains, but it is more likely a particular river, because the beds of jessamıne flowers are not likely to grow in forests The poet also speaks of the women plucking the flowers' (1 26 ) It is, therefore, a small stream Wilson 265 would identify it with the Parbati, which flows between the Betwa and the Sipra Now the poet makes the Yaksa apologise to the cloud and request him to turn a a little from his straight path towards the west, to make a detour ( I 27) so as to include the city of Ujjayini, which must have been very dear to the heart of the poet Tradition also joins Kalıdāsa with Ujjayini Between Vıdıśa and Ujjayıní, i e between the Betravati or Betwa and the sipra, Kalidasa nicntions two other streams There are many watercourses in the regions and these N rvindhyā and the Sindhu belong to them These two have been identified with the Parvati and the Kalı Sindh respectively 266 Reaching Ujjayini or Višala the poet speaks of the Supra upon which stands the temple of Candeśvara and the river Gandhavati and Mahakala The Gandhavati, which was a fine stream at the time of Kalidasa las now sbrugk to a mere drain, as Mabamaho- 262 Bhismaparva, li 263 JBORS, Vol 1 pt 2, 202 264 Quoted by Nandargikar, Me aotees, p 29 265 Wilson 'Me, 2 ed , 1843, p 26 266. JBORS, Vol 1, pt 2, 202 ·68 padhyaya Haraprasad Shastri, who has carefully gone over these parts of the country with the express object of identifying the geographical names given by Kālidāsa, observs 287. He says about the Gandhavati, “That river does not exist at the present moment. In Kálidasa's time it formed the boundary of the temple gardens of Mahākāla. I had to go twice to Ujjain and dive into the Ujjain-Māhātmya, before I could discover that what was a beautiful small stream in Kalidasa's time is now a drain running through the heart of the modern city. The stream, if it can be so called now, takes its rise from the Gomukh Tekri just behind the college and falls in the siprā at a place just behind the temple of Gandheśvara śiva'. Leaving Ujjain, Kálidāsa speaks of the river Gambhirā which is a very small stream, hardly deserving the name of a river. Along the side of the Gambhīrā he would lead the cloud to a certain distance and then take him to Devagiri on which the God Skanda dwells. This is a hill scarcely 200 feet high’, on the side of which there is a small temple of Khandera even now worshipped by the Abirs; the name of this, if turned into Sanskrit, would become Skandarāja 268. Then the poet makes the cloud cross the Carmaņvati or the Chambal and again makes him deviate from the direct route in order to reach Daśapura, or Mandasor. It is at present the headquarters of the district of Mandasor in Gwalior state in Central India ( 240 4' N and 750 5' E) on the bank of the Siwana ( Seuna or Sau ) river, a tributary of the Śiprū264. From Daśapura Kālidāsa passes straight towards the north and through the country of Brahmāvarta, well known from the oft-quoted passage of Manu ( ii. 17). He next stops at the Kaurava Kșetra or Kuruksetra, the place where Arjuna drenches the faces of kings with showers of arrows at the site of the great battle between the Kurus and the Pandavas. Kuruksetra was praised very highly in the Mahābhārata ( Vana. Ixxxii. 1 & 4; Vang. Ed. ). Then the cloud may cross the river Sarasvati and get up the Himalayas near Kanakhala and passiog through what Kálidāsa calls the door for geese, the path through the Krauñca mountain' (I. 50), he may reach Kailāśa, the Mānasasarovara, and the Ganges flowing round the Käiläsa mountain. This last portion of the journey from Kanakhala, I have already dealt with in speaking of the Himālaya and the trans-Himalayan regions. It only remains to add a note about the river Sarasvati famed in Sanskrit literature since the time of the Vedas. Kälidāsa refers to the Sarasvati in other places also : 'Like the river Sarasvati with its water underground.' (R iii. 9). The Sarasvati is a river in the Punjab rising in Sirmur state close to the borders of the Ambālā District. It debouches on the plains at Adh Badi ; a place held sacred by all Hindus. A few miles further on it disappears into the sand, but comes up again about three miles to the south at the villages of Bhawanipur. 267. Ib. 268. Ib. p. 203. 269. 'Imp. Gazi', xyii. 150.

·69 At Balchhapur it again vanishes for a short distance, but emerges once more and flows on in a south westerly direction across Karwar until it joins the Ghaggar in Patiala territory after a course of about 110 miles*270. 270. Ib. xxii.97.