·THE EIRÍKSMÁL 95 Finnur Jónsson has pointed out that the author was familiar with the diction of the Edda poems. CE str. Ot with Völuspá, str. +1°; str. 6' with Háranál, str. 1, 38, Fáfnismál, str. 2-41; str. 7* with Hárbarpsljób, str. 9, Vafþrúbnismál, str. 3! The metre of the poem is the Ljóðaháttr except in str. 1, wbich is in the Ndlaháttr. With the exception of strophes 1 and 2 tbis poem preserved only in the Fagrskinna' (c£ pp. 73 E and 81, above), and indeed only in those siss, which are derived from the later of the two rellums (A). In the mss. derived from B there is a lacuna at this point. The first five lines are preserved also in the Skáldskaparmal, ch. 2. ! Den Oldnorsle og Oldulandsle Litteraturs Ilutone (Copenhagen, 1894), Yol. , p. 452. Ed. F. Jónsson (Copenhagen, 1902-3). Pp. 28-30.

·94 THE EIRÍKSMÁL umbria, was driven out and killed by Maccus, the son of Anlaf. Thereupon the Northumbrians submitted to King Eadred who gave the province to Earl Osulf. Matthew Paris, who wrote three hundred years after these events, but who evidently had access to authorities now lost, states that King Eilricus was treacherously slain, with his son Haericus and his brother Reginaldus, in a desert called Steinnor, by the Consul' Daco, through treachery on the part of Earl Osulf. The Anlaf mentioned by Symeon of Durham is doubtless the Olaf who is said in the Norse authorities to have killed Eric, and we have no reason for doubting that he was the famous Olaf Cuaran”. But the affair in which Eric lost his life would seem to have been an ambush rather than a battle. Perhaps on resigning the throne he had been given a safeconduct by Earl Osulf of Bamborough, who had subsequently betrayed him to his enemy. The scene of the massacre was evidently on the Roman road from York to Carlisle, not far from Kirkby Stephen. It may be observed that though the English authorities give no hint of a real battle, they confirm in two cases the evidence of the sagas as to the persons killed": In the Fagrskinna, ch. 7, it is stated that the poem which follows was composed at the request of Queen Gunnbildr, Eric's widow, who retired to the Orkneys and resided there for some time after Eric's death. Subsequently the Queen with her sons made her way to Denmark, where they received protection from Harold Blue-tooth, and whence they made frequent attempts to wrest the kingdom of Norway from Haakon. The poem is obviously incomplete. Of the author nothing is known, though we may doubtless assume that he was one of Eric's followers. It may have been composed in Orkney shortly after the news of the disaster became known; at all events it can hardly be many years later, since Eyvindr Finnsson's Hákonarmál (cf. p. 104 ff. below) is evidently anodelled on it. 2 Chronicu Jajora (Rolls Scrics), Vol. ), sub ann. 950. 2 Cl. p. 62 1. above. * I.e. Hárekr and Rögovaldr. Cf. tho Saga of Huukon the Good (Heinskringlu), ch. 4. 10. ch. s.

·THE EIRÍKSMÁL 95 Finnur Jónsson has pointed out that the authorwas familiar with the diction of the Edda poems. C£. str. G' with Völuspá, str. 419, str. 6' with Húvamál, str. 16,38', Fáfnismul, str. 21; str. 7* with Hárbar sljóp, str. 9, Vafbrúpnismál, str. 38. Tho metso of the poem is the Ljóðaháttr cxcept in str. 1, which is in the Valaháttr, With the exception of strophes 1 and 2 this poem is prosercd only in the Fagrskinna' (cf. pp. 73 t. and 81, above), and indeed only in those MSS. which are derived from the later of the two vellums (A). In the uss derived froin B there is a lacuna at this point. The first five lines are preserved also in the Skáldskaparmál, ch. 2. 1 Den Old norsk og Oldislandske Lilleraturs Historie (Copenhagen, 1894), Vol. I, p. 452. 1 Ed. F. Jónsson (Copenhagen, 1902-3), pp. 28-30.

·THE EIRÍKSMÁL I 'Hvat er þatt drauma?,' qvað Odenn, 'er ek hugðumk firi dag litlu, Valhöll riðjas firi vegno folki? Vacta ee einherja, bad ec uprisa becki at strá, bordkærs at lyöra, valkyrjur vín bera, sem vísir coinc. Er iner? ór heimi höllda venir göfgra nöccora, svá er mér glatt hjarta. 2 Hvat prymr par, Bragi, sem þúsund bivizt epa mange til mikit?' Braka all beccpili sem muni Balldr coma eptir í Odins sale.' 3 'Heimsco mæla,' qvað Osinn, 'scallt þu, hinn horski Bragi, þó at þú væl hvat vitir. Fyr Eirikis głymr, er hér mun inn koma jöfurr í Odinis sale. 4.Sigmundr oc Sinfjatli, risit snarlega, oc gangit í gögna grame; inn þú bjós ef Lirikr só; hans er mér nú von vitus.' 5 'Hví er þér Eiriks vón,' kvað Sigmundr, halldr enn annara kononga ?' "Því at margu lannde,' sagde Odenn, hann hevir mcki rodet, oc blococt sværd borit.' 6 Hví namt þu hann sigri pii er þér þótti hann snjallr vera ?' "því at óvíst er at vitu,' sagse Osenn, sér ulfr enn hösve á sjöt goða. Tel.12 derimo Cod. Sn. E 757. om. Cod. Sn. E 757. risus Codil. Sn.B. sriri A2; ( added above the line in a. Cod. Upy.; borkies A. INC A%. Thor has been added later in A. lunch and Unger; Eirikr 18. um. Junck und Uoger; gongo A. $ 2 8 3 ·97 THE EIRÍKSMÁL 1 What dream is this ?' said Otbin, 'a little before daylight I thought I was preparing Valhöll for a slain host. I was awakening the cinherjar, and bidding them rise up and cover the benches and cleanse the beakers--I was bidding the Valkyrics bring wine as if a prince was coming. I havo hope of some noble heroes from the world; so my heart is glad. 1' What uproar is that, Bragi, as if thousands were in motion -an cxcceding great host approaching?' All the timbers of the benches are creaking as if Balder were coming back to Othin's abode.' 3'Surely thou art talking folly, thou wise Bragi,' replied Othin, although thou knowest everything well. The noise betokens the approach of the hero Eric, whomust becoming hero into Othin's abode. 4 'Sigmundr and Sinfjötlil Arise quickly and go to meet the prince. If it be Eric, invite him in! I have now confident hope that it is he.' s'Why dost thou hope for Eric rather than for other kings?' asked Sigmundr. Because he has reddened his sword in many a land,' replıcd Othin,' and carried a bloodstained blade.' 6'Why hast thou robbed him of victory when thou knewest him to be valiant ?' . Because it cannot be clearly known,' replied Othin *The grey wolf is gazing upon the abodes of the gods.' 7

·THE EIRÍKSMÁL
8
98
7. Heill þú nú, Eiríkr,' kvað Sigmundr, væl scalt þú
hér kominn!
oc gack í höll, horser!
Hins vil ec pic fregna: hvat fylgir þér
jöfra frá eggbryrnu?'
8 Konongar eru V,' sagpi Eiríkr, kænni ec þér nöfn'
allra;
cc em hinn sétti sjalfr.'
1
cm. Hunch and Unger; namjn A.

·THE EIRÍKSULL
39
7 'Hail now to thee, Ericl'cried Sigmundr, Welcome shalt
thou be here: Enter our hall, wise (prince)One thing
I would ask thee: What heroes attend thee from the ruar
of battle ?
8'There are fire kings (here),' said Eric 'I will make known
to the the names of all. I am the sixth myself.'

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·X. THE HÁKONARJIÁL Haakon I, commonly called the Good, wng ono of tho youngest, if not the youngest, of the sons of Harold the Fair. haircd. The circumstances of his birth and death are curiously picturesque. He is said to have been born on a rock (called * Haakon's Rock'), on the shore whero the ship, on which his inother was travelling to visit King Harold, was anchored for the night Whilo still a child, Haakon was sent to England where ho was brought up as a Christian by Actheistan. Whatever may bo thought of the details of the story as given in the Saga of llarold the Fairhaired (Lleimskringla), ch. 39, there is no need to doubt the main fact. Harold's relations with Aethclstan aru recorled also by William of Malmesbury! In the ycar after his father's death (c£ p. 93 above), Hankon made his way to Norway, and, beforo twelve months had clapsal, succeeded in expelling his brother Eric (in 935). Ilo reigned prosperously for over twenty-five years, and was on crccedingly popular king, though his efforts to introduce Christianity proved a failure. Towards the end of his reign, several attempts were made at conquest by the sons of Eric'. On the last occasion, as King Haakon was being entertained at Fitjo in the Island of Stord (Stordo), news was brought that a mighty fleet was at hand. The king armed himself in his corselet, nad girt himself with his sword Quernbiter; bo put a gold helmet on his head, took up his shield and balberd, and proccaled to array his men. A ficrco fight now took place. King lankon was moro casily recognised than other men and his helmet glittered when the sun shonc on itThe fray was very ficrco around hun. Then Eyvindr Finnsson took a hood and drew it over the King's helmet, whercupon one of Saga of llarold the Fairhaired (Hamkringla), ch. 37. Geta Regum Anglorum (Rolls Series), 1, 135. *CI. the Same of Blackon the Good (Ile muknagla), ch. 19, 211, 28 L ·102 THE HÁKONARMÁL the enemy cried loudly:"Is the King of the Norwegians hiding, or has he fled? Where has his golden helmet vanished ?? Haakon's foes were routed, but the king received his deathwound in the battle. He set sail the same night for his house Alreksstaðir, but soon grew exbausted from loss of blood, and asked to be put ashore. He landed at Haakon's Rock,' and by a strange coincidence is said to have died on the spot on which he had been born?. According to the Saga of Haakon the Good (Fagrskinna), ch.11, the Eyvindr Finnsson mentioned above 'made a poem on the death of King Haakon, and modelled it on that which Gunnbildr had had made for King Eric...and he relates in the poem many things which occurred in the battle.' The poem here referred to is the Hákonarmál. Eyvindr was a member of King Haakon's retinue, being indeed his grandnephew, and a great-grandson of Harold the Fairhaired. He fought by Haakon's side throughout the battle at Fitje, and it is curious that he tells us so little in his poem of what actually took place. He was surnamed Skáldaspillir, 'the Plagiarist,' and there is rough justice in the nickname; for the Hákonarmál is in form obviously a close and frank imitation of the Eiríksmál, while his other chief poem, the Háleygjutal, which has only come down to us in fragments, is just as evidently based on the Ynglingatal of Thjóðólfr of Hvín. Yet Eyvindr is no mechanical copier of other poets. There is a difference of tone between the Eiriksmál and the Hákonarmál; and though the former is incomplete, it is not likely that the Hákonarmál is indebted to it for its spirit of reflection and note of regret for the things that have passed away. Indeed it would seem that the poem is as much inspired by hostility to Harold Greycloak, Haakon's successor, is by loyalty to Hankon himself. Especially is this noticeable in the list four strophes of the poem. Strophe 18 reads like i direct challenge to Harold who, with his two brothers, Sagu os Haakon the Good (Heimskringla), ch. 30, 31. * 18. ch. 32. * According to Olrk (The Heroic Legeruls oj Denmark, transl. L. M. Hollander, New York, 1919, pp. 111, 1751. and pies.), the urst part of tho Hákonarsidi (c.8. str. 5) contains reminisccaces also of the Bjurkapul.

·THE HIKOXARJAL 103 broke open tbe szactuaries, destroyed the images, and carded thereby great hatred!' Equally double-aged are stropbog 19 and 20, while in strophe 21 Eyvinde applics the melancholy reflections of the Plátamál (str. 76L) to the famine and distrusa which presailed in the land after llaakon's death. There are mortorer several points of detail in which thu Hákonarmál differs from that portion of the Eiríksmál which has come down to us. In the latter it is Sigmunds who questions Othin us to why bc kas robbed Eric of victory. la the former the question is put by Haakon himself and strikes a gucrulous note. Surely we have descnod victory of the godst' Further, in strophes 15-20 one is tempted to suspect that Ilaakon is entering Valholl with some misgiving. He docs not appear to trust the gods. We will keep our armour in our own possession... It is well to have one's gear to hand' Finally, in strophe 21 Eyviodr's own diy satisfaction is clearly expressed. The Eirksmál is a vivid picture of the triumphal entry of Eric into Valhull. In the lákonarmál the pote of inuinph is souoded in a minor key, and the reader is almost more conscious of the personality of Eyvindr than of Haakon himself Like the Eiriksmál, tho Hákonarmál is composed in a combination of ſálaráttr and Lisahátir. The latter is used in strophes 1 and 2, and from strophe 9 (3) to the end of the poem, while the Válaháttr is used for the description of the battle in stropbes 3-3. The whole poem is preserved in the Heimskringla (K, J, F). and strophes l_7 and 19-21 also in the Fagrahinna (cf. p. 73 above). The text given below is based in the inan on Kringla (c£ p. 73 above) but the chief variations in reading. arc pointed out in the noics. I CL the Saga of Harvu Grcycloak (Ulciau kringu). ch. 2.

·104 THE HÁKONARMÁL 1 Göndul ok Skögul sendi Gautatýr at kjósa um konungu, hverr Yogva ættar skyldi með ÓJni fara ok' Valhöll' at vesa. 2 Bróður fundu þær: Bjarnar i brynju fara, konung enn kostsama, kominn undi gunnfana; drúpšu dolgrúar", en darraðr' hristisk, upp vas þá hildr um hafij. 3 Hét á Háleygio sem á Holmrygia? jarla cinbanis, fór til ortostu. Gótt hafsi enn gjöfli gengi Nordmanna ægir Eydana, stós und 18 árhjalmi". *Hrauzk ór herváðum" hratt á völl brynju vísi verðungara, dira til vigs toekin. Lék við ljóðmögu, skyldi land verja gramr enn glaðværi; -stós und gullhjalmi7. 5 Svá beit þí svert or siklings hendi váðir Váfaðar, sem í vatn® brygði. Brökuðu broddara, brotnuðu skildirsa, glumruðum glymhringar>> í gotnahausums, 6 Tröddusk törgur fyr Týs ok bauga" hjalta barsfótum hausar Norðmanna. Róma varð í eyju, ruðu konungar skírar: skjaldborgir i skatna blósi. opin J (1). om. J(1), A, B. 3-hollu J (1). * E, A, B; funno Lis J (1), J (2); f. blar) p. 7 undir B, unnd A, vit F. om. F. Jónsson ; volgrár K; dolgur F; dolgarar J (1); dolgar A, B. lustar J(1); durr vorte tistik B. 10 Holmrygi J (1). 11 F, A, B; soms K. 1. Sá er her kallar J (1). 13 cani F. 11 F, J(1), A; golgi K, B. 15 A; wyger B; ogir F; eyis 3 (1); cyl ir K. 16 undir á, B. 17 gull. F; haom. B. herfotun B. 19 rett A. * K, J (2), A; cis J (1); viris B. il rart ungur A; rurfunga B. atr en B. 31 laki: 5 - mangu B, A, A (%); maugu A (1). gram K; gyli Skáldskap. ch. 61. LB A; undir B. 17 Lek.. gullhjulmi occurs also in Skullskaparmail, ch. 61. » rain of P. >> brojkudo odd(ar) J (1); brakutu 6. A, B. I skill(ir) F. ** glaunroto F; glumdrutu B; glumtu A. SI K, : yyyfringa J (1); gar A, B. ** iotra J (1). is hautum B. * Truududu ., B. » vid lyse of (tysvin A) rallde A, B. ** Jirur murgir F. skira U. om.r. or F. . 18 hy i B.

·105 THE LÍKOXARILAL Göndul and Skúgul were seat by Gjutatyt to choose a king of Yogvis ruce, who should go to join Othin and dwell in Vaihull. • They found Björn's brother arraying himself in cont of mail; the noble king was stationed bencath his standard. Dewly shafts were descending and the dart was quirering. The battle had now begun 3 He called on the men of Hålogaland and likewise upon them of Rogaland, he who had dealt slaughter to carls, as he marched to battle brave force of Northmen had thu generous prince.--In helmet of bronze he stood, a tcrror to the Danes. Leading his chosen band he cast off his raiment of battle, flung his mail.coat to the ground before he began to fight. In helmet glittenng with gold the joyous prince stood and sported with the sons of the host. His part it was to guard the land. 5 Then did the sword in the hero's hand pierce Váfür's garments as if it had been whisked through water. Spear. heads were shirered and shields rent. The resounding stoel clasbed on the skulls of warriors 6 Targets and skulls were crushed by tbe blade of the generous ruler of the Yorthmen. A tumult arose in the island as the king reddened the bright semod shields with the blood of warriors ·106 THE HÁKONARMÁL 7 Brunnu beneldar í blóðgum undum, lutu' langbarðar at lýða fjörvi, svarraði sérgymir å sverda nesi, fell filós feina i fjöru Storfar 8 Blendusks við roðnum und randar himni Sköglar vefr, léku við ský: un bauga; umðu oddlár i Osins veðri, hné mart inanna fyr mekis straumi. 9 Sátu þá döglingar með sverð um togin, með skarða skjöldu ok skotnars brynjur; vasa sá herr í hugum ok' átti til Valhallar vega. 10 Göndul pat mælti studdisk geirs skapti. Vex nú gengi godi, es Hákoni 10 hafa meg her mikinn heinn bönd" um bogit.' 13 1 Vísi þat beyrði hvat valkyrjur mæltu mærar afta mars baki; hyggiliga létu ok hjalmaðar sútu" ok höfðusk hlífar fyrir. 12. Hví þú svá gunni,' kvað Hákon, skiptir, Geirskögul" ? Várum þó versir gagns frí goðum.' Vér þvi völdum,' kvað Skögul, 'at þú velli helt's en þínir fiandru flugu.' • Ríða vit nú skulum,' kvað en ríkja Skögul, 'grænna' heima goða, at núis mun allvaldr koma hann sjalfina ut séa.' "Faad J (2) omit this stropho from i blogunt...Stordar. 2 ditu A. 3 .gymis A ; starade siorgymner B. • Siropbus 8-18 BID omistesi in the Fagrskinna. F. otuits this strophe; J (l) omits riit....straumi. om. Lunchaud Unger; rotnar K. enn. Vunch and Unger; skys E. s skurn(ur) . IF; 25. 10 hukon F. 11 Jondr F. uJ(1). i* sutu J (I); stoco K, F. 1 i går J (1). F. Jónsson, hell: K, F; hell:t J (1). 24 jiandm(enn) F. It ca. Juach and Unſer; gryna K, F; grómu J (1). 15 ; her 6. ** I; UK k. - E, F; sialfr I (1). 13) Osni at segja 7 15

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·108 THE HÁKONARMÁL & 14. Hermóðr ok Bragi, kvað Hroptatýr, yangið i gögn grami, þvíat konungr ferr, sús kappi þykkir, til hallar hinig. 15 Risir pat mæltim vas frá rómu kominn, stóð allr í dreyra drifinn :- Illúðigr mjök: þykkir oss: Óðinn vesa, sjúm vér hans um hugi.' 16'Einherja' grið skalt þú allra hafa, þigg þú at Ásum öl. Jarla bági, þú átt inní hér átta bræðr,' kvað Bragi. 17. Gerðar várar,' kvað enn góði konungr, viljum vér sjalfir hafa; hjalm ok brynju skal hirda vel, gótt es til görs? at taka.' 18 pi þat kyndisk, hvé sá konungr hafði vel um þyrmt véum, es Hikon báðu heilan koma ráð öll ok regin. 19 Góðu dægri verðr sá grawr um borinn, es sér getr slíkan sefa; hany aldar mun vesa at góðu getit. 20 dun óbundinn yta sjöt Fenrisulfr uinº fara, dior jafngójr á auja trög konungmaðr komi. 21 Deyr fé, deyja frændr, eysisk land ok lís; sízta Hákon fór með heiðin goð, mörg es þjós uin þjús. IK, J (1); alls F. os F. om. F. "K, J(1); sia F. Enhveria J (1). • sialír J (1). gors K; geyms P, J (1). of F; om. K, J (1). *K, 1; konungr J (1). 19 sizi K, J (I); rili F. 11 J; on. K, F. 3 $ . 7 8 ·THE HÁKONARJAL 109 14'Hormásr and Bragi, said Hroptatýr, go ye to meet the prince; for there is coming to our ball a king who has prosed himself a hero.' 13 Then spake the prince who had come from the tumult, and stood all drenched with blood.Othin has shown himself very hostile towards uz We are afraid of his displeasure." 16. Vo farm shalt thou get from any of the Einherjar,' said Bragi; 'Accept ale from the Lair! Fue of Early, itca bast eight brothers in our abode.' 17. Ve will keep our armoar in our on passesčica' snied the brase king; 'hela and mail-ccat must be well guarded It is well to have one's gear to hand.' 18 Tbca it was made manifest, when all the divize ook] bade Haakon welcome box that king bad dealt retetew:ly with the sanctaaries 19 A prince who gains for himself such a character is tom onder a happy star; his life hill Ever be held in god report 30 The wall of Fenris will be let loose upon the homes of men before so good a prince sball succeed to his racant place. 21 Cattle are dying, kinsfolk are dying, land and reala are Lid waste, and many people bare been reduced to boodage auce Haakon passed away to the beatben gods.

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·111 XI. THE DARRAÐARLJÓÐ This poem is preserted in the Sjáls Saga, ch. 157. I: follows immediately co the account of the taste of Clontarf', which was fought on Good Friday, 1014, between Brian Porumb, the high-king of Ireland, and Sigurds, Earl of Orkney. The accounts of the battle preserved in Sorse and Irish literature are singularly fall and interesting! Locording to the Njáls Saga (ch. 154) the battle had its origio in the desire of Kormlas, the mother of Sigtrygt Silkea-beard, King of Dablin, to be arenged on Brian Porumb, to whom she had formerly been married. To accomplish this end, she sent her son to Sigurds, Earl of Orkney, and to Brkir, a Viking chief coasting off the Isle of Van, bidding him ofer any terus to gain their assistance. Taking her at her word Sigtryggs promised his mother in marriage to each of them without informing the other, and thus obtained their aid. There is no reason for questioning the truth of this story; bat it is to be noted that according to Irish authorities it was Brian who took the offensive, and an attack was no doubt espected from him. The Irish forces came ap on Palm Sunday, but the battle did not take place till the Friday. According to Sjáls Saga, ch. 157, this was because Brésir had ascertained by witchcraft that if they fought on Good Friday King Prian would fall but gain the victory; but if they fought before that day the battle would prove fatal to all who were against him'. dccord. ing to the Irish accounts the two armies met on the morning of Good Friday and the battle opened with a single combat 1 Tre Story cf the Irish War contained a ch. 154 .. is consected caly ia the loouest way with the rest of the sad u believed to bare beez taten from a lost Brjón Saga whics 513 ses hoia Thuthu Sus SiaWAT (CL P. Jóasza's e of Breta-jouage (Halle, 1903), Ep. 14) steinn, son of Hats i S.3, is said to Lare teen prezest tbe laide together with Urala the Ped, as it is possible that the art of the tatile vu dared talimately from thema 1 CL Njáls Sage, eb 156, 157; Thorstan Saga Sutralaluosar, ch. 2, Orkuyuga Saje, ch 13, etc; Far of the Gazdil nith the Guus (Pals Series), p. 1516, Annals of Luck Cé (Poils Serie), P. 3, etc. * CL horeser the Far of the Gaedhu will lhe Gaith, p. 157. That is nothing inteconciatle is the sto scoarta • War of the Gaedlal kuih tke Gail, p. 176 Tror ·112 THE DARRAÐARLJÓÐ Plait, son of the King of 'Lochlainn,' and ' a brave champion of the foreigners' (i.e. the Norsemen), had challenged Domhnail, a warrior on Brian's side, the night before the battle; and now he stepped forward in front of the Irish host crying three times“Faras Domhnall?"(Hvar es, 'where is,'Domhnall?) Domhnall answered and said “Sand, a snithing" (Herc, O niðingr, 'wretch')! "They fought then, and each of them endeavoured to slaughter the other; and they fell by each other, and the way that they fell was, with the sword of each through the heart of the other; and the hair of each in the clinched hands of the other. And the combat of that pair was the first (of the battle]' Then the hosts came together and a tremendous fight took place, lasting from sunrise to sunset, from tide to tide!. And each party of them remembered their ancient aninosities towards each other, and each party of them attacked the other. And it will be one of the wonders of the day of judginent to relate the description of this tremendous onset?...It appeared to the people of Ath Cliath (Dublin) who were watching them from their battlements, that not more numerous would be the sheaves floating over a great company reaping a field of oats; even though two or three battalions were working at it, than the hair flying with the wind from them, cut away by the heavy gleaming axes, and by bright Haming swords. Whereupon the son of Amhlaibh (i.c. King Sigtryggr), who was on the battlements of his tower, watching them said: "Well do the foreigners reap the field," said he; Many is the sheaf they let go from them": The Irish annalist continues in words which recall passages of the Durraðurljóð (strophes 1, 9): There was a field, and a ditch, between us and thein, and the sharp wind of the spring coming over them towards us; and it was not longer than the time that a cow could be milked, or two cows, that we continued there, when not one person of the two hosts could recognize another...we were so * War of the Gaedhil with the Guill, p. 191. * Id., p. 175. Ib., p. 191.

·raven THE DARRAÐARLJÓÐ 113 covered, as well our beads as our faces, and our clothes, with the drops of gory blood, carried by the force of the sharp cold wind wbich passed over them to us. And even if we attempted to perform any deed of valour we were noable to do it, because our spears over our heads had become clogged and bound with long locks of hair, which the wind forced upon us, when cut away by well-aimed swords, and gleaming axes; so that it was half occupation to us to endearourto disentangle, and cast them off. And it is one of the problems of Erinn, whether the valour of those who sustained that crushing assault was greater than ours who bore the sight of it without running distracted before the winds or fainting?? There fell Earl Sigurðr of Orkney defending the famous er', and there fell Jurchadh, eldest son King Brian, and a countless host of men on either hand. According to Njáls Saga King Sigtryggr commanded one wing of the host; but the Irish annals are unanimous in declaring that he watched the battle with his wife from the fortifications of Dublin, and this is no doubt correct. Even his troops were apparently not engaged; for the Irish are said to have forborne from attacking Dablin through fear that Sigtryggr's men would come out and attack them'. According to the Irish chronicle. King Brian was kneeling on a cushion with his psalter, 'for he would not fight on a holy day' His end is told with characteristic picturesqueness by the Irish annalist. After a watch kept by Bran's attendant which vividly recalls the watch kept by Sister Anne in the Bluebeard story, Bróðir was seen approaching with two attendants. "One of the three who were there, and who had been in Brian's service, said "Cing, cing," said he," this is the king." "No, no, but priest, priest," said Bróðir "It 19 not he bat a noble priest." " By no means," said the soldier, "that is the CL. also Sjáls Sage, ch. 157, Cl. Also P 211. • Id. p. 197. 5 CL Nják Saga, ch. 157. 8 ·114 THE DARRAÐARLJÓÐ great king Brian." Then Bróðir turned aside and slew King Brian and was afterwards slain himself. This great battle which was regarded by bards and annalists aliko is one of the greatest in Irish history was the occasion of many poeins which are scattered up and down the Irish annals, and elsewhere! It is said in both the Norse and Irish authorities to have been accompanied by strange visions and portents'. One of these visions is thus described in Njáls Saga (ch. 156): On the morning of Good Friday the following event happened in Caithuess. A man called Dörruðr was out walking and saw twelve persons ride in a body to a dyngjus where they all disappeared. He went to the dyngju and looked in through one of the windows and saw that there were women inside and they had set up a loom. Men's heads served for weights, men's entrails for the weſt and warp, & sword for the "beater in" and an arrow for the lræll. They sang the following verses.' At this point the saga inserts the poem Darraðarljóð, after which it continues as follows: "Then they pulled down the web and tore it asunder, and each of them kept the part she had hold of. Dörruðr now turned away from the window and went home. And they mounted their steeds, and rode six to the south and the other six to the north. Brandr, the son of Gneisti, had a similar vision in the Faroes, The War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill and the annals of Loch Cć arc silent to BruSir's slayer. According to Vils Sagu he was slain by Ullr thu Quarrelsomo; according to Thorsteins Saga Sifululssonar, ch. 2, by Ospakr his own brother. * It is the climar to which the War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill works op god with which the work abruptly closcs. It is also tho opciog entry and the starting-point of the Annuls of Loch Cl. Its importance liowever is literary rather than historical. Sigtrycor continued to reigo over Dublin for wany years. 3 far of the Gacdhil with the Gaill, pp. 205, 207; Keating's llistory of Ireland (Ir. Text Soc.), Vol. 111, Section XIV, p. 277. . Cl. Njáls Suga, ch, 107. • Cr. tho Ilar of the Guedlil sith the Guill, p. 173; Thorsteins Saga Situhalssonar, ch. 2; Annals of Loch Cé, pp. 7-il. Dyngja, generally used in Iceland for thu ladies' bowor. Originally it would even to bare meant a room for wearing, as a rule partly or wholly underground; cl. carly Gerwuu dung (tunc), teatrina.

·THE DARRAÐARLJÓÐ ! 115 It is generally agreed that Dürruðr' is a myth and owes his existence to the expression refr darraðar in str. 4. An easier explanation would be provided by the name of the poem Darraðarljód 23 suggested by Munch', if this was current when the story was written down; but none of the Blss. give a title to the poem. It is worth noting that the expression vefr darraðar occurs in Egill Skallagrímsson's Höfuðlausn (str. 5) which is said to have been composed in 936. According to F. Jónsson Darraðr (“Dórroþr') is a name of Othin; but other scholars take the expression to mean' web of the spear.' Of the date and authorship of the poem we know nothing. The majority of scholars, including S. Bugge", F. Jónsson, E. Mogk', etc. believe it to have been composed not very long after the battle, whether in the British Isles or in Iceland, the latter view being favoured by F. Jónsson. Heusler on the other hand thinks that it dates from a later period, and that it was based on stories of the battle in saga form, though he admits that there is nothing to prevent its being as early as the eleventh century. Others? again have suggested that the poem was not originally connected with the battle of Clontarf, and in this connection we may perhaps note that it contains no proper names except frar in str. 8. So far as I am aware, however, no scholar appears to have stated the grounds for his view in any detail, The poem was known, perhaps in ballad form, in Orkney in the latter part of the eighteenth century. In Lockhart's Life of Sir Walter Scott (Edinburgh, 1902), Vol. IV, p. 223 ff, the following passage occurs: A clergyman...while some remnants of the Norse were yet spoken in North Ronaldsha, carried thither the translation of Mr Gray, then newly published, and read it to some of the foot- DC L904), Pmannerne (Copenhagen, 1882), Vol. 11, p. 170.

·THE DARR:DARLJÓÐ old go astearring:0 ihe anciezi disait oi ibair islands. Baiso 502* te ad uTosadeda lle Tap, they asclaimed meil in the origiral, and had often there is sung is so biselia he asked idem icr an old Norse song; they called The Exchantresse: It is poi impossible at the poem may tare come from Iceland : Orbetat some in: during the Middle ages or Düssibly ara laier; bau 2s ir stands, ihe ertemal evidence, men in care un rich ide reference to Caithness in the sagz, cerminty Dvinss to the north of Scotland rather than to Icelard Toe eridercecatained in the poem itself, howerer, presents carixin difcaldia. It has been mentioned that it contains no propar names except the Ford Írar. The historical informadan which it gives may be summed up as follows:(1) a great barile is taking place, which concerns a young king for those saiety and success the spell is being sung (str. 4, 5, 6, 10); (2) a mighty chief (rier gramr), also described as jarlmaðr, (str. 7) is slain; (3) the Irish also are suffering a disaster which will nerer be forgotten (str. 8); (:) the people who hitherto hare been confined to the outlying headlands will now rule the country (str. 7). It is to be observed that while (2), (3) and () of these items are mentioned only in one strophe-or rather half-strophe esch, the 'young king' is the subject of four out of the eleren strophes, and there can be no doubt that it is with him that the poem is primarily concerned. It cannot therefore be derived from the only Icelandic form of the story (Vjáls Saga) which has come down to us; for there the sympathyis obviously on the side of Brian, while Sigtrysgr appears as a cunning enough but by no means heroic character. The Icelanders who were present in the battle had gone there in the following of Eurl Sigursr, not of Sigtryggr; nor was the latter a man of any grut distinction, although he reigned for more than half a century The facts pointed out above would sceni rather to point to Dublin is the original home of the poein. King Sigtryggt's followers might regard the battle as no great misfortune, and ·THE DARRAÐARLJÓÐ 117 look forward to victories over the Irish in the future. But other difficulties still remain. According to the Irish authorities, which are both carlier and fuller than the Norse, Sigtryggr took no part in the battle, so that the working of the spell for his safety would seem to be superfluous. Why too should the youth of the king be so frequently mentioned? His father died in 980 and he himself became king in 988, so that he cannot have been far short of forty at the time of the battle. I am inclined therefore to suspect that the poem was composed for some other occasion, probably in Ireland, and that it only became associated with the battle of Clontarf at a later period, whether in Orkney or in Iceland. We know that the early years of Sigtryggt's reign were disturbed, eg. in 993, when he was ejected for a time from Dublin; but few details of these events have been preserved. It is not impossible, however, that it was originally concerned with some earlier king, eg. with the earlier Sigtryggr, who in the year 919 defeated and slew the high-king Njáll Glundubh in the neighbourhood of Dublinman event which would certainly seem to suít str. 7 more appropriately than anything that we know of in the history of the later Sigtryggr. It is perhaps worth pointing out that in that case the use of the expression refr darratar by Egill in 936 could be satisfactorily explained as due to our poem. The expression itself may have been suggested by the Irish word morenglaim, the great woof of war,' which occurs in The Song of Caroll's Sword", dating from 909. ------- thus to hate been composed in Dabha, and later to have found a home la the Dorth of Scotland. • Ap annotated text and translation of this poem are given by Kuno Aleger in the Repue Celtique, Yol X (1899), p. 94.; and to the Gaelic ·11S THE DARRAÐARLJÓÐ The following short piece occurs in Njáls Saga, ch. 157, just after the Darrudurljós (cf. p. 114 above). It is introduced as follows: Earl Gilli in the Hebrides dreamed that a man came to him and gave his name as Herfinnr and said that he had come from Ireland. The Earl dreamed that he asked him for news froin that quarter. The man recited this vcrse.' Here follows the fragment given below: Vask pars bragnar börðusk, brandr gall á Írlandi, margt fars mættusk törgur; malur goast i dyn hjalma; súkn peira frák szarpa; Sigurðr fell í dyn vigra; áðr tæði ben blæða; Brjánn fell ok helt velli. I have been in Ireland where heroes were fighting and many i sword was clashing as shield met shield--the steel wis shivered in the crash of armour, Fierce I know was the encounter of those warriors. Sigurðr fell in the crash of spears, but the blood was already pouring from his wounds. Brinn fell but won the victory.' Nothing definite is known as to the origin and dute of the poem, though, like the Durrudurljós, it may have been preserved in the Brjáns Sugu. In order to understand clearly the inetaphor which is worked out so fully in the first two strophies of the Durraðurljod; it is necessary to have a clear uoderstanding of the old upright or perpendicular loom (refstadr, vefstoll) which was still in comunon use in Iceland in the latter half of the cighteenth century'. Joursui, Yul. x (1900), p. 613 I. (cf. cspccially liis note on the variant readines of morrisglairs). The translation has also been reprinted in incient Irish Purtry(Loulon, 1313) p. 73, by the same author. Similur turtus uru not unknown clde here in Yorse and in other Teutonic languages, 1.6. Irrlyukrid's lundingsbirui, 1, str. : f., Beowuli, l. 637; but I do not kniny parallel yo close us the Irish onu giyen above.

·THE DARRAÐARLJÓÐ 119 The root principle of all wearing is the rapid passing to and fro of a single free thread of yarn (ie, weſt thread) alternately under and over a series of parallel threads of yarn (i.e, warp threads). This process is represented by the expressionvinda vef. To ensure a durable fabric, care must be taken in simple weaving, as in the ordinary darning stitch, that the weft thread is never placed under the same thread of warp in two consecutive passages. To facilitate the weaver's task the threads of the warp are invariably stretched and held taut, generally by weights. In the old Icelandic upright loom the warp threads (vefr) are attached to a thick rounded bar of wood (rifr) which revolves freely in two wooden sockets at the top of two upright wooden posts (hleinar). A beam (skaft) or, later, two or even several beams, rested on wooden pegs (skaftillir) in the middle of the hleinar. To this skaft are attached the ends of a number of threads At the unattached ends are loops through each of which is threaded every alternate warp thread. The backward and forward movement of the skaft thus serves to decussate the warp threads in much the same way as the heilds of a modern horizontal hand loom. Naturally the shed, or space between the warp threads, is widened and work facilitated by the addition of a second skaft. The ends of the warp opposite to the rifr are weighted (hljádr), singly or in groups, by heavy stones (kljásteinar), which hang freely and hold the warp taut. The work of the reed in the modern hand loom seems to ..

·120 THE DARRAÐARLJÓÐ have been done by diferent implements at different periods, and on this point there is no consensus of opinion among experts. It seems to be clear, however, that at any rate a part of this work was done by the skeið, a large smooth spear-shaped iruplement of whalebone. It may have been used also to “sley' or force up' the threads of the weft so that they should lie close together to give the necessary firmness to the fabric. This work appears to have been performed in some cises by a comb-shaped implement, and the skeid inserted into the shed, as its shape suggests, to give the necessary blow to the comb from below. Mr Roth however declares: that he can get no good results from sleying the threads of the upright loom with this 'comb.' The same vagueness unfortunately exists as to the use of the hrell, a small sharp implement of bone or hard wood hanging from the rifi by a cord. It would no doubt be used to separte the threads of the warp, preparatory to threading them through the loops of the heilds; and it may also have been used for adjusting the weft threads from time to time. It is to be noted, however, that in Olavius's account of the Icelandic loom the hrall and the skeið are both said to be used for beating in' the weft; but the description is obscure in many other points also, and Dr Roth is of the opinion' that the hræll was used as a preliminary to the skeið. He refers to the statement of N, Annandale (The Furoes and Iceland, Oxford, 1905, p. 195 f.) that he obtained in the Faroes a beater-in ('weaver's sword ') made of a whale's jaw or rib. Such an object would probably serve the purposes of both a hrall and a skeid; having approximately the shape of the former and the dimensions of the latter. The shuttle was unknown, and the weſt threads were pushed through the warp by hand. It is to be observed that on the upright looms of the North the cloth Was woven downwards, the first weſt thread being inserted at the top of the warp an slu upwards. ? CIN, L. Roth,.ncient Egyptian and Greek Looms (Bankücld Museum Sotes,' Second Series, So. 2, Halifax, 1913), p. 20 and footuote. Incient Egyptin und Greek Louis, p. 35.

·THE DARRAÐARLJÓÐ 121 The following are the more important ass. of Njáls Saga in which the poem has been preserved": F: Reykjabók (AX. 468), c. 1300. A: Aföðrurallabók: (AM. 132), a. 1350. I: Gráskinn (Gl. Kgl. Saml. 2870), c. 1300 (17th C. transcript). E: Oddabók (AM. 466), 15th Century. Ms. I is incomplete, and for the portion which includes the Darraðarljóð we are dependent on a seventeenth century transcript. The text of the poem which it offers is on the whole the most reliable; but its readings often require to be checked by a comparison with the other three ass. I have therefore taken I as the basis of my text, indicating the most important of the variant readings in the footnotes below. The metre of the poem is Fornyrðislag. Cf. p. 78 above. * cf. Jón Thorkelsson, Om håndskrifterne af Njála' in Njála, Vol. 11 (Copenhagen, 1889), p. 649 ff. Cr. also p. 579ff., . Jónason's edition of Brennu-Njálsraga (Halle, 1908), p. alu, Beasler, Eddica Minora, p. ILTILI.

·120 THE DARRAÐARLJÓÐ have been done by different implements at different periods, and on this point there is no consensus of opinion among experts. It seems to be clear, however, that at any rate a part of this work was done by the skeið, a large smooth spear-shaped implement of whalebone. It may have been used also to 'sley' or force up' the threads of the weſt so that they should lie close together to give the necessary firmness to the fabric. This work appears to have been performed in some cases by a comb-shaped implement, and the skeið inserted into the shed, as its shape suggests, to give the necessary blow to the comb from below. Mr Roth however declares: that he can get no good results from sleying the threads of the upright loom with this 'comb.' The same vagueness unfortunately exists as to the use of the hræll, a small sharp implement of bone or hard wood hanging from the rifi• by a cord. It would no doubt be used to separate the threads of the warp, preparatory to threading them through the loops of the heilds; and it may also have been used for adjusting the weft threads from time to time. It is to be noted, however, that in Olavius's account of the Icelandic loom the hræll and the skeið are both said to be used for beating in' the weft; but the description is obscure in many other points also, and Mr Roth is of the opinion that the hræll was used as a preliminary to the skeið. He refers to the statement of N. Annandale (The Furoes and Iceland, Oxford, 1905, p. 195 f.) that he obtained in the Faroes a beater-in (weaver's sword') made of a whale's jaw or rib. Such an object would probably serve the purposes of both a hræll and a skeijt, having approximately the shape of the fornier and the dimensions of the latter. The shuttle wils unknown, and the weft threads were pushed through the warp by hand. It is to be obsersed that on the uprigut looms of tho North the cloth was worea downwards, tho first teſt thread being inserted at the top of the warp and sleye upwards. Cf. H. L. Roth, Ancient Egyptian and Greet: Looms (Bankücld Luseum Yotes,' Second Scrics, Yo.?, Halifas, 1913), p. 20 and lootnote, * Ancient Egyptian and Greel: Louins, p. 35.

·THE DARRAÐARLJÓÐ 121 The following are the more important ass. of Njáls Sagu in which the poemn has been preserved': F: Reykjabdk (AD. 468), c 1300. A: Möðruvallabók (AM. 132), c. 1350. I ; Griskinnu (Gl. Kgl. Saml. 2870), c. 1300 (17th C. transcript). E: Oddabók (AM. 466), 15th Century. Ms. I is incomplete, and for the portion which includes the Darraðarljód we are dependent on a seventeenth century transcript. The text of the poem which it offers is on tho whole the most reliable; but its readings often require to be checked by a comparison with the other thrco diss. I havo therefore taken I as the basis of my text, indicating the most important of the variant readings in the footnotes below. The metre of the poem is Fornyrðislag. Cf. p. 78 above. 1 cr. Jón Thorkelsson, Om hándaknfterne al Njála in Njala, Vol. A Copenhagen, 1889), p. 619 ft. Cl. also p. 579 f.; F. Jónsson's edition of Brennu-Njálssaga (Calle, 1908), P. XLII; teasler, Eddica Minora, p. ILYIII.

·122 fyr valfalli 16 4 THE DARRAÐARLJÓÐ Vítt es orpit? rifs: reiðiský, rignir blóði; nú's fyr geirum gnir upp kominn vefr verþjóðar sást vinur fylla rauðum veftis Randvés bapa - Sás orpinn vefr: ýta þörmum ok harskljáðr* höfðum manna; eru dreyrrekin dörr' at sköftum, jarnvarðr yllir, enn örum hrælaðr**; skulum 13 slá sverðum sigrvef þenna. 3 Gengr Hildr vefa" ok Hjörprimul, Sanngríðr's, Svipul sverðum tognum"; skaft mun gnesta, skjöldr mun bresta 18; mun hjalmgagarr í hlíf koma, Vindum", vindum vef darraðar, sás ungr konungr átti fyrri; fram skulum ganga ok í folk vaða, pars vinir várir vápnum skifta. 5 Vindum, vindum vef darraðar, ok siklingi síðan fylgjum; þar sjá bragna blóðgar randir Gunnr ok Göndul Þærs grami hlífðu 6 Vindum, vindum vef darradar, pars vé vada vígra manna; látum eigi líf hans farask; eigu valkyrjur valss um kosti. TA; orfic I; orpinn E; orjlinn) F. : reijo I. 3-ský om. F, I. þar er A, 1; þær E, F. «A; Randrés lika l; randverks blaE; rundrersk Ulu F. ? ceir orpinu I. $ Alia br 18s. % darggr E. 10 iarnrara, E; iarruror I. ylli F.E. 1A, I; kræk8E; krælar F. 1 A, E, F; skul I. i at reja I. 15 Sangriðr A; ok Sandgri)fr 1; Sangnifry; Saugnis(r) E. 16 Sipul F'; 02. I. tognun A, I; rekna E, F. 19 sköpt munu gnesta, en skildir munu bresta I. 19 I ow. this strophe. Jlokk E. sia E, F, I; sau .. ew. Thorkelsson and Gislason; bragnar E, F ; baru di beru I. 3 A, E, I; jylgdu r. 1 líj her srara: F. E, F, I wargin); vigs A, I (text). OM. 22 17 ·123 THE DARRAÐARLJÓÐ 1 A loom has been set up, stretching afar and portending slaughter......and a rain of blood is pouring. Upon it has been stretched a warp of human beings warp grey with spears, which the valkyries are filling with weft of crimson. 2 This warp is formed of men's entrails, and is heavily weighted with boman beads. Blood-stained jaselins serve as heddles, the spool is shod with iron, the hræll is formed of arrows, and it is with swords that we must sley this web of battle, 3 Hildr is going to weare, and Björþrimul, Sanngríðr and Svipul with drawn swords. The spearshaft will snap the shield will be cleft, and armour will be pierced by the render of the helmet. 4 We are wearing, weaving the web of the spear. Young is the king who owned it in the past. Forth must we step, and make our way into the battle, where the arms of our friends are clashing. 5 We are wearing, wearing the web of the spear, and we shall continue to aid the hero. Then Gannr and Göndul who have guarded the prince will look upon the bloody shields of warriors 6 We are wearing, wearing the Feb of the spear, while the standard of the valiant warrior is advancing. We shall not suffer him to lose his life. It is for the valkyries to determine who shall be slain.

·THE DARRAÐARLJÓÐ 21 7 Peir munu lýsir löndum ráða, es útskaga áðr un bygju; kvedki ríkjuin gram ráðinn dauða; nús fyr oddum jarlmaðr hniginn. 8 Ok munu İrar angr um bísa, pats aldri mun ýtum fyrnask; nús vefr ofinn, enn völlr rosinn; munu um lönd fara læspjöll gota. 9 Nús ógurlegt um at lítask, es dreyrug ský dregri með hinni; mun loft litat: lýða blóði, cs sóknvarðir syngja' kunnu 10 Vel kváðum vér um konung ungan sigrljóðas fjöld; syngjum heilar! Enn hinn nemi es heyrir á geirfljóðalo ljáðu, ok gumum segi". 11 Risum hestum hartis út berum brugðnum sverðum á braut heðan. i suklaust mudr I. • cs...dregr: at dreyrugt sky dregsk A, I. 3 litask I. . cm. F. Jouson; spár carar E, F; sper vardar A; þá er sókn varfur I. SA, I; springa E, F. om. A. i kráðu E; kredu A; k(ra)ju F. $ sigrhliófa A, E, I; sigr hliða F. · A, F'; jlis E, I. I; geirljóta a; geirhljúša E, F. hljós I; jljus E ; fjölf A, F. 12 A, I; skemti E, F. 8 13 mill: A. 10 ·7 THE DARRAÐARLJÓÐ 125 The people who have hitherto occupied only the outlying headlands shall have dominion over the land. I declare that death is ordained for a mighty prince.. Even now the earl has been laid low by the spears. 8 The Irish too will suffer a sorrow which will never be forgotten by men. Now the web has been woven and the field dyed crimson. The news of the disaster will travel throughout the world. 9 It is ghastly now to look around, when blood-red clouds are gathering in the sky. The air is being dyed with the blood of men, while the maidens of battle are singing. 10 Many spells of victory have we chanted well for the young king. May we have luck in our singing! And may he who hearkens to the spear-maidens' lay learn it and tell it to men. 11 Let us brandish our swords, and gallop our barebacked steeds out hence and away.

·+ XII. THE SONATORREK, ETC. Egill Skallagrímsson, the most important of all the poets of Iceland, was born about the year 900 at Borg in Borgarfjörsr, where his father Skallagrímr had settled on his departure from Norway in 878. The story of his life, together with what remains of his poems, is preserved in the saga which bears his name, and which appears to have been written down about the close of the twelfth century. At an early age Egill showed signs of a truculent and unruly disposition. He went abroad for the first time about the year 915 with his elder brother Thórólfr, and spent the next ten years in Norway. His conduct there brought upon him the hostility of Eric (Blóðöx), son of King Harold the Fairhaired, and more especially of Eric's wife Gunnhildr. In consequence of this the two brothers had to leave Norway. They went to England and took service under King Aethelstan whose territories were threatened with invasion by Olaf the Red, who is represented in the saga as King of Scotland. In the campaign which ensued Thórólfr was killed. Egill was handsomely rewarded for his services by King Acthelstan, and shortly afterwards went back to Norway, where he married Ásgerðr, his brother's widow. With her he returned home to Iceland (about 927). Some years later, hearing of the death of his wife's father, he again visited Norway to claim her share of the property. The claim was disputed by the husband of his wife's sister who alleged that Asgerðr was illegitimate. Egill again incurred the wrath of Eric who was now king, and his life was saved only by the efforts of the baron Arinbjörn, a relative of his wife. Eventually Egill murdered both the rival claimant and a young son of the king, and then escaped to Iceland. In 936 he again set out for England to visit King Nethelstan, being unaware that Eric had been expelled from Norway and was now established under Aethelstan at York. Egill's 6 ·THE SONATORREK 127 ship was wrecked at the mouth of the Humber, but he succeeded in finding his friend Arinbjór, who persuaded him to compose a panegyric on King Eric (the Höfuðlausn), by mcans of which he was enabled to save his life. After some time spent with King Aethelstan, and another short visit to Norway, he returned home to Iceland (about 938). He was again in Norway for about two years (about 950—952); but apart from this he spent the rest of his life in his native land. He occupied the family home at Borg until after his wife's death (about 973), when he gave it up to his son Thorsteinn. After this he lived with his stepdaughter Thordis at Mosfell, where he died about 982. Besides Thorsteinn he had two sons, both of whom died young (about 960), and two daughters, one of whom (Thorgeror) was married to Olaf Pái, and is a prominent character in the Laxdæla Saga. Three of Egill's longer poems have been preserved--the Höfuðlausn, composed at York in 936, the Sonatorrek, an elegy on the loss of his two sons, and the Arinbjarnardrdpa, composed in honour of his friend Arinbjorn. The two latter are beliered to date from about 960. In addition to thesc, he is known to have composed at least three other long poems, one of which (the Adalsteinsdrápa) was a panegyric in honour of King Aethelstan, composed about 926. Of this the first verse and the refrain have been preserved and are given below. The saga contains also a large number of single strophes, which are said to have been composed by Egill on various occasions. Egill's poems, more especially the shorter pieces, are typical examples of the highly artificial style of composition cultivated by the poets of his day. The extravagant kennings render them distasteful to the modern reader, and this distaste is intensified by the habit of interweaving two or more co-ordinate sentences, which are not always easy to disentangle. Indeed it must have required considerable familiarity with the art to apprehend the poet's meaning when he was declaiming them. At the same time, they are of considerable interest for the light which they throw on ·128 THE SONATORREK the man's character, in addition to the information which they give in regard to the life and thought of the times. The most important texts of Egils Saga are contained in two velluios, l. 132 (A), dating probably from about the middle of the fourteenth century, and the Wölfenbuttel us. (11), which is of about the same date but incomplete and one paper MS. AU. +53, copied, apparently, in the seventeenth century, from & MS. (K), dating from about 1400, of which only a small fragment (AJI. 162 E) now remains. Of these MSS. II is in every way the best. According to F. Jónsson the remaining uss. are of no independent value. As specimens of Egill's style I have selected (1) two strophes from ch, 55, which form a short elegy on the death of his brother Thórólfr, (2) the opening strophe and the refmin-all that is preserved of his panegyric on King dethelstan, also from ch. 55, (3) the elegy (Sonatorrel) on the deaths of his two sons, from ch. 78. With regard to the two former pieces it is to be observed that according to the saga the war against Olaf the Red' broke out very shortly after Aethelstan had succeeded to the throne. Thórólfr and Egill offered their services to the king, and the former was given an important command in the army. In the fighting which followed he was killed, but the English were victorious, largely owing to Egill's bravery. Olaf was slain, and bis army was dispersed. It is clear that the saga, which was not written down until about the year 1200, is inaccurate in several particulars. In Olaf the Red' two distinct persons appear to be confused. Anlaf (Óláfr), son of Guthfrith, King of Dublin, and his ally Constantine, King of Scotland; but neither of them was killed in battle against Aethelstan'. The battle described in the saga is said to have taken place shortly after Aethelstan's accession, and many years before King Eric was expelled from Norway (935). It cannot therefore be the Battle of Brunanburh which was fought in 937, in spite of the similarity between the names Vinheiðr and Viná and . ?CI. p. 01 I. above. * CI. p. 59 4. above.

·THE SONATORREK 129 the name leondun which Symeon of Durham' gives to the Battle of Brunanburh. It would appear rather to have been an earlier attempt on the part of Anlaf to reclaim the kingdom from which his father Gutbfrith had been expelled. In the saga Egill is represented as reciting the following strophes at his brother's funeral on the battlefield; but the expressions jurt grær, etc. (str. 1), and restan (str. 2), rather suggest that they were composed at some later date, presumably after the poet's return to Iceland. 1 Gekk sás 63jsk ekki, jarlsmanns bani, snarla, preklundaðr fell Pundar Þórólfr í goý stórum. Jory grær, enn vér verðum, Vínu när of mínum helnaud es pat-hylja harm, ágætum. barma. 2 Valkostum hlook vestan vang fyr merkistangir, ott vas él þatssóttak Aðils bláum. Naðri; hági ungr vis Engla Áleifr prumu' stála; helt, né hrafnar sultu, Hringt áo vápna þingi. Thórólfr the bold-hearted, the slayer of the earl, he who feared nothing, strode forth valiantly and fell in Thundr's great uproar. Near Vína the earth is green over my noble brother. That is a deadly sorrow, but we will suppress our grief. 2 In the West I covered the ground with heaps of slaughter in front of my standard. Violent was the storm which I brought upon Aðils with my black Adder The young Aleifr raised a ternpest of steel against the English. Hringr busied himself in the clash of weapons, and the ravens did not go hungry, The other strophe is all that remains of a drápa or panegyric poem in honour of Aethelstan, which Egill is also represented (ch. 55) as having produced shortly after the battle. 1 Historia Dunelmentu Eccleside (Rolls Series), cap. xym; Buloria Regum, 10. & 83. om, wY. em F. Jónsson, ágætan , agiætan W, K • M, VY; bat K. med bl. K. .olafr brumu M, W. barer W; medan K. at Y. K. 3 7 ·130 THE SONATORREK þá orti Egill drápu un Aðalstein konung, ok er í því kvieši þetta: Nú hefir foldguárr felda fellr jörð uud nið Ellum hjaldrsuerraudi, harra höfuðbaðmr, þria jöfrika Adalsteinn of valun annat lt's lægra kynfrægjumhér sverjum þess, hyrjar hrannbrjótrimmkonungmanni. Enn þetta er stefit í drápunni: Nú liggr hæst und hraustum hreinbrut Aðalsteini. Then Egill composed a panegyric upon King Aethelstan, which contained the following strophe : The scion of kings...he who rouses the battle into fury, has now laid three princes low. The land falls into the hands of Ella's kiasiunn. Aethelstan bus accomplished yet more. Here we swear it, o distributor of gold! There is nothing so noble as a royal person of renowned stock. And this is the refrain of the poem: The highest mountain ridges are now subject to the valiant Aethelstan, The Sonatorrek appears to have been composed some thirty-five years after the poems given above. It is preserved in ch. 78 of the saga, where an account is given of the circumstances from which it arose. Egill had bought timber from a ship which had come up the White River, and his son B3Svarr, then about seventeen years of age, went with the men on an eight-oared boat to bring it home. A storm rose and the ship foundered, and the whole crew were drowned. Egill heard the same day what had happened and went to look for Böðvarr's body. Having fouud it he rode with it to Digranes and placed it iu the family barrow beside his father Skallagrímr. Then he rode home to Borg, and went straight to bed and locked himself in. No one dared to disom. F. Jónsson; 15. lunarhr)Str.

·THE SONATORREK 131 turb him, and he lay thus for two days without food or drink. But on the third morning his wife Asgerðr sent a messenger to bring their daughter Thorgerør from Hjarðarholt. Thorgerðr set off immediately and rode to Borg with two companions. Ásgerðr greeted her and asked whether they had had supper. Thorgersr replied in a loud voice: “I have had no supper, and I will not have any till I arrive at Freyja's home. I think that the best thing for me to do is to follow my father's example. I have no wish to survive my father and my brother," She went to the bedroom and called out: "Father, open the door. I want us both to go the same journey." Egill undid the lock, and Thorgeror stepped up into the bedroom and closed the door; she lay down on another bed that was there. Then Egill said: "You hare done well, daughter, in wanting to accompany your father. You have shown how greatly you are devoted to me. How could it be expected that I should want to live under such a burden of grief?" After this they were silent for a while. Then Egill said: "What are you doing, daughter? Are you chewing something?" "I am chewing samphire," she replied, “because I think it will do ine harm; I am afraid that otherwise I may live too long." "Is samophire bad for people?" asked Egill. "Very bad," said she; "will you have some?" "Why not?" said he. A little while after she called out and asked them to give her a drink. Then they gave her a drink. Then Egill said: "It is always so with those who eat samphire.—They grow more and more thirsty." " Would you like a drink, father?" says she. He took it and gulped down a deep draught. It was in a horn. Then said Thorgeror: “Now we have both been tricked. This is milk." 9--2 ·132 THE SONATORREK Then Egill, who had the horn to his lips, took a great bite out of it and threw it down. Then Thorgerðr said: “What shall we do now ? Our plan is spoilt. I think it would be best now, father, for us to prolong our lives, so that you could compose an elegy on Böðvarr, and I will carve it on a rod, and after that we can die if we like. I hardly think that your son Thorsteinn could compose i poem on Böðvarr, and it is not right that he should not be celebrated ;--for I do not think that you and I will be at the feast when he is waked." Egill said that he was not likely to be able to compose anything, even if he attempted it: “However I will try," said he. Egill had had another son called Gunnarr, and he also had died a short time before. Then Egill began the poem..., Egill began to recover his spirits as he proceeded with the poem. And when it was finished he took it to Asgerðr and Thorgerðr and his household. Then he left his bed and took his place in his high seat. He called that poem Sonatorrek. Afterwards Egill had a funeral feast made for his sons according to ancient custom; and when Thorgerðr went home, Egill saw her off and gave her presents. Egill dwelt for a long time at Borg and lived to a great age.' The Sonatorrek is preserved in the saga almost entire. It is composed in the Kviðuháttım variety of the old epic metre in which three- and four-syllable half-verses alternate. It will be seen that the metaphors in this poem are of a somewhat different kind from those which occur in court poetry, reflecting as they do rather the life of the Northern farmer, e.g. the beehive, the boathouse, building timber, grafting, and possibly the steelyardmand the same remark may perhaps be made in regard to the type of mind which the poem reveals. Other metaphors, however, are drawn from the mythology current among the poets of the time, e.g. the references to Rán, Egir and Othin. Egill's allusions to the gods do not seem to be of a very serious character either here or in his other poems with the exception of a strophe in ch.56, where he invokes them, evidently with great gusto, in ·THE SONATORREK 133 a curse upon King Eric. His attitude towards the gods may be contrasted with that of Thórólfr of Bostr towards his dear friend Thor,' or that of Hrafnkell Freysgogi, who 'lored Freyr so much that he gave him half of all the best things that he had,' including a horse. Yet although the tone of Egill's references to the gods are characteristic of the times, some of the allusions to religion in the poem are of a somewhat unusual character. In particular we may notice the refercnces to immortality in etr. 10 and 21, in connection with which it is perhaps worth remembering that Egill had been for some time in Aethelstan's service, where he had been primesigned and must have acquired some knowledge of Christianity. Unfortunately the text of the poem is in a far from satisfactory condition. It is preserved for the most part only in K, the worst of the ass referred to on p. 128 above. Strophe 1 is found also in II and W, and str. 23 and the first half of 24 in the Prose Edda (Skúldskaparmál, ch. 2). I have followed the text of K' as given by Finnur Jónsson in his edition of Egils Saga (Copenhagen, 1886–1888), except in strophe 1 and in other cases where departure from the us reading appeared necessary. No exhaustive collation of the readings of the various 31SS. seems ever to have been published, and in many cases it is very difficult to make out from the editions what readings have us. support. The editions of Vigfusson and Powell (Corpus Poeticum Boreale, Oxford, 1883) and of F. Jónsson (ed cit., also Copenhagen, 1913) contain a very large number of emendations. In some of these cases F. Jónsson himself seems to have gone back to the MS. reading in his edition of Egilsson's Lexicon Poeticum? ! As represented by AM. 453. * Lexicon Poeticum Antiquae Linguse Septentrionals, retised and re. odited by F. Jónsson (Copenhagen, 1913–1916).

·O2 THE SONATORREK tungu at hræra Mjök erum tregt ór loftátt ljóð prúðara? Era nú vænti órs Viðurss þýfi, né hógdrægt úr hugar fylgsni. 2 Esa auðþeystry, því at ekki veldr höfuglegr, ór hyggju stað fagnafundr Friggjar8 niðja, árborinn ór Jötunheimum. 3 Lastalauss *es lifnaði & Nokkvers nökkva Bragi* Jötuns hals undir þjóta náins nior fyr naustdurum. 4 puit átt min á enda stendr *sem hræbarnar hliñr marka*, Esa karskr maðr, sás köggla' berr frænda hrörs af fletjum niðri. 5 þó munk mitt ok móður hrör föður fall fyrst um telja, pat berk út ór orghofi mærdar timbr máli laufgat. 6 Grimt varumk hlio þats brönn um braut fofur míns á frændgarði. Veitk ófult ok opit standa sonar skard, es mér sær um vann. 7 Mjök hefr Rán ryskt um mik; emk ofsnauðr at ástvinum. Sleit marr bönd minnar áttar, sharan þátt af sjalfum mér. 7 I d, W; er um K. 2 M, W; eðr loptuæi K. SU, W; -pundara K. * vænlegt K. SDI, Y; um K. 5 Vidris K. em. G. PAlsson; and. K. em. G. Pálsson; þriggia K. 20 baugla K. em. Dietrich; riður K. mars K. 13 om, K. & 3 flota K. 22 ·135 THE SONATORREK . It is very difficult for me to set in motion with my tongue a lofty poem...... There is now nothing to be hoped for from Othin's spoil. It is not easily to be drawn from the recesses of my soul - The happy discovery of Frigg's relatives, brought long ago from Jötunheimar, cannot easily be made to low from the depths of my heart; for it is repressed by heavy griet. 3 Faultless... Ýmir's streams are roaring down in front of the entrance to my kiosman's grare-mound 4 For my line is drawing to an end, like the......of the forests battered.......There is no happiuess in the man who is carrying down from his house the last remains of one of his family. s Now first I will tell of my ons. bis father's loss, and of his mother's berearement Sach is the timber, clad with foliage of diction, which I mll bring forth from my temple of speech to build my edifice of poetry. 6 The rent which the wares hare made in the pale of my father's family has been harrowing to me. Empty and unoccupied I see the place from which the sea bas tom my son. 7 Greatly has Rán afficted me. I hare been despoiled of a dear friend. The se: kas rent the ties of my biodsed and tom a stopt thread from me myself.

·136 THE SONATORREK 8 Veizt ef sök sverði um räkak, vas ölsmið allra tíma. * Roða vagsbræðr um voga mættak, forag andvígr Ægis mani* 9 En ek ekki eiga þóttumk sakar af við sonarbana. þvít alþjóð fyr augum vertr gamals þegns gengileysi. 10 Mik hefir marr miklu räntan, grimt es fall frænda at telja, síðan's minn á munvega áttar skjöldr aflífi hvarf. I Veitk þat sjalfi at í syni mínum vasa* ills þegns efni vaxit, ef sá randvior röskvask næri, unz Hergauts hendr um tæki. 12 Æ lét fest þats faðir mælti, þótt öll þjóð annat segði; um herbergis ok mítt af mest um studdi. ok mér upp upp helt 13 Oft kemr mér *ma biarnar í byrvind bræðra leysi; hyggjumk um es hildr þróask, nýsumk hins ok hygg at því, 14 hverr mér hugaðr á hlio standi annarr þega við 6ðræði; þarfk þess oft *of her giaurum versk varfleygr es vinir þverra. * ·THE SONATORREK 137 3 Know that if I could hare avenged my cause with my sword, the ale-brewer would have been no more............. ........... 9 But I felt that I had not strength to contend with the destroyer of my son. The helplessness of the old man will be manifest to all. 10 Greatly bas the sea robbed me. It is harrowing to speak of the loss of kingipen from the time that the shield of my kindred passed from this life to paths of bliss. 11 I know it of my own conviction ;--the promise of a good man would have matured in my son, if that martial soul had been allowed to ripen until the hands of the War God had embraced him. 12 Ever did he attach most value to his father's words, even when all the world gainsaid me; he upheld me in my house and was the chief stay of my strength. 13 The void left by the brothers often comes into my......... .......I wonder I cast about me and meditate upon the question where, when the condict rages, I shall find 14 apother spirited knight who will stand by my side in the struggle. I bave often had need.. . I will take to fight prudently, now that my friends are vanishing. 15 It is very difficult to find anyone in the world...whom we can trust; for., he who debases his kindred barters here his brother for treasure.

·138 THE SONATORREK 16 Finnk pat oft, es féar beiðir 17 pat's ok mælt at mangi getr? sonar iðgjöld, nema sjalfr ali, né þann nio es öðrum sé borinn maðr í bróður stað. 18 Erumka pekt þjóðar sinni, þótt sér hverr sátt um haldi. Burr's býskips í bæ kominn kvánar sunr kynnis leita. 19 Enn mér *fanst* í föstum þökk hrosta hilmir á hendi stendr. Máka UPP *í áróar grímu* rýnis reið réttri halda, 20 siz sun minn sóttar brimi heiftuglegr ór heimi nam, þanns. ek veit at varnaði vamma vanrs við vámælis es upp um hóf vagna rúni?, 21 pat mank enn i Goðheim Gauta spjalli áttar ask þanas óx af mér, ok kynvið kvánar minnar. 22 Attak gótt við geira dróttin; gerðumk tryggr at trúa hánum, áðr vinat sigrhöfundrs um sleit við mik. 33 Blætka því bróður Vílis, goðjaðarlo, at gjarn" séak, þó hefir Mims vinr mér um fengnar? bölva betr, es et 4 betra telk 25 em. G. Pálsson ; einginn geti K. em. G. Magazus; alitúe K. em. G. Pålsson; rjetti K. * em. Wisén; bann K. F. Jónsson; var K. em. B. M. Olsen; nameli K. em. Vigfusson; runne K. sigrhaufunde K. em. Wisén ; blótka K; blóta Sn, Edda 0; blótka ek ei of, Sn. Edda AM. 10 guð jarpar Sn. Edda; góds. K. gjarna Sn. Edda R. ai, Dietrich; mis. K; mins. So, Edda y; minnis Sn. Edda U. fengit Sn. Edda. It ef hit K. so Pfeiffer, telde K; tel: Sn. Edda W. 2 2 5 em, 7 & 3 1 13 15 ·THE SONATORREK 139 16 I find generally that when money is claimed.... 17 It is also said that no one can obtain compensation for a son, unless he raise up a second son to himself, nor will he get a man who is the son of another to take the place of his adopted brother. 18 The society of mankind is unpleasing to me, even though everyone keeps the peace. My child, the son of my wife, has gone to seek bis companions in the beehive dwelling. 19 But...the ruler of the malt brew stands confronting me in unyielding mood. I have not been able to hold upright my vehicle of knowledge.... 20 since the raging fever snatched from the world my son who, as I can aver, led a blameless life and kept himself free from reproach. 21 I remember still how the friend of the Gantar raised up to the home of the gods a shoot of my stock spring from me, the sapling from my wife. 22 I was friendly with the Lord of the Spear; I trusted him without misgiying until the Lord of cars, the awarder of victory, broke friendship with me. 23 It is not because I am eager to do so that I am worshipping Vili's brother, the chief of the gods. Yet Mimir's friend has granted me compensation for my misfortunes which I account as a substantial benefit ·138 THE SONATORREK 16 Finnk þat oft, es féar beiðir Máka upp 17 pat's ok mælt at mangi getr? sonar iðgjöld, nema sjalfr ali, né þann nio es öðrum sé borinn maðr í bróður stað. 18 Erumka þekt þjóðar sinni, þótt sér hverr sátt um haldi. Burr's býskips í boe kominn kvånar sunr kynnis leita. 19 Enn mér *fanst* í föstum þökk hrosta hilmir á hendi stendr. *í áróar grímu* rýnis reið réttri? halda, 20 siz sun minn sóttar brími heiftuglegr ór heimi nam, þannsek veit at varnaði vamma vanr: við vámæli. 21 pat mank enn í Goðheim Gauta spjalli áttar ask þanns óx af mér, ok kynvið kvánar minnar. 22 Áttak gótt við geira dróttin; gerðumk tryggr at trúa hánum, áðr vinat vagna rúni, sigrhöfundra, um sleit við mik. 23 Blætka því bróður Vílis, goðjaðar, at gjarn" séak, þó hefir Mims?? vinr mér um fengnar13 bölva betr, es et 14 betra telk 15 em. G. Pálsson ; einginn geti K. G. Vagnæus; alitūe K. sem. G. Pálsson; rjetti K. em. Wisén; þann K. em. F. Jónsson; var K. em. B. M. Olsen; mameli K. em. Vigfusson; runne K. 8 sigrhaufunde K. em. Wisén; blótka K; blóta Sn. Edda U; blótka ek ei af, Sn. Edda AM. 10 guð jarþar Sn. Edda; góds- K. gjarna Sn. Edda R. 19 em. Dietrich; mis- K; mins. Sn. Edda TV; minnis Sa. Edda U. 13 ſengit Sn. Edda. 1t ef hit K. so Pfeiffer, telde K; tel: Sn. Edda W. es upp um hóf 1 . em. 4 5 7 15 ·THE SONATORREK 139 16 I find generally that when money is claimed.... 17 It is also said that no one can obtain compensation for a son, unless he raise up a second son to himself, nor will he get a man who is the son of another to take the place of his adopted brother. 18 The society of mankind is unpleasing to me, even though everyone keeps the peace. My child, the son of my wife, hag gone to seek his companions in the beehive dwelling. 89 But...the ruler of the malt brew stands confronting me in unyielding mood. I have not been able to hold upright my vehicle of knowledge.... 20 since the raging fever snatched from the world my son who, as I can aver, led a blameless life and kept himself free from reproach. 21 I remember still how the friend of the Gautar raised up to the home of the gods a shoot of my stock sprung from me, the sapling from my wife. 22 I was friendly with the Lord of the Spear, I trusted him without misgiying until the Lord of cars, the awarder of victory, broke friendship with me. 23 It is not because I am eager to do so that I am worshipping Vili's brother, the chief of the gods. Yet Mímir's friend has granted me compensation for my misfortunes which I account as a substantial benefit

·140
THE SONATORREK
24 Gafumk íþrótt ulfs um? bági,
vígi vanr,
vammi firrða,
ok pat ged
es gerðak mér
vísa fíandr af vélöndum.
25 Erumk’ torvelt. Tveggja bága
njörvanift
á nesi-stendr.
Skalk þó glaðr
góðumó vilja
ok óhryggr
Heljar bíða.
2
3
IU; ok K. em. G, Magnæus; ad K.
nu er mier K.
nesin K. em. Wisén; met godan K.

·THE SONATORREK
11
24 The foe of the wolf, long tried in battle, granted me fault-'
less art and a disposition which has enabled me to expose
the hostility of secret focs.
25 Hord is my lot. The giant sister of Othin's adversary is
standing on the headlond. Yet will I gladly await may
death, with a good will and without regret.

·< XIII. THE BATTLE OF THE GOTHS AND THE HUNS The following poem is preserved in ch. 12-15 of the Saga of Hervör and Heiðrekr. Unlike the rest of the pieces contained in this volume it belongs definitely to heroic poetry, and its nearest affinities are with the heroic poems of the Elda, especially perhaps with the Atla vida, which it resembles both in language and subject, as will be pointed out below. In some respects indeed it would seem to be of a more historical character than the heroic poems of the Edda. It presents clearly the national features of the invasion which it describes--thus avoiding the usual tendency of Norse poetry to lose sight of the national in the personal, and to represent great wars as struggles between wealthy families. We may note too that the special characteristic of the Huns--their wealth in horses--is more prominent here than anywhere else. All these features go to show the antiquity of the poem, or at least of the poetic tradition on which it is based. It is clear that much of the prose in the part of the Saga of Hervör and Heiðrekr to which our poem belongs is a close paraphrase of lost verses. This and other questions relating to the history of the poem have been discussed by Heusler?. The same scholar, following Heinzel", holds that certain features of the poem point to a continental South Teutonic originm-such as e.g. (1) words and phrases used in a sense which is familiar to us from German but not from Norse poetry; e.g. skalkr, str. 10; þar í Húnalandi, str. 2; Angantýs maþr, str. 27, etc.; (2) the frequent verse conclusion ; e.g. 2, 1; 10, 2; 14, 1; 15, 2, etc. ; (3) the construction saari ok með sverði, etc., strophes 2, 7. Some of these, if they 1 Eddica drinora (Dortmund, 1903), p. XIII; cf. also Heinzel, . Ueber die Kervararsaga' in Sitzungsberichte der philosophisch-historischen Classe der kaiserlichen skadenie der Wissenschaften (Vienna), Vol. CXIF, P. 157. · Ci. 'Ueber die Heryararsaga,' p. 149 ff.

·BATTLE OF THE GOTHS AND HUNS 143 are not of forcign origin, must be regarded as indications of considerable antiquity. Skalkr, although bearing the required senso both in England and Germany, is used in Norse elsewhere only in the sense of rogue'l There are many expressions used in the poem which recall Allakviða, Helgakviða Hundingsbana II and other early heroic poems. Some of these will be pointed out in the notes below. We may notice too the curious resemblance between the opening of this poem and that of the Atlakviðu. In cach case a messenger (seggr) is sent by a prince to the hall of his enemy to demand an interview. On entering he finds the occupants seated at a feast, and proceeds to announce his message. We may further compare the catalogue of treasures and possessions offered by Atli to Gunnarr (Allakviða, str. 4, 5) with the very similar list demanded by Hloðr from Angantýr (Battle of the Goths, etc., str. 7, 8). In cach case the reply is accompanied by a second catalogue. The scene of both poems is laid in the same country and indicated by place-names and descriptions (sometimes of an unusual character) which are common to both, such as stöðum Danpar (B. of G., str. 8; Akv. str. 5), hrís þat et mæra es Myrkriðr heitir (B. of G., str. 8; Alv. str. 5). Some of the names which are found in our poem and the Atlakviða occur also in the opening strophes (as well as in the prose introduction) of the Völundarkviða. We hear there of three valkyries, of whom one is called Hervor (daughter of Hlöðver), the same name as that of Angantýr's warrior sister. One of her companions is called Olrún, whose father's name Karr occurs also in the Atlakviða, str. 7. After spending seven years with Volundr and his brothers they fly away á Myrkvan við to resume a life of warfare. Confused reminiscences of the story seem to be preserved in Saxo's Danish History, (1) in the names Humblus and Lotherus, Book 1, p. 2, etc.; (2) in the incident of Eric's visit to the army of the Hung, Book y, pp. 190 f, 1946 The sources from which Saxo derived his information are * Heinzel, op. cit., p. 439 t.; but see note to str. 10 below (p. 202).

·river') appears in the first element of Arheimar. On 2? 144 BATTLE OF THE GOTHS AND HUNS uncertain, but-Olríkı holds that (1) comes from Danish tradition, while (2) is to be traced to Icelandic-Norwegian sources. Much of the latter story is given by Saxo in verse, and it is possible that the tradition reached him partly in the form of poems. His narrative contains some elements which are not found in the Hervarar Saga but which yet appear to bear the stamp of antiquity. The characters of the story were also known to the poet of Midsith. In 1.116 Angantýr and Hlöðr and perhaps Sifka appear again as Inegenbeow and Hlife and Sifeca, though the context seems to suggest that the last-named was a man. Ormarr is certainly the Wyrmhere of l. 119, and no doubt there is a reference to the Goths (Hreðgotan) in the Hræda here who are mentioned as occupying the forest on the Vistula (Wistlawudu) in l. 121. If this forest is to be identified with the Myrkviðr of our poem, as seems likely, the story probably refers to the struggle between the Goths and the Huns towards the close of the fourth century. It is to be noted that the tlan leodun of Widsith l. 122 may be merely a periphrasis for Hunsa. Various attempts have been made to identify the battle. Rafn' regarded it as identical with that described by Jordanes, ch. 17, as taking place between the Goths and the Gepidae, and held that the name of the River Aucha (Goth, alwa the other hand Heinzelo suggested the battle fought on the Catalaunian Plain in 451 A.D. between the Romans and Visigoths on the one hand and the Huns and Ostrogoths under Attila on the other. This view has been accepted by F. Jónsson, Mogk", Olrík?, etc.; but it is improbable, as Chambers 8 points out, that the name of an unknown leader (Humli) 1 Cf. 'Kilderne til Sakses Oldhistorie,' in Aarb. f. Nord. Oldk. og Hist. 1892, p. 1307. * Cf. V. Jagič, Slavisches in nordischen Sagen,' in Archiv für Slavische Philologie, Vol. XI, 1888, p. 308. Antiquités russes (Copenhagen, 1850), Vol. I, p. 111 f. +Ueber die Hervarargaga,' p. 465 ff. - Den Íslandske Litteraturs Élistorie (Copenhagen, 1907), p. 314. & Geschichte der Norwegisch-Isländischen Literatur (Strugsburg, 1904), Danmarks Meltedigtning (Copenbagen, 1910), Vol. U, p. 228. 8 Jidsith (Cambridge, 1912), p. 48. P. 838.

·BATTLE OF THE GOTHS AND HUNS 145 should have been substituted for that of the famous Attila who figures so largely in Teutonic tradition. The name Jyrkriðr means 'dark forest,' and may well be a general term for any part of the forest region of central Europe, or what we may perhaps call the traditional forest land of heroic poetry. I see no reason why it should not be used in this poem for the listlawudu of Widsith, which is mentioned in close connection with Wyrnhere (Ormarr) and which must be located in Poland. This would harmonise better than any locality in the Vest with the references to the Dniepr. It is worth noting too that the words und Hurvaða fjöllum, which occur in 1 verse in ch. 12, just before the beginning of the poem, may preserve an early Teutonic form of the name of the Carpathians'. The fact that we cannot identify any of the characters from historical sources is natural enough, if the scene of the pocin is to be placed in a part of Europe which was outside the horizon of Roman historians It is commonly assumed by modern writers that the Goths evacuated their old home in the third century, when we first hear of them on the lower Danube. But there is no satisfactory evidence that these early movements of the Goths were due to anything more than an expansion, such as we find later, e.g. among the Franks and the Alamanni. It must be remembered that the Romans were as a rule aware only of movements in the neighbourhood of their own frontiers. Apart from rague rumours, they had no means of ascertaining whether a remotc region had been evacuated. If the whole nation had migrated at this time, the remembrance of their old home would scarcely have been preserved in Anglo-Saxon poetry. The passage cited above from Vzdsıth supplies definite evidence the trustworthiness of which I see no ·146 BATTLE OF THE GOTHS AND HUNS reason for doubting--that there was a Gothic population in Poland till at least towards the close of the fourth century. On the other hand, by the beginning of the sixth century the Slavs are found on the line between the Danube and the peoples of the. Danes?, so that some time before this Poland must have ceased to be a Teutonic area. Moreover, as there is no reference to Attila, the events described in our poem are probably to be regarded as having taken place before his time. Several names in the poem are clearly old, e.g. Danpar, Grýtingar, and probably Jössurr, Gizurr, Dylgja”. The presumption is that the story was dealt with in poetry at an early period, either by the Goths or some neighbouring people, and subsequently made its way to the North. The only early (vellum) Mss. of the Hervarar Saga which have survived are the Hauksbók (H), ANI. 544, which breaks off in ch. ll, and the Codex Regius (R), no. 2845 in the Royal Library at Copenhagen, which breaks off in str. 10 of our poem. From this point we are entirely dependent on paper mss., dating for the most part from the seventeenth century. Of these AM. 192 (i), AL. 202 (k), Al. 582 (1) and Salanska Saml. 80 of the University Library at Upsala (u) all appear to be derived from a lost seventeenth century MS. This lost Ms. appears to have used both H and R for the earlier chapters of the saga, and there is no reason for doubting that it did so also in the later parts which are now lost in the vellums. The relationship between i, k, and 1 is very close, and no doubt all three are derived from the lost seventeenth century 31s. through a common intermediary. Again, k and I sometimes show points in common which differ from i, and k contains corrections made by the scribe himself as well as by Arni Magnússon. The fourth paper MS. (u) sometimes offers better readings than the other three, and sometimes shows textual corruptions not found in them. It is no doubt derived from the lost seventeenth century ds. through a different intermediary. Procopius, Gothic Iar, II, XV, 3. ? Cf. Dotes to these numes, p. 198 fi. below.

·BATTLE OF THE GOTHS AND HUNS 17 A further ss., Holm. no. 120 (s), which belongs to the kl group, contains additions and corrections from the hand of the Icelander Guðmundr Olacson (+1695)! According to S. Bugge', the remaining use. have no inde. pendent value. Their variant readings rarely werit consideration, and only as emendations. Such is AU. 345 (a), which Bugge holds is based on l or on a closely related 3.3., probably intuenced by u. It is on this us. that Rafn's text is based. The following text is, with the reservations stated below, substantially that of Bugge as published by him in Norrøne Skrifter af Sagnhistorisk Indhold (Christiania, 18733), though the text of Heusler and Rapisch has been consulted throughout. Bugge based his text as far as str. 10 on R, with occasional readings from the paper diss. After R stops he made a text from a collation of the paper ass., occasionally adding or transposing passages on the authority of other poems and of the prose of the saga I have followed his text for the most part only in so far as it has the authority of the Mss. of the Hervarar Sagu. The metre may be described as a combination of Fornyrdislag and Adlahátír, somewhat similar to what is found in the Atlakrida and the Hamdisnál As in these pocros, there is a considerable amount of irregularity, half lines of three and six upits being found. In the texts which have come down to us alliteration is frequently wanting, and in several cases it is doubtful whether passages should be printed as prose or verse (eg. strophes 18, 20 ff.). The explanation may bo cither that the verses have been forgotten, or that the author of the saga was paraphrasing rather than quoting. Emendations based on metrical considerations are therefore better avoided, For further details relating to the paper 189. cL. Busse, Introduction to his edition of Herrarar Suga in Norrøne Skrifter af Sagnhuloruk Indhold (Christiania, 1673); Heinzel, Ueber die Herveteraaga,' pp. 417-457, feasier and Radisch, Eddica Minora (Dortmund, 1903), p. Yuf, Loc. cit.; cf. also Beinzel, op cit., p. 433 , Lensler and kanisch, loc. cit. * Op. cit., p. 18. I bare, bowever, in conformity with the plan adopted in the other pieces, followed Bugge and the other editors in giving the usual poetic fortis lastead of tbe fata fortas which frequently occur in the ws&.

·148 1 THE BATTLE OF THE GOTHS AND THE HUNS ár kváðu Kumla Húnum ráða, Gizur Gautum, Gotum Angantý, Valdar Dönum, en Völum Kiars Alrek" enn fræknas Enskri þjódu. í Húnalandi? Hlöðr vas para borinn saxi ok meðs sverði, síðri' brynju, hjalmia) hringreifðum, hvössum mæki, mari vel tömum", á mörk enni helgu. 3 Hlögr reið austan 13, Heioreks arfi?, kom hann? at garði þar es Gotaris byggja á Arheima, arfs at kveðja“, par drakk Angantýr erfi Heioreks 18 Segg fann hann úti fyrir sal hávum, ok síðförlan síðan kvaddi: *Ion gakktu, seggr, í sal hávan, bið mér Angantý andspjöll bera. Sá gekk inn fyrir konungsbord ok kvaddi Angantý konung vel, ok mælti síðan: Hér es Hlöðr19 kominn Heiðreks arſpegi”, bróðir þinn enn beðskammis; mikill es sá maðr mjök á marsbaki; vill nú, þjóðann", við bik tala.' 6 Rymr vas í ranni; risu með góðum, vildi hverr heyra hvat Hlöðr mælti, ok þau es Angantýr andsvör veitti. S; the rest fir (firir) her. Angantyr, a, i, , 1 3 Kiar B, i; Völlum kjar &. * Álfrek s; Alfrekur i, k, l; direkr R. s; jralni the rest. 6 R, i; bak, l, 8; om. 8. 7 R, S; Humla landi i, k, l, &. 9 ol me of siðri s. 10 R, 1; om, a, s. N'ol: htössum a, k, l, S. B, i; tömdum a, k, l, s. 13 R, i; utan a, k, l, S; sunnann a. 1 So all des. according to Bogge; mögr B Rafn). WB; om. the rest. 26 R; cf. also prose Gotum Angantýr; Gautar a, i, k, l, e. 17 R, i; krejja a, k, l, S. s; erji Heiðreks konungs the rest. 13 Hlöðverr a, b, 1. R; arji u. 2 bed skanı(17)i P, i; bedranmis, k(?),1,s; landskai (for baudskái, Bagse) o. a, i, k, l; mögr u; ungr R. *B; bjóðaas a, i, k, L 24 hrat er a; bat er s. em. Bugge; bat 15s. & VI 2 2 3 3 om. $. 2 ·149 THE.BATTLE OF THE GOTHS AND THE HUNS 1 Long ago, according to the story, Humli ruled the Huns, Gizurt the Gautar, Angantýr the Goths, Valdarr the Danes, and Klart the Valar, while Alrekr the Bold ruled the English nation 2 Hlojr was born in the land of the Huns in a holy forest, with cutlass and with sword, with ample coat of mail, with treasure-decked helmet, with keen blade, and with well-trained steed. 3 Hlour, Heiðrekr's heir, rode from the east, till he came to Arheimar, to the court where the Goths dwell, to demand his inheritance. There Angantýr was holding Heiðrekr's funeral feast. 4 Outside the lofty ball he met a man who had arrived late, and thereupon addressed him * Enter, sir, the high ball and bid Angantýr hold parley with me.' He entered and stood before Angantýr's table and saluted the King, saying: S'Thy base-born brother Hlour, Heiðrekr's heir, has como hither. Very mighty is the man as he sits on his steed. It is his wish that he may speak with thee forthwith, O King.' 6 A clamour arose in the hall. They stood up with the hero; everyone was anxious to hear what Hluðr had said and the answer which Angantýr vrould give.

·< 150 BATTLE OF THE GOTHS AND GUID Đá mælti Angantýr: 'Vel þú kominn, Hlöðr bróðir'; gakk inn með oss til drykkju, ok drekkuin mjçið eftir föður okkarn fyrst til sama ok öllum oss til vegs með öllum várum súrna.' Hlöðr segir: "Til annars fóru vér hingat, enn at kýla vömb vára'; þá kvað Hlöðr: 7 Hafa vil ek halft alt: þat es Heiðrekr átti, als ok af oddi, einum skatti, kú ok af kalfi, kvern þjótandi, bý ok af præli ok beíra barni.. 8 'hrís þat et' mærae es Uyrkvíðr heitir?, gröf þá ena helgus es stendr á Gotþjóðu', stein þann enn fagra es stendrá stöðum Danparız, halfar herváðir23 þæri es Heiðrekr átti, lönd's ok lýðale ok ljósa!? bauga.' Angantýr kvas: 9 Bresta 18 mun, bróðir, en blikhvíta rönd", ok kaldr geirr koma við annai“, ok margr gumi í gras hníga, áðr enn Tyrfing í tvaus deilak eða þér, Humlusgr, halfan arf gefak. Býr ek þér, fruendis, fagrar veigara, fé ok fjöls meiðma", sem þik fremst tíðir; tólf hundruð gef ek þér manni, tólf hundruð gef ek pér mara, tólf hundruð gef ek þér skalka, Þeira es skjöld bera. 1 v.þ.b. vel bu terir i, k, l, 3R; af al a, i, k, l, 8, u. A R; börnum a, i, k, l, s. :R; hırísi þui enu i, k, l, u, a (hinu 1, 2). 61; meira R ; mata a, k, l, u. Uyrkriðir heitu R; •ur heita i, l; -ur heitir u. , 1, k, l, a; enu góðu R. em. from str. 12; Gölu þiódar Pe; Goo piódu i, a; göt bióta l; götu bió par k; gölu þibba a. &, i, k, l, u; ineira R. u; Danp uar R. 13 R; hervorgir a, i, k, l, s. JA R; om. a, i, k, l, u. 15 landa (-i u) a, i, k, l, u. 16 om. ok lyda R. R, i; ljósra s. 19 B, a, a, 1; vera i, k. , i, k, 1; mun aor u; mun fyr B, 8; lind en blikhvitu B; en blikhvíta lindu; minn blikhvíta hönd a, i, k, l. en. Bugge; annat i, k, l; randir 4 ; ok...annan oin, R. 4, i, k, l; er u. i mill 2, i, k, l. 3+ deila R; a, i, k, l; deili u. i, k; gefa 1, u; el mun Humlung hálfan láta esa Tyrjing i trau deila R. ** B; ek mun bjóðu þér, the rest. 7 til leilla sútta B. * mikil ríki ok cerit jé, xil hundruo vápnadra R; ek vil etc. 8. 6; meiona a, i, k, l, u. may em. Bugge; mik a, i, k, . 10 7 Il R, T. 1% ·BATTLE OF THE GOTHS AND HUNS 131 Then Angantýr spoke : * Thou utt welcome, Hlor, my brother; enter and take part in our feast. Let us first drink mead in honour of our father's memory, and to the glory of us all with full ceremony.' Hlusr replied: •We are come hither for a different purpose than to fill our stomachs. Then he said: 7 'I will have half of all that Heiðrekr owned-of his tools and scapons, his undivided hoard, cows and calves and the runnuring handmill, slavewoman and bondman, and their children with them. 8 I will have half the noble forest which is called Myrkuisr, the holy tombs which stand among the people of the Goths, the beautıful stones which stand at Danpr's abode, the raiment of battle which Heiðrekr owned, his lands and licgenien and his glittering treasures.' 9 Angantýr replied "The gleaming-white shield will be cloven, my brother, and cold spear will clash with spear, 36d many & man will sink to the grass before I will divide Tyrfing in two, or give thee the half of the patrimony, thou child of Humli. 10'I offer thee, my kinsman, beautiful goblets, cattle and abundance of jewels, whatsoeter thou most desirest Twelve hundred men will I give thee, twelve hundred steeds will I gire thee, twelve hundred squires will I fire thee, such as bear the shield.

·4 6 12 6 15 152 BATTLE OF THE GOTHS AND HUNS Manni: gef ek hverjum mart at þiggja annata æðra enn hann áðr ú%; mey gef ek hverjum manni at þiggja, meyju spenni ek hverri men at halsi. Mun ek uns pik sitjanda silfri mæla, enn ganganda þiks gulli steypa, svá' á vega alla velti baugar; þriðjung Gotþjóðar því skaltu einn ráða. Gizurr Grýtingaliði, fóstri Heiðreks konungs, vas på med Angantý konungi; hann vas þá ofrgamall; ok es hann heyrði boð Angantýs konungs, þótti honum hann ofmikit bjóða, ok mælti: 13 Þetta es þiggjanda 10 þýjarll barni", barni"? Þýjar" þótt 13 sé borinn konungi.. pá hornung?! á haugi sat, este öflingr arfi skifti. Hlöðr reiddist nú mjök, er hann vas býbarn ok hornungr kallaðr, ef hann þægi boð bróður síns; snöri hann þá þegar i brott með alla sína menn, til þess es hann kom heim í Húnaland til Humla konungs, móðurföður síns; ok sagði honum at Angantýr bróðir hans hafði (eigi) unnt honum helmingaskiftis. Humli konungr spurði alt tal beira; varð hann þá reiðr mjök, ef Hlöðr dótturson hans skyldi ambáttarson heita, ok mælti: Sitja skulum vér í vetr ok sællega lifa, drekka ok dæma dýrar veigar; kenna Húnumis hervápn 19 búa, þau es djarfliga skulum fram bera. Vel skulu vér, Hlöðr, herlið búa, ok rammlega með tólfvetra* mengi ok tvævetrum fola, svá skal Húna her um safna. 1 manni...ú om, k. : 11. 2, 3 om. &. em. Bugge; û nýti i, l; ärári u. mæn spenni ek nri at halsi u. om. a, k, l, om, i, k, 1. ; vegu a, i, k, L 9 k; Godbio bar (God. 1) i, 1; god bioda u. 10 þigujandi ), 1. em. Bugge; byar uss. 1, 2; pijar 1, 1. 2. 12 Jarmi u. 13 i; ok þótt k, l, a. 14 konungr &, i, k, 1, Humlungr a. 16 enił s, in 18 hvörjum .. S; vápn at búa the rest. 20 k, l, a ; per i; vér þér u. B; rammlegar a, k, l; framlega u; franliga i. heylja a, i, k, 1. 31,s; zii var gömlum a; vetra gömlu k, l, a. 14 in 21 hildi heyja 3 5 6 so at k. 11 25 17 skulu u. 29 2 a; hildir ·BATTLE OF THE GOTHS AND HUNS 153 11'I will give to every man a bounteous gift, finer than anything that he had before; I will give to each man a maiden as a gift, and round every maiden's throat I will clasp a necklace. 12' As thou sittest I will encase thce in silver, and as thou walkest I will cover thee with rings of gold so that they will roll in all directions, and thereby shalt thou have a tbird part of the Gothic nation under thine own sway.' Gizurr, a liegeman from the Grýtingar, King Heiðrekr's foster-father, was then with King Angantýr. He was a very old man at that time. And when he heard King Angantýr's offer, he thought that he was offering too much, and said: 13.This is indeed an offer for a bondwoman's child, for a bondwoman's child, eren though his father was a king. When the prince divided his inheritance the illegitimate son was sitting on the mound.' Hlöðr now grew very angry at being called the child of a bondwoman and an illegitimate son, if he accepted his brother's offer; so he depa, ted at once with all his men and returned home to King Humlı, his mother's father, in the land of the Huns And he told Humli that Angantýr his brother had not granted him an equal share. King Humli enquired as to all that had passed between them, and was very angry that Hlodr, the son of his daughter, should be called the son of a bondmaid, and he said. 14 'We will stay at home for the winter and take our joy of life. We will quaff the costly draughts and se will hold council together. We will instruct the Huns to prepare the weapons of war which we shall bravely carry to battle. 15' Nobly will we array a host of warriors, O Hluðr, and manfully will we offer battle, with troops from the age of twelve years, with steeds from the age of two years even thus shall the host of the Huns be assembled.'

·154 BATTLE OF THE GOTHS AND HUNS penna vetr sátu þeir Humli konungr ok Hlöðr um kyrt um várit drógu þeir her saman svá mikinn at aleyða vas eftir í Húnalandi vígra manna....Enn fimm þúsundir [váru] i hverja fylking, þeira er þrettán hundruð váru í hverri þúsund, enn í hvert hundrað fernir fjórir tigir; enn þessar fylkingar váru þrjár ok þrír tigir. Sem þessi herr kom saman riðu þeir skóg þann, es Myrkvíðr heitir, es skilr Húnaland ok Gotaland. Enn sem þeir kónu af skógiour, þá váru bygðir stórar ok vellir sléttir, enn á völlunum stóð borg ein fögr; þar réð fyrir Hervör, systir Angantýs ok Hlöðs, ok með henni Ormarr fóstri hennar; váru þau sett þar til landgæzlu fyrir her Húna; höfðu þau þar mikit lio. pat var einn morgun um sólar upprás,at Hervör stóð upp á kastala einum yfir borgarhliði; hun sá jóreyki stóra suðr til skógarins, svá löngum fal sólina; því næst sá hun glóa undir jóreyknum, sem á gull eitt liti, fagra skjöldu ok gulli lagða, gylta hjalma ok hvítar brynjur. Sá hun þá at þetta vas Húna herr ok mikill mannfjöldi. Hervör gekk ofan skyndilega ok kallar lúðrsvein sinn ok bað blása saman lið. Ok síðan mælti Hervör: "Takið vápn your ok búizt til orrostu, enn þú, Ormarr, ríð í mót Húnum ok bjóð þeim orrostu fyrir borgarhliði enu syðra.' Ormarr kvað: Skal ek vist rísa ok rönd bera gunni at heyja.' Đá reið Ormarr af borginni mót Húnum; hann kallaði þá hátt, bað þá ríða til borgarinnar ok mælti: "Úti fyrir borgarhliðinu suðr á völlunum þar býð ek yör orrostu.'... Enn með því at Húnar hafa lið miklu meira, snöri mannfallinu i lið beira Hervarar; ok um síðir fell Hervör ok mikit lið umhverfis hana. Enn es Ormarr sá fall bennar, flýði hann ok allir þeir es lifit þágu....Ok sem Ormarr kom fyrir Angantý konung, þá kvað hann: Sunnan em ek kominn at segja spjöll þessi : Sviðin es öll mörka ok Myrkvíðar heiðr, drifinn öll Gotþjóð Ik; Gauta i, 1, 5, 0; Gauta kindum (for G. Þj.) a. 8; myrk: 1; mürks ok om. a, i, kis I. 3 heiti i, k, l, 6; heiður u. 6 16 Gotabjóðum, 13 gumna blóði.

·BATTLE OF THE GOTHS LYD HUYS 135 That winter King Humli and Hlasrremained quict; but the following spring they collected such a large army that the land of the Hans was swept lare of fighting men.....Ind there were five thousand' in each legion, cach 'thousand' containing thirteen'bundreds,' and each 'hundred' four times forty men, and these legions were thirty-three in number. Then these troops had assembled, the role through the forest abich was called Jytkritr, and which separated the land of the Huns from that of the Goths. And when they emerged from the forest, they came upon a thickly inhabited country with level fields; and in the plains there was a fair fortress. It was under the command of Hervör, the sister of .ngantýr aod Hlør, aud Orpart her foster-father was with her. They had been appointed to defend the land against the host of the Huns, and they bad a large army there. It happened one poming at sunrise that as Herror was standing on the summit of a tower orer the gate of the fortress, she looked southwarls towards the forest, and save clouds of dust anslog from a great body of borse, by which the sun was hidden for a long time. Yext she saw a gleam beneath the dust, as though she were gazing on a nass of gold— fair shields yrerlaid with gold, zilded helmets and white corslets. Then she perceived that it was the host of the Huns coming on in rast numbers. She descended hastily and called her trumpeter, and bade him sound the as-embly :: Lucine wusu 16'I will certainly tabe my shield, and ride with the troops of the Goths to re battle' Then Orman borde out of the fortress against the Huns. He alled loudly, bidding them nde up to the fort, saying: "Outside the gate of the fortress, in the plains to the south-ther will I offer you battle...But the host of the Huns was far supenor in numbers, so that Herror's troops began to suffer heasy losses, and in the end Herror fell, and a great part of her arms round about her. And when Ormart saw her all, he tied with all those ho still survired.... od ben he came into the presence of King Angaatyr, he cried 17.I am come from the south, and this is the news which I hare to offer. The whole of the woodland and forest of Vyrkvior is ablaze and all the land of the Guths is drenched with the blood of men.

·BATTLE OF THE GOTHS AND HUNS 56 18 Jeg veit ek Heiðreks... systur þína svigna til jarðar, hafa Húnar hana felda, marga aðra yðra þegna. ok 19 *Léttari gördist hun at böðvi? enn við biðil ræða eða í bekk at fara at brúðar gangi? Angantýr konungr, þá es hann heyrði þetta, brá hann grönum, ok tók seint til orða, ok mælti þetta um síðir: Obróðurlega vastu leikin, en ágæta systir,' ok síðan leit hann yfir hirð sína, ok vas ekki mart lið með honum; hann < kvað þá: 6 20 Mjök váru: vér margir es vér mjög drukkum, nú erum vér færi es rér fleiri skyldum. 21 22 Şékkat ek þann í mínu liði, þótt ek biðja ok baugum kaupa, es muni ríða oks rönd bera, ok þeira’ Húna herlig finna 20 Gizurr gamli sagði: 'Ek mun þar" einskis eyris krefja, ne skjallanda skarfs or gulli; þó mun ek ríða ok: rönd bera, Húnals þjóðum herstafı bjóða.' Gizurr herklæddist með góðum vápnum, ok hljóp á hes sinn, sem ungr væri; þá mælti hann til konungs: *Hvar skal ek Húnum hervig kenna ? ' 23 S Angantýr konungr kvað: * Kendu at 26 Dylgju" ok á Dúnheiði, ok á þeim öllum Jössurfjöllumas; (I.) u 1 em. Bugge; littare gürtisk hón á hautre i, 1, 1 (littré l); om. at badni. ad leik i sarū ei ad lūd geingu u. s rorum i. s færri a. 6 biti a. i kaupia. em. Bugge; 10 bera u. 11 i, k, l; i þeir a, i, 1; om. k. 1 em. Bugge; skjalldanda u; skulldanda a, i, , 1. Bugge; is, i, k, l, u. 11 a, i, k, l; gotta u. 15 k; gunni at a, i, l, a (ad). 16 á a, i, k, 1; ad u. a, Diige 15 Iosur. i; Iassar- u; Iossar. a; Iússár-k; Ióssar. 1? Iossa- S. 13 em.

·BATTLE OF THE GOTHS AND HUNS
157
18 'I have certain knowledge that thy sister, King Heiðrekr's
daughter..., has fallen lifeless. The Huns have laid her
low, and many of your warriors with her,
19 Vore readily did she make ready for battle than to talk
with a tooer or to take her seat at the bridal feast.'
When King Angantýr heard that he drew back his lips,
and it was some time before he spoke. Then he said:
* In no brotherly wise hast thou been treated, my poble
sister!'
Theu he surveyed his retinue, and his band of men was
but small; then he said:
20*When we were drinking mead we were a great host, but
now when we sboald be many oor numbers are few,
I'I do not see a single man in mor host who, even if I were
to beg hita and otões him a rich reward, would take his
shield and ride to seek oat the host of the Hans'
Gizarr the old said:
2"I will not ask 3 sözle gerce or riazing piece of good;
Jet I will take my shield and ride to challenge the trop
of the Huns to bacila
Gizni amed bil draps audio
kis bcre as if ke kod tren a 5 Tirana za
to the Kug:
*3*There shall I can see?'
Kg
***Challenges and a big
and ca ali

·158 BATTLE OF THE GOTHS AND HUNS þar oft Gotar gunni: háðu, ok fagran sige frægir vagus. Nú reið Gizurr í brott ok þar til, es hann kom í her Húna; hann reið eigi nær enn svá at hann mátti tala við þá; þá kallar hann hári röddu ok kvað: Felmtrt es yðrus fylki, feigr es yðarrá vísir, gnæfar yðr gunofani, gramr eso yðr? Óðinn. 26 Býs ek yör at: Dylgjuº ok á Dúnheiði orrostu undir Jösurfjöllum ; * hræse* your at há hvorju", ok láti svá Óðinn flein fljúga sem ek fyrir mæli. Đá es Hlöðr hafði heyrt ord Gizurar, þá kvað hann : 27 'Takið es13 Gizur, mann Angantýs, kominn af Árheimum.' Humli konungr sagði: 28 Eigi skulum 15 árum spilla, þeim es fara einir saman.' ...Gizurr drap þá hest sinn sporum ok reið á fund Angantýs konungs ok gekk fyrir hann ok kvaddi hann vel. Konungr spyrr hyárt hann hefði fundit Húna. Gizurr mælti: "Talaða ek við þá, ok stefnda ek þeim á vígvöll á Dúnheiði ok at Dylgjudölum.' Angantýr spyrr hvat mikit lið Húnar hafa. Gizurr mælti: 'Mikit es beira mengi. 29 Sexo ein eru seggja fylki", í fylki hverju fimm þúsundir, í þúsund hverri 18 þrettán hundruf, í hundraði hverju halir21 fjórtaldir.' Á öðrum degi hófu þeir sína ortostu ; ok börðust allan þann dag ok fóru at kveldi í herbúðir sínar. Þeir börðust. 1 So Verelius; bar u; baru i; báru a, b, l. ? So Verelius; ok geir a, i, k, l; gū u. u; fngok; feingu a, i, l; unnu cod. 582. *a; ſeitur the rest. em. Bugge; ydar ass. om. i, k, 1. l; om, i, k. 4, 1, 1, u; ik 9 ct, str. 24. 10 cf. str. 24. ali; hrasi a; hræsu l; kro si u; om, k. 12 i, 1, & ; at hai hvorium u; om. k. 13 em. Bugga, Take (or taki) pier us8. It a, i, l, u; úr k. 16 This strophe as in u; cf. Saxo, p. 191. vc eru í fylki i, k, l; fimtán cru fylki seggja s. þúsund 2, 1, 5, 1. 19 í hv. þ. a, i, k, 1; bom. a. 30 Þr. hun, manna a, i, l, u. u; háls i; hálf: &, k, 1. 5 7 9 u, 15 skulu u. 97 18 ·BATTLE OF THE GOTUS AND HUNS 150 hare often given battle, and gained a glorious victory to their renova. Then Gizurr rode away until he came to the host of the Kuns. He rode just within carshot, and then called loudly, crying: 25. Your host is panic-stricken, your leader is doomed; the standards are raised against you; Othin is wroth with you! 26 'I challenge you to battlo at Dylgja, and on Dúnbeiðr, under the mountains of Jussurr. Jay every battlefield be covered with your corpses, and may Otbin let the javclin fly according to my words!' When Hlour heard Gizurr's words, he cried: 27' Lay hold on Gizurr, Angantýr's man, who has come from Arheimar King Humli said 28. Wo must not injure heralus who travel unattended' ...Then Gizurr struck spurs into his horse and mode back to King Angantýr and went up to him and saluted him. The King asked him if he had parleyed with the Huns. Gizurr replied: 'I spoke with them and I challenged them to weet us on the battlefield of Dúnheiðr and in the valleys of Dylgja' Angantýr asked how big the army of the Huns was. Gizurr replied: 'Great is their host. 29 There are in all six "legious" of warriors, and in every "legion" Sve" thousands," in every thousand" thirteen "hundreds," and in every "hundred" a quadruple number of incru' Next day they began the battle; and they fought together the whole day, and at evening they went to

·160
BATTLE OF THE GOTHS AND HUNS
svá átta daga.... Đar fell Hlöðr ok Humli konungr, ok þá
tóku Húnar at flýja....Angantýr gekk þá at kanna
valinn ok fann Hlöð bróður sinn. Þá kvað hann;
&
30 Bauð ek þér, bróðir,
basmiri óskerðar,
fé ok fjöld meiðma, sem piké fremst tiddis;
nú hefir þú hvárki hildar at gjöldum,
ljósa bauga,
né land ekki.
31
Bölvat es okkr, bróðir; bani em ek þinn orðinn;
þat mun ve uppi; illr er dómr Norna.'
Angantýr vas lengi konungr i Reiðgotalandi; hann vas
ríkr ok örr ok hermaðr mikill, ok eru frá honum komnar
konunga ættir.
1 So Verelius; basnir u; brynjur 8; om. i, k, 1.
3 68kertar (for óskerðar) u; 63ker tvær a, i, k, 1.
3 meidma s; meidna a, i, k, l, 2.
Bugge; mik a, i, 1, a; þú k.
i, a; tiri a, 1; tir s; girntist k.
3
em.
5

·BATTLE OF THE GOTUS AND HUNS 101 their quarters. They continued fighting for cight days.... There fell Hlösr and King Humli, and then the Huns took to flight....Angantýr then went to scarch among the slain, and found his brother Hlosr. Then he cried : 30. I offered thee upstinted weaich, my brother, riches and vast treasure to the limit of thy desires; but now thou bast won by thy warfare neither shining rings nor territory 30 A curse has been laid upon us, my brother; I have brought about thy death. This will never be forgotten.--Evil is the decree of the Norns.' Angantýr ruled Reiðgotaland as king for a long time. He was powerful and munificent and a great warrior, and lines of kings are sprung from him.

·NOTES I. THE WANDERER 1. Are gebided. A possible alternative translation would be, The solitary man always lives to experience mercy, etc. So Grein, Thorpe, etc. But it is difficult to reconcile this translation of gebideo with l. 5. 4. Erimcealde, a arr. dey, lit., probably 'cold as rime,' but possibly 'made cold by rime,' i.e. frost. The word occurs three times in Norse poetry, where it is applied to supernatural beings. Cf. Vafprüpnismál, str. 21; Fáfrismál, str. 38; Lokasenna, str. 49, 50. 5. Wyrd bid ful aræd. Aræd is perhaps adj.; but the word is very rare, and the evidence as to its meaning somewhat doubtful : see B. and T., Suppl. s.v. For the sense, cf. Beowulf, 1.455; Gripesspá, str. 52: Bunat sköpum vinna. 6. Swa probably refers to what follows rather than to what has gone before. 7. Yinemæga hryre, perhaps lit. 'Through the fall of his dearkinsmen.' As the text stands, hryre can hardly be taken otherwise than as a loose causal or comitative instrumental. For other explanations, of. Kock, Lunds Universitets årsskrift, 1918, p. 78; Jacobsen, The Wanderer (Rostock, 1901), p. 82; Wyatt, Anglo-Saxon Reader (Cambridge, 1919), P. 263. 13. pæt he, etc., lit. that he fasten securely the closet of his thoughts and keep his treasure chamber.' Thorpe placed a period after hordcofan and continues : Hycge swa he wille, ne mæg, etc. 17. Dongeorne. Cf. Húvamul, str. 77. The same idea is frequently expressed in Beowulf. dreorigne, sc. hygé, lit. "When it is depressed,' etc. Cf. Fragment of a Monitory Poem (Grein-Wülcker, Bibliothek, 11, 2, p. 280), 1. 2: Pinne dom arær; heald bordlocan, hyge fæste bind, etc, It is bot clear whother reserve or caution is intended. Cf. however the word durre, 1. 10. The same doubt arises in Hávamál, str. 15: Pagalt ok hugalt skyli þjóbans barn ok vígdjarft vesa. It is much easier to find parallels for injunctions to caution than to reserve, e.g. Fæder Larcwidas, ll. 57, 58. Cf. also the instructions to the councillor in Budge, The Literature of the Egyptians (London, 1914), p. 227 f. : 'If thou art a wise man, and if thou hast a scat in the councilchamber of thy lord... keep silence, for this is better than to talk overmuch.... Think much, but keep thy mouth closed : if thou dost not, how caust thou consult with the pobles?' 22. Goldwine minne. If the us. reading were kept, goldwine mine would be best taken as poct. pl. for sing, which is extremely common in A.S. and Norse poetry. The emendation to minne however (Thorpe) is very slight. For this passage and what follows cf. Gublac, 1. 1325 ft. 23. Hrusan heolster biwrah. Soedd. An emendation seems necessary. If heolstre is kept either hruse must be read for hrusan or ic added. Cf. Blick. Hom. (ed. R. Morris, E.E.T.S. 1880), VII, p. 95: "Peah þe

·NOTES
103
hio ar dort bewnigen Lafuo'; Wulfstan (al. A. Sapier, Berlin, 1883),
p. 763: Swahw.et mianciones era corte ær forsneath
24. Wintercarig.
("Su fruta age) 19 6
mcaning 19 quito doul
1
CI. also B. and T., Suppl s.r.
member of the court) and (therefore) felt no regard for it
29
1 1821.
is tho 1.
latter, 'entice me with good cheer. Cf. B. and T sv.
31. Lyt...leofra geholena. For lyd with a personal geniuro cf.
Beowulf, 11. 2160, 2838, D. Vanna lvyrdum, 1. 306.
32. Wara line, lit (The thought of) his exile possesses bim.' Cl.
Idund, 1 1003.
34. Selesecgat; 80 Thorpo, Ettmuller, Grein, Swoct, Sieper,
Schucking, Imelmann Soverál oditors, bowever (e.g. Rieger, Wulcker),
real scle, secgas. Sele-secg docs not occur elsewhere. Similar compounds,
C-8. seli.guma, selo-pegni, are found bowever
35. Il gold rine, etc. For this conception of the function of a lond
cf. Bo Varna Wyrdum, 1 27 f. Cf. also The Tonders of Creation, L91ff
37. Wat se po sceal, etc. Wat 13 repeated from L 29; the object is to
bo inferred frou the precoding passage.
41. pince kia on mode, etc. Is byncet...breac introduced as a
parcnthosis! I have translated it as the main sentence, because I. 45
appears to contain an anacoluthon, L.e. the sentence ponno on wcaco,
etc. is not a true correlatire to l. 30 ff

·164 NOTES 44. Giefstolas, prob. gen. sing. ; the ending -as for -es is not unkuown in late mss. Possibly however acc. pl. (poet. pl. for sing.), since brucan is occasionally followed by the acc. Sweet and others einend to -es. 45. Třineleas guma. The word wineleas perhaps suggests a closer connection with the preceding lines than can be conveyed in a modern translation, for wine is especially used for a man's lord. 46. IVegas, for TV.S. uægas(@). The form perhaps comes from an earlier text written before the w.S. type of language had come iuto general literary use. Cf. I. 64 . 47. Brædan fepra, or perhaps "preening their feathers.' 50. Sare may be causal instrumental of the substv. or nom. pl. of the adj. agreeing with benne. The latter is the more usual construction, Gr. Köb. take it as an adverb. 51. Gcondhweorfed. The prefix geond- here and throughout the poem appears to be used in a somewhat unusual sense to mark the exhaustive nature of the verb; cf. geondsceawed, I. 52; geond bence, 1 60. Cf. also 1. 58 n. 52. Gliwstafum, & air.dey, the meaning of which is very uncertain. B. and T., Sweet, Schücking, Imelmann, transl. joyfully,' Gr. Köh. signum lætitiae. Thorpe transl. 'with song,' Gollapcz with snatches of song.' (Cf.cwidegiedda, l. 55 below.). The word gleo is generally used in the sense of music. In the Epinal Gloss. 398 gliu glosses facetiae and in 16,550 in gliuuae glosses in mimo. The word does not occur in the other Teutonic languages except in Norse, where it is rare. Cf. Hamdismál, str. 7. 53. Secga geseldan, lit. 'the companions of warriors. The phrase does not occur elsewhere, but seenis to be analogous to ylda fira) bearn{um), Beowulf pass., lit. children of men,' i.e. men; Denigea leode, Beo. I. 696, Sceotta leoda, 'Den of the Scots,' Battle of Brunanburn, 1. 11. We may cf. under swegles begong (Beo. l. 860) beside under sucgle (Beo. I. 1078) with the same meaning. These expressions may be regarded as compounds in sense, just as much as beodnes dohtor (Husband's Message, 1. 25), but unlike the latter, they are compounds in which the meaning of the whole differs but little from that of the word which occurs in the genitive. 54. Fleolendra ferð, poetic sing. for pl. 58. Geond pas woruld. Cf. 1.51 2. The literal meaning appears to bo 'I caunot think (however extensively I scarch) throughout this world (of any reason) why my heart,' etc.; and the entire phrase comes simply to depote the exhaustive nature of the action expressed by the verb. Cf. Christ and Satan, 11. 278, 9: Uton, la, gebencan geond þas worulde þæt we hælende heran ouginpea. Cf. also Deor's Lament, 1. 31. 61. Hu hi...maguþegnas, lit. How tbey, proud young squires, bare abandoned their halls. 64. For pon ne mieg, etc. Cf. Gnomic Verses (Cotton.), l. 11, 12. Wearpan, for W.S. weorban. ca for eo is very common iu Northumbrian texts, and not infrequent in Kentish. Cf. 1. 46 n. 66. Ne sccal no, etc. Cf. Be Janna Tyrdum, ll. 48-50. For a similar ·NOTES 105 category cf. Wulfstan's Sermons (al. A. Yapier, Berlin, 1883), p. 40, 'No loon se, etc. CL also 10. 1. 253, 'Yo syd we'etc 70. Beorn stems to be equivalent to eorl, Lo. A map of the upper or military (Iskalnya) class. It is often tempting to translito Loth those poetical worls by man,' but this is due to the fact that the typical man whom the cau hara in view us of this class. 73. Il gestlig cte. To the best of my knowlodge there is no real T. (cf. Suppl ..F.) relor Or can the sentento Disse woruldai For the construction cf. tho Dialogue of tho Soul and Body, L 3: نامه ره 77. Hrygge , & ár. dry. B. and T. suggest ather dismantiad' (cf. Norse hryba, 'stnp.''dismantle') or tottening'(cf. A.S. Andian-which howcyer scene properly to mean 'Le feverish'). Gr., Koh, suggest beschneit' (cf. hno, L. 102); Kock (Lunde Universiteti irukrift, 1918, "Jubilco Jaunts and Jottings' p. 78) exposed to (snow) storms' 80. Sume wig fornom, etc. Wo may perhaps cf. Beowulf, L 1113 Io the following lines rum 29 used to introduce items in & category. The rum motif 18 a very common oncin A.S. goomic poetry, os. Crist, L. 604 f.; cf. also De Janna B'yndum and De Vanna Craftum, L. 53. Similar lustas of ranous forms of death to that in the Iranulerer are not uncominon, c.g. Blick. Hon ed R Mornia (E.E.T.S. 1880). p. 05. Cl. also Wulfistan (ech ch), P 183. Klaeber believes that thoso categories are of Latin derivation (cf. Archio f. u Sl. der neueren Sprucher, no. 126, p. 359) and company Vergıl, neid , L 357 # Cf. Aldholm, Carmen de resurrectione mortuorum, v, 12 ff The wolf and the raven or cagle, however, are commonplaces of A.S poetry. Cl. Brunanburh, L. GO f. and noto p 181 below. itod above ,ople ſuglas in a rulture, 83. Dease gedulde. Sweet suguests ad emendatiou to deadne galalde, but this is unuecessary. Ct Andreu, L 935 Hia pin foorh na magon dease godplan, and L 1915 fl.. Na magon hie pique lichoman., dease gołælan. 85. Eargard. The word occurs elsewbers only in Crisl, L 65, wlicra it refers to Jerusalem. CE Drowulf. 1. 1679, eta ·166 NOTES 2 which is drawn of the life of its former occupants is that of an English prince's court. For this we have a parallel in the Ruin, which likewise appears to deal with the remains of a Roman building. 91. pas word acwid. The variation in the use of the tenses in this poem is perhaps worth noting. The action is really timeless, but the past tense is sometimes used (e.g. ll. 6 and 111) in reference to the cases cited. 92. Hver cuom, etc. It is held by several scholars (e.g. Bright, Hod. Lang. Notes, 8, p. 187 f.; Klaeber, Journal of Engl. and Gmc. Phil. XII, p. 259; cf. also B.C. Williams, Gnomic Poetry in Anglo-Saxon, New York, 1914, p. 45; etc.) that these rhetorical formulae are of Latin derivation (Obi sunt, etc.). A number of parallels can be found in homiletic writings, e.g. Wulfstan (ed. Napier), p. 263: 'Hwær syndon nu pa rican caseras 7 pa cyniogas be jo væron, odše pa ealdormen se beboda settoni Hrær is demera domstow?...wær com middaneardes gestreon? Hwar com worulde wela,' etc. Cf. also Blick. Hom. (ed. Morris), p. 99, and the unpublished sermon contained in T'ib. A. III, fol. 103a, an extract from which is given by Kluge in Engl. Stud. VIII, p. 472 f. Such passages are no doubt derived in part from L. originals. He compares Bede, Lib. Scint. : 'Dic ubi sunt reges, ubi principes, ubi imperatores, ubi locupletes rerum, ubi potentes sæculi ? Certe quasi umbra transierunt; velut somnium evanuerunt,' which is thus rendered in the A.S. translation: 'Sege hwar synd cyningas, biar ealdras, hwar wealdendras, hwar welige pinga, hwar mihtige worulde gewislice siyice sceаdu gewitan, svylce swefen fordvinan' (Cod. Reg. 7, C. IV, fol. 92). On the other hand it is to be observed that the formula huær cwom is not of L. origin, and further that rhetorical questions in general do not appear to have been unusual in the early Teutonic Janguages. They are of fairly frequent occurrence in Norse poetry, both in long poems and in lausavisur; e.g. Egils S. ch. 61; Eiriksmål, str. 1; Vellekla, str. 24. Again the question where are?' with reference to the departed is of such a character that it could very easily come into use independently in different countries; and in point of fact it is of frequent occurrence in the early poetic literature of several languages, eg. Greek (cf. Riad, xu, I. 219f.), Hebrew (Isaiah XXXVI, 13) and Sanskrit (cf. Rig Veda, Book VII, Hymn 88, v. 5), which cannot be suspected of L. influence. Cf. further C. Becker, Ubi sunt qui ante nos in mundo fuere' in Aufsütze zur Kultur- und Sprachgeschichte, vornehmlich des Orients, Ernst Kuhn zum 70 Geburtstage gewidmet, Münich, 1916. The case as regards the Wanderer must therefore be regarded as at least doubtful. The only point in favour of the L. derivation is that this formula is unusual in A.S. poetry. On the other hand the whole tenor of the passage from l. 92-105 is as alien as it could well be from the homiletic passages cited above. 93. Hrær...gesetu. The sing. verb with the pl. subject is no doubt due to attraction to the preceding phrases. Cf. Blick. Hom. ed. cit. p. 99. The construction however is not unknown. Cf. Blätzner, Historische Grammatik der englischen Sprache (Weimar, 1863), p. 51 (3). 97. Stondeo nu on laste...weal, lit. "There stands in the track of... wall. For this use of last cf. the phrase last weardian, Beo. l. 971, etc., and see B. and T. s.v. last. It is quite in accordance with A.S. idiom to omit the word 'only' before 'mall.' 98. Wyrmlicum fah, obscure. B. and T. transl. wyrmlio the body of a serpent (of carving on a wall)'; Gr. Köh. serpentis corpus. So far ·NOTES 167 As I am aware the word only occurs onco Llanbere in a Confession jallabod in Inglia, Iit, p. 501, by Legemad, where it necras to lo ubod in quto a different sens. The serpent was a funilar design in 1 . uurma, xyrmd ag un zyrmban, 'coccus' (oquivalent to coloc-raid)! We may possibly compare the espression rodjak in the Ruin, L 10, though the use of leafor, i. L. 23, points to a different origin for the colouring mentioned thene 102 Uruan bindel, etc. I haro adopted the cmendation kruns to hrian which was suggested by Thorſe and adopted by Etimaller and most Later alitors, and tale woma as standing in loose apposition to hnd, since the former by itsell can hardly be the subject of bundet. The seotenco bonne...nv.inua 38 best rendered as a parenthesia with troulla' 107. Fyrda, gesccaft. The phrase occurs again in Daniel, 1. 132 The origin of this and similar expressions is doubtices to be found in a mythological conception, similar to that which formas the subject of the Darradurla; cf. the Niyming Poem, L 70. me fat myrd gouef. 108. Iter bro feoh lane,cta. The resemblanco to Eldramel, str. 76 L., wag pointed out by R. 3. Meyer in the algermanische Poene (Berlin, 1889), p. 321 1.; cf. Also I donarmdl, str. 21 110. Gesteal apparently occurs only here it is generally interpreted to mocan "frame" It is possible however that the word may can habitations together with their occupante, in which case the sense would be Tbo present gencration with all its belongings will pass away.' 111. Geurt him, eta. Cf. Udland, L 3227; Arulreas, I. 1161. 11 what follows If this latter interpretation is correct, forn is probably to bo translated 'anger rather than grief' II. THE SEAFARER 1. Vurg is, etc Complaint, 1.'1 and HOCA to bare httle compare its use in tu. ploj od to render the Latin fut or cong Seo R. and Tuo tagad v. 6. Atol ya gerealc CL Erodus, 1 453, Beowulf, L 818 The phrano stands in louso apposition to cearrelda fela. 'I have expenenced ·168 NOTES many anxious situations, (I have experienced) the terrible rolling of the wases." bær is probably relative, 'when'; but the idiom can hardly be reproduced in Modern English. 8. Crossad, so MS. Early editors, e.g. Ettmüller, Grein, Rieger, etc. read crossade. So also TYülcker and Imelmann. For the use of the indic. pres, in dependent sentences relating to the past a possible parallel is to be fouud in bcowulf, 1. 1923. For the use of the conj. pres. instances occur in Beowulf, 11. 1314, 1928, 2495. 9. Hinc fet. Kluge em. fet to fotas. So also Schücking. Sweet and Sieper transpose mine and fet for metrical reasons. 10. Ceare seofedun...heortan. Cf. Genesis, l 354f. An antithesis is doubtless intended between caldun and hat; but the strained metaphor can hardly be reproduced in a translation. Sweet emends hat to hate. If the us. reading is kept the lit. translation will be distress moaned, heat (subst.) round my heart'; or poss. 'distress moaned hotly (acc, nt. adj. as adv.) round my heart." (So Imelmann.) Cf. bitter, 1. 55. 13. De...limped, etc. Or possibly 'who has the happiest of lots (life) on land. Imelmann translates zum besten gedeiht. The superlative however is perhaps not to be pressed. 14. Earmcearig, or perhaps 'made anxious by my desolation.' Sweet translates 'careworn.' 16. Winemægum bidroren. Half a line has presumably been lost after lastum. The line is metrically defective as it stands. There is no indication of a lacuna in the ws. 18. Þær ic ne gehyrde, etc. Previous editors have punctuated this sentence differently, marking the stop after song instead of after weg; “There I...waves and the recurring note of the swan. For amusewent I had the call of the gannet, and the scream of the godwit in place of human merriment.' 20. fomene...hleahtor werd...medodrince. It is to be noted that big mind has recurred, like that of the Wanderer (cf. ll. 32-55), to feasts in the hall, where these three elements are invariably to be found. Cf. Beowulf, 11. 607_630, etc. 21. Huilpan. If the text is correct the metre would rather favour hwilpan as against hu-ilpan. Sieper omits and; but u for w is not uncommon in early tests and was regularly used in early Northumbrian. Ref. may be made to the note on this word by M. Daunt in the Jod. Lang. Rev. Vol. XIII, 1918, pp. 478, 479. I came independently to the conclusion that the bird is the bar-tailed godwit, commonly called yarwhelp and half-whawp. Shakespeare calls it scammel. The godwit is * water-bird and is also called 'sea-woodcock. It may be an objection that the godwit is a migratory bird and does not stay in this country in the winter. But this objection applies also, curiously enough, to the gaunet and the tern. 25. Urigfebra. This line cannot be correct, as alliteration is wanting, Wülcker, following Thorpe, holds that something has been lost from the text. Grein prints né enig for nænig. Kluge suggests heaswigfebra for urigfeþra; but the latter occurs elsewhere, viz. in Judith, I. 210; Elene, 1. 29, 111-in ear' 19 au epithet of the eagle ·NOTES 109 tho Pp cl. Wulltan's Sermo ad Anglo (Sacet's Reader, 191, 1 30). Owing to the rarity of this copstruction potno alitors (eg Swect, Scbuckapg) cm. to gebuks. The transl would thca : le who has a happy lifo and caperiences no perilous creature'cta. 23. In burgum, possibly poct PL for sing, as clsewhere, c.8. Gorening L 2502 Ettmuller, Schücking, ctc. omit the comma bclon bealonija, From Alfral's Law, cap. 40, it appears that the tortu burh (perluas properly stockado) was applied to tho residency of act of all ranks above that of the peasant. 3L Yap nilitsua, eta With this passage cf. the Wanderer, L 102. 33. For box. CL Introduction, p. 174, abore 37. Fert to ferum Grein (according to Wulcker), cmends fers to for which soems more natural in this case we trust supply 'me' 42. Vis ar fore sorge, lit. anxiety with regard to his sea-royaging, to what God, etc safore is causal gen. after sorge. i U CO, 7. 4. Na biß him, etc. CL I. 20 and n. 45. To wife wyn, or possibly 'ho has no pleasure in his we. To xorulda hyli, or possibly no hope in this world' CE. Cria, L 583 f.; Outlac, 1 631 46. Ymbe...eller The subject 19 probably hyge, L 45 being parcnthetical 48. Blostmum nimad. The text can handly be correct, since niman ed. H. L. Hargrove (New York, 1902), p. 1. 50. Ealle pa, etc. The lit. transl would seem to be Incite the man eager of beart, (incite) to travel the heart of one who has such inclarutions. 51. Sefun, so modern editors (c5 Wulcker, Sieper, Schucking, Imelmann). Early oditors emendod to feran and (Greint and Rieger) fone (for Lan) 52. Geruta þ. The use of the pl here is curous, and most oditors (c.g. Ettmuller, Rieger, Grein, Wulcker, Sweet, Sicper, Schückng, cta.) 53 Geac...geomran reorde. Cf. the Plusband's Vewage, D, L 10f.auda The cuckoo figures largely as a herald of Spring in Irisb poetry also. CI, tha 'Song of Summer' in Ancient Iruh Poetry, transl & Sicyer emend to geriat ·170 NOTES (London, 1913), p. 54. Cf. also Sweet's Anglo-Saxon Reader (Oxford, 1903), p. 223, n. to 1. 53. 55. Bitter. Rieger emends to bitre. So also Sweet, but cf. hat, I. 11 and not to l. 10. beori. Cf. the Ivanderur, I. 70 13, 56. Estcadig. So Wülcker, Sweet, Imelmaun, etc. The word is apparently a äs. dey. (lit. 'blest with luxuries'). Greio read the 35. us eft- (as previously suggested by Thorpe), and emended to seftcadig, in which he has been followed by Rieger, Kluge, Schücking and tho dictionaries (in casy circumstances' B. and T.); but sejt- does not appear to occur elsewhere in compounds. Sieper reads eft-radig, but translates 'glückselig.' 61. Eorpan sceatas. I take scculas to be gen. sing. (cf. Sievers, Angelsüchs Gram., $ 237, Anm. 1), possibly, as elsewhere, for an earlier -LES dependent upon tride. Ofer is added by Ettmüller and Wülcker, geond by Grein and Rieger. 62 Gifre and gritdig is a formula which occurs elsewhere. Cf. Genesis, 1. 793; Dialogue of the Body and Soul, 1. 74. anſloga. Sieper takes anjloga is applying to the cuckoo. Ettmüller aud Gr. Köb. transl. draco; but surely it merely carries on the metaphor which describes the speaker's imagination as a (solitary) seabird. Cf. Psalmus XI, 1; XXIV, 7. 65. Deade lit. This figurative use of the adj. is rare. Cf. boterer Gromie Verses (Eseter 345.), 1. 79; cf. also B, and T. (Suppl.) s.v. dead I. 68. Simle þrcora sum, etc. For the asyudetic form of this sentence, cf. tho Lars of 'ihtred, cap. 26. Tho plinase is not uncommon. Cf. broora an in Be Gride, ca. 16. 69. Er his tiddege I take er as prep., and the vs. tidege to be for tiddæge, with Gr. Köh.eta Cf. Gencsis, 1. 1165. Rieger, Tüicker, Sweet, etc. emend to er his tid aga. 71. Fergum fronceardum, lit. Doomed (und) about to depart.' 72. There are various possible ways of taking this passage. (1) Lof (liggendra ejiercice pendra) subj. ; lastucordz betst pred., of those who survive...is the best of reputations. In this ciiso the clause þæt he gewyrce is explanatory to lor, though somewhat anacoluthic. Fremman is goremcd bg gewyrce, ?? That he succeed by his labours...in prevailiug mall unusual construction. The chief difficulty in the way of this interpretation is the first bet (in l. 79) which comes before the subject (2) Lof lifgendra vejtercice pendra) is acc. obj. of gewyrce. The subj.of the scutenco is put in 1. 72 tilken up as usual by bat iu 74. 'It is the best of reputitions...that he should giu the prise, etc. The ditficulty here is that the object of gecyrce (lof) comes before the predicate of the main sentenco; and further that we shall have an awkward anacoluthon in fremman, 1. 75, which in that case can only be taken is loosely complementary to the sentence fæt he geryres, etc. In either cilse bis must be understood in the winin sentence, but B. and T. and Gr. Köh. gire no examples of the use of gcuryrean Iith the iufin. The latter (following Rieger) regind fremman as acc. sing. of a fem. noun fremme (Rieger freme) governed by gercyrce. The form, however, docs not occur elsowhere. Street in his Reader (Oxford, 1905, p. 173, 1. 75) emenda to freme (1. sing.) but omits the referenca in his glossary. K. Sisaw (Engl. St. Bd. 16, 1912-1913, p. 336) emends "Tuo praiso ·YOTES 171 to fronune (4. pl. of frezu) making IL 75 and 70 walich, translat... ho bring it about by Loveficial actions upon the carth against tho malica of ficods, 15.doughty doods against the devil, that ibo sotus of men Afterwards praise him, and conjur Deorull, I. 2. Kock (Jubilee Jacuks and Jottings' R 70 Lund: Unirerntelo Irulift, 1918) emeads to frena (vb), and translates: 'that he...achieres and brings about on carth...that sons of toen estol bim ahervards 75. Fremman on foldan, eta Cl. B. Vanna Cheftuin, IL 82, 90. 79. Blal seems to be in loose syntactical apposition with what goes Lcfore. 80. Dagat rind gevilena, eta, lit. "The days, all the splendour,' cta. 82. Va aron 72, etc. Cr. the Wanderer, 192 84. Vast mul him. The force of mid him (which perhaps applies strictly to the following ling also) soems to be 'More than any others of their lind' (ie kings cta). 91. 17do lim,cta. Cl. the picture of old ago in Budg, The Literature of the Egyptians (London, 1914), p 225. 92 luwine..corban forgiefene. Some alitur emend to gieferne (x105.). On the other band it may be an instation of the frequent poct pl for sing. Cf. Guflag L 1330 98. Bropor kis geborenum Bro por is pom., lit. 'though lie (As) brother for his born (brother). Ettmuller reads gebrorum for ge. porenum; but cf Laws of Alfred, ch. 42 (6). Rieger, Wulcker, etc road سلام لو that everyone should bring to Vaiholl such trcasiino as be bad on his pyre, and should also bare for his enjoyment whatever bo had buried in the ground. 99. Vapnum mislicum. I take this to be a loose ustr. uso, lit. by mcans of various for in the form of various') treasures CL Beow 1 2181. 200. Yamag, ot, lit. "Gold will not be able...when he luss hidden at, etc 101. For godles egran. Cf. Andreas, l. 457; Chul, 1. 1015. 203. Oncyrret Cf. the IPanderet, 1 107; Rhyming l'oem, 1. 59 106. Dul bib, etc. Cf Gronic l'ersus (Exeter 18.), L 35 Cf. also Salomon and Saturnt, I 22+; the Wanderer, I 112 Cupinged, dom, lit. When it (death) is unprepared for.' 109. Von sceal, etc. For mon, tho us. bas mod. So also Schucling The cmendation (which has been adoptod by almost all oditors) is kuggested by the Gnomic l'erses (Excter M8) 1 31. AP-IW4v www ufe. 112 TiB leofne, ctc. The line is defective as it stands I have followed Klaeber in supplying lufun after leofne-shich boems to lo required by both the sense and the metre ·172 NOTES 213. Fyres is obviously wrong, if the present order of words is correct. A word with initial w- is required. Does fulne stand for fül(One or for fúlne? For the latter (guilty') we may refer to the frequent references to ordeal in the Laws. 115. Gevorhtre. The us. reading-gevorhtne--can hardly be correct. A possible emend. would be gewrehtne. The meaning would then be lit. "Wish a friend of his (or possibly 'bis lord') who has been accused to be burat on the pyre.' 'It is presumably not to the funeral pyre of heathen times that reference is made here but to the punishment of enemies or criminals by burning. Cf. Be Janna Wyrdum, l. 43 f.; Aethelstan's Laws IV, 6, § 7, where the reference is to the punishment of slaves. swidre. The us. reading swire is obviously wrong. The emendation to swiðre is confirmed by the Ruin, l. 17; Salomon and Saturn, l. 442; Gnomic Verscs (Cotton.), 1. 5. 117. Uton we, etc. Cf. Introduction, p. 18 above. Cf. for the form of the concluding lines Crist, 11. 771-8; Homily on Psalın 28, II. 43-47. 121. Gelong. The sense seems to require that gelong should be taken with in rather than with þær. 123, 4. Gewcorpade...in ealle tid. Or does this rather mean "Who has counted us worthy of eternal salvation'? B. and T. however do not recognise this use of geweor pian. III. THE WIFE'S COMPLAINT 1. Giedd wrece, a technical phrase. Cf. the Wonders of Creation, 1. 12; Beowulf, 1. 1065, etc. Cf. also the Seafarer, 11. 1, 2, and Beowulf, 1. 873 f. where sið and wrecan are similarly brought together. 2. Minre sylfre sið. The fem. form of the pron. etc. shows that the poem refers to a womild. Cf. Ettmüller, Engla and Seama Scopas and Boceras, 1850, p. 214; cf, also Introduction, p. 28, above. Sið seems to be in loose apposition to giedd. The lax syntax in the first two lines is characteristic of the whole poem. Cf. 1. 45 f. For the construction cf. B. and T. s.v. self, II (3). 5. Wite, etc. The same espression occurs, though with a different construction of the gen., in Genesis, I. 1013 f.; cf. Guðlac, l. 440. 6-15. The sequence of events is not quite clear to me; but the obscurity may be not altogether unintentional. 7. Uhtceare. Cf. the Wanderer, 1. 8; Prayer IV, 1. 95. 9. Folgad. This meaning is unusual in A.S.; but cf. Bede, H.E. V, 11: Willfrid wäs on þa tid of his edle adrifen and in Blerona land folgade (In Merciorum regionibus exulabat).' Cf. also the use of folgere (pedisequa), Toller, Suppl. s.v. ad fin. The poem contains many ar. dey. and unusual constructions. Cf. Schücking, Zeitschr. für deut. Alterthum, Vol. XLVIII (1906), p. 448 f. 11. Ongunnon, etc. It is not clear whether the poet intends this as a statement of fact or merely as a surmise on the part of the heroine. All editors seem to take the former view, and the latter certainly seems to postulate a somewhat complex situation which we should perhaps hardly be justified in attributing to a poet of the period. Yet the poem is more subtle than any other Anglo-Saxon poem which has come down to us.

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·174 NOTES to fit the context here, and it was not usual for a wife to be involved in a vendetta incurred by her husband. I hare therefore preferred to take fæðu in the more general sense of 'hostility, which is not uncommon in the case of fah, and which gives additional point to the words mlines fela leofan. 27. Keht mec, etc. The nearest parallel that I know is in the text of the Helreið Brynhildar contained in the Flateyjarból, Vol 1, p. 356 : Lét mig af karmi hugfullr konungr Atla systur undir æik búa ("In sorrow the courageous bing made me, the sister of Atli, to dwell beneath an oak) There is nothing in the context or elsewhere to explain this passage, and all editors, I think, adopt the reading of the Codex Regius which (as in several other places in the poem) gives quite a different sense from the Flateyjarbók: Lét hami rára hugfullr konungr átta systra und eik borit. ("The courageous king had my (stan) garband those of my eight sisters carried beneath an oak') The readings of the Flateyjarbók however are not mere scribal errors. In sagas ve hear occasionally of sanctuaries serving as griðastaðir, ie. places where fugitives could seek refuge (as in churches in later tioes). Thus in Friðþjófs Saga, ch.2, Ingibjörg is placed in the sanctuary of Baldrshagi by her brothers when they go out freebooting; and the sanctuary of Freyr seems to serve a similar purpose in the story of Gunbarr Helming, Flateyjarbók, 1, p. 337 (cf. also Eyrbyggja Saga, ch. 1). These sanctuaries very frequently contained and indeed perhaps originally consisted ofmsacred trees or groves. In England we hear of places of sanctuary or asylum (friðgeard) round trees in the North. Priests' Lair, $35. Parallels are not uncommon among other peoples. We may refer especially to the sacred grores of the Lithuanians in which no injury might be offered to man or beast. It is not unlikely therefore that this is what is meant both in 1 27 ff. above and in the Flat, test of the Hereid. Our passage could also be interpreted as pointing to a prison; but I do not know any parallels to the use of such a place in this tray. 29. Eorsele, cf. eorðscræfe, IL. 28, (-u) 36. The meaning is not made clear. The latter word occurs in the Manderer, L. 84, apparently in the sense of 'grare' Here it would seem to mean a care, natural or artificial One is tempted to think of the earth-bouses' found in Scotland and elsewhere, but the total absence of such structures in Saxon England raises a difficulty. Chambered long barrows may be thought of, but these are confined to a limited district (Wilts, Somerset, Glouces.) and I 35 rather suggests a larger space. The pl. eorðscrafu in l. 36 may point rather to a succession of chambers such as might be found in dene-boles' or in natural caves. 30. Dena and duna form a frequent antithesis in poetry. C£ Riddle 28, 1. 1, 2, etc. Can dun here possibly refer to the steep sides of the civero? The meaning way however be 'This is a gloomy dell surrounded by lofty hills. 31. Bitre burgtunas; cf. Grein's translation which takes the phrase in a figurative sense. It might possibly mean however Prickly is the enclosing fence. The original meaning of tun was 'a hedge, cf. Fris.

·NOTES 175 sum, ' halim,' also (cr. Zuxth The espression boxerer may possibly bound ironically, 33 Fryad sind on ardua, eta, or perhaps 'abore ground.' Thono Bly friends and in the carth; the once car living oucs the graio inhatut': so also Cong beare. - . pointless 37. Suworlangro urg, cf. Juliana, l 495; Jetres of Doethius, 41 LiL xlcu the days are long as in summer. B. and I. cf. lirelong, cf. also soryenlongne durg, Beowulf, 1. 280L Schucking translates All the summer luog. But cf. Norse rirlangr, also used with dagr, denotiog the length of the spring day: Cf. also O.S. sumarlange dages, Ildiand, 1.3421. Imelmaun belcres that a contrast to uhlan is intended. 11 (2) haud (scyle wesam) beortan geboorte Brosceare, occ. may le 12 M. most satisfactory. geong mor. It is a much debated question whether this phrase is to be taken as general or particular. Ct. Introduction, p. 30 above. Grein, Roeder, Imelmann, Sieper, etc. understand it to refer to tho young man who has caused the separation of wife and busband. Schucking thought that it referred to the speaker of the poem who, according to him, was a nian; but be has recently changed his view in multumita niluvuu any appellavi ...Caluwu Ut www.mb lapuvuu 13. Heard heortan gefolt, etc Or perhaps He must have stem resolutions in his mind-though a gracious demeanour-grief of heart too, etc.

·176 NOTES of the verb of the original clause, or rather conreris ii from pers. to impers use, cf. Schücking, Zeitschr. Jür. deut. llterthus, Tol sirdi (1906), p. 45f: 46. Fide... cortes folclondes. I take the gen. foors folcloxdes to be dependent on rida 30. On drcorscle etc. The scene which she has in mind is not quite cler to me. Is it a care on the coast, to which access can be obwined only by water, or a looded ruin (cf. stanileo, Tundcter, 1. 101)} 53. Oj lungo B. and T. and Gr. Köll suggest emendation of of to On. In accordance with tbe general custom of AS Romic uiterances, this sentence is expressed in the masc sing, though the speaker is obviously thinking primarily of her own position. IV. THE HUSBAND'S UESSAGE B. 1 Sarealle. Cf. Beowulf, I 1924. 2 Jerefarobe. Cl. Andreas, l. 351, eta The word is generally understood to mean sea-wares. Cf. B.and T. s.r.,also Rupper. Thorpe translates * ocean's strand The compound ouly occurs lere and io sidrens bere there is nothiug in the test to preclude the meining sea-shore, and this seems to give better sense in our tert. Cf. also Andreas L 255, and Toller, Suppl. sz. faros u. Fora discussion of the Tront and its irequent confusion rrith zarob, ci Krapp, Notes on the Lodreas' Vüdern Phila logy, Vol. II, pp. 405, 406. 3. Fca anig. Cf. Psalm 101, F. 11. 9. Ojer meodul. The line is metrically defective, por, as it stands, is it easy to see the exact force of ofir. Greind suggested ricadube.ca; Grein, neodudrincenda. The former suggestion has been adopted by Tupper in his ed of the riddle (The Riddles of the Ercier Bool, Boston, 1910), the latter by Wüleker. There is no sign of omission in the us. 14. þingum. All editors seem to take this as adv. instr., some translatiug (with Thorpe) .purposely, others violently.' (Gr. Köh. potenter, violenter'!) B. and T. gire purposely' s.c. þing but Tiolently si. gebyran for this passage The latter meaning is practically implied io gebydan I cannot find any parallel ior the mening purposely, but it wight possil ly mean to the end that'or by such treatment that' Or is it possible that it may be a true dating subjected me to such treatment that, etc, ? $ 3. Frian. Schücking emends to frilglan for metrical reasons. 5. Tirfæsie troue, etc. Ci. Psalm 100, v. 6, where the phrase is possibly suggested by this passige D. 1. Hinzt is inequently used by doglo-Saxon pets to introduce a ner division of the subject (bere, the actual message). C£ the Iloriders of Creatioil, 1 38. 2 Sinchroden, lit. "treasure-laden.' Thorpe, 'richly adorned ore.'

·NO VOIN 5. Neoduburgun C do Maxinelis 6 Eur Kandiyan Gr. 'n 7. Fiziki tt. tho Ifiji (asse 9 Lagu drejde, La Force whimou in diglasur fram tastestresmes; beruL184; Tisdax different meaning) Pne 10 Silux i* gumi, mis ulas ancients usually arutał siz IL Geomornega fshe Sinner, LS 16. Findest. Thorpe punctuais ins; . 19. te maatbe Tburge pieces personas Jonse cta, 290, as 'Thea Dar, e vul beng. Etimuler as essas az is which has been lost here. Vayat sui bare best to faran? 25. Deadnu dohior. I bare folored de ces Most odturs (eg. Ettmuller, Tulcker, Seper, da conima after cor gestreona. guf.. bercah.. geeyrt appears to be 87 SITES Instant of 'f La ball gain thee te my heart kwea turned to "if he shall gun thee I would cases auth that he will keep the bood' The resta de besides the guarantee of the old rows the speaker be get S Reta to give a further guarantee. He woodcase Is with helpers, CL the cyre-a, Laws of lettelse, espe Then 37. Gecyre. All editors who accept this readingie Itoelman, etc.) tale the word as coming from VCTA, A Actual emendation or for which appears to be rogate 31 TT priated. The sense boweter seems to point to God, there is of the prese conj. in this construction is masual ezept Scru, atre, walde, etc. Schipper read grayt, Tre Sieper, and Schucking read genyre for gehyte (le sich beses of the i etfaced), but they do not translate. CL 4xli 11, PR 8. D. This letter seems properly to be D, but in their (24), at is obviously used for II, so it may have that take this THE RULY 1. raulic, etc. Ct. Gromic Verres (Cotton), 1 3 ETT yeveurs, bere also used of Roman masonry. lleol.com, Gz at a stand teallilan, and transl. 'comber stone.' preserably caci of Crix, 12-the third place in which the word occa Eva (Anglis, u, p. 366) understands seallaian und Frauen 20 stone! The quality of Roman building at Path is ·178 NOTES C ruins of the great bath there can be seen half an archway and much of the adjacent wall which, after a fall of over twenty feet, still remains intact þæs. With Sieper and Schücking I take þæs as a variant of þes, though the form according to Sievers, $ 338, Anm. 4, occurs only in northern texts. Earlier editors took it to be gen. sing., but this involves an unusual construction. The poem contains rather more dialectal forms than is usual, e.g. ældo, -cotone, aaldend, forweorone, geleorone, chea, and perhaps sylfor, besides the common poetic hafajt, waldend. 2. Enta geureorc. The same phrase occurs in the Gnomic Verses (Cotton.), l. 2, in the passage (referring to Roman buildings) quoted above. Cf. also the Wanderer, 1. 87 and a. 4 Hrim geat torras. The text is probably corrupt. Thorpe reads hrim geat-torras berofen ("The hoar gate-towers despoiled') but suggests an emendation to hringe (hrimige) berofne? Ettmüller, hreorge torras, hryngeat beltrofen (or hrymgeatu behrofenu). Klipstein, hreorge torras hrimge torras berofene. Grein, hrungeat ("balkentor,' 'gattertor) -torras (or merely hrungeat) berofen. Sieper emends to hrunge but gires no lit. transl. Schücking emends to hringgeat which he translates 'Ring-tor,' 5. Scurbeorg(e), & ar. dey., lit. 'protection against storms. Some editors interpret this as meaning 'roofs' or buildings generally. 6. Hafað...op...gewitan, lít. 'has been holding...perished and gone... until (now)...have passed away. This seems to me preferable to taking gewitan in a future sense. 7. Waldend wyrhtan ; perhaps rather to be taken as parallel to such compounds as wine-dryhten than as a true dvandva (like suhter-gefæderan in Beowulf, 1. 1164). Possibly however it should be read waldend, wyrhtan. 8. Crea appears to be a non-W.S. form. Cf. trea, Ps. Vesp. 73, 5. Some editors, e.g. Sieper, Schücking, etc., emend to cneſowja for metrical reasons. 10. Næghar. It is curious that most editors take the first element as coming from rege, 'she.goat,' instead of from ragu, 'lichen. Sieper (Die altenglische Elegie, p. 231) regards it as referring to the grey sandstone of which the Roman buildings of Bath were largely constructed. readfah was thought by Earle to refer to the stains made on the stone by the oxide of iron contained in the mineral springs ; but these stains would hardly reach the arches, and the word more probably refers to the prevailing colour of the internal walls, whether of bricks or mortar or painted plaster work. Cf. also teaforgeapa, I. 23. Cf. J. Ward, Romano-British Buildings and Earthworks, London, 1911, p. 283, etc. Cf. also the Wanderer, I. 98 n. The walls of the great bath-house were entirely lined with red plaster made of powdered Roman brick, which was afterwards polished. Much of this red plaster still remaius adhering to the walls. 11. Steap geap gedreas. During the latter part of the Roman occupation the great bath appears to have had a vaulted roof, of which the fallen arch referred to in l. l above formed a part. Other fragments of the roof are still to be seen on the floor of the great bath. geap. This word presents difficulties. The early editors took it to be a substantive (as also in l. 23); but no such word is recognised by the dictionaries, though (if Sieper is right in taking the vowel as short) we might compare 0. N. gap in Ginnungagap, cf. also the gloss ·NOTES 179 gon.comm' with Tolicr's remark (Suppl dr. geap), with which wo Inay posibly cutupare lato L. corni, anzle' Kirland (American Journal of Biology, Vol. II, 1866, p. 307 1.) suggests a wk the sing, geops but doce not translate.' 13. Iirunt, perlaps the iron rods or crampe with which tho Iloman mwons sometimes lacul together the large stones of their magoury. CC. J. Warl, Homano-Bntish Buildings and Earthworls, 12 232 L 14. Burzude, ie presumably bathing chambers' CL L 31 £ 17. Op pat, cta Cl. the fanderer, L 107. 19. Sectrof, a af. dry. B. and T. transl '(death carried of) the bost of men. Cr. O.H.G. riaba, .numeris' Gr. Kob. transl ened strenyur, and aud -ra (6 p.). 23. Teaforyeapa. Cf. L. ix aboro and n. I have taken tea forgcapa a compound adj. with most reont editors-Klug, Sieper, Schücking, etc Cf. Gs. Koh... Teafor is used to gloss minun, vermilion' or 'n ochra' Cf. B. and T. v. The allusion is probably to the colour of Roman tiles or uncks. tigelum sccadeo, ctc. cf. IL 1 and 10, potes. The roof of the great kath appears to have been compascu wholly of rol tiles, many of which still lio a lout the sides and op ibe bottom of the bath. 22 Urostbeag. Sco B and T. ss. Grein raus krost-beagu kroj, tho gablo or submit of the wood work of the tuor, translating hrosi-beau, sus corona canterium'; s also Schlicking. Kirkland (Anner. Journ. of Palol. II, p. 367) and Steper kcep the ws. ruling. Tho former trauslates beages rof os rcuownou for its treasures, and hrost as "roof, wong. I suspect a corruption of the test. 30. Brudan rices. Buth sectos hero to be used almost in the scuse of capital' (cf. Cantwara-burk). This is preferable to taking br, ri. a9 descriptive gen. 31. Stream...tylme, lite 'a strcam cast forth heat (noun, dh sing.) or hotly (alv.) in broad surge Stream may allude to the water risid froin the springs, which at Bath are situated under the supply cisteru close to the baths (cf. llarerfield in the l'id. County Ilust. Of Somerset, Vol. I, . 244). This hot current is coniesed in a broad lead-lined Uut of Somerset, Vol 1, p. 210 € 19-2 ·180 NOTES C the reservoir to the great bath, whose 'grey stone' foor was covered with lead. L. XXV clearly refers to the arrangements of the baths. xxx, xxxiii. Hringnere. If Bath is the scene of the Ruin, could this refer to the circular Roman bath excavated in 1885 ? Cf. Haverfield in the Vict. County Hist. of Somerset, Vol 1, p. 244. For the use of mere as applying to a cistern, see B. and T. s.v. IIL THE BATTLE OF BRUNANBURH 2. Beorn(a). Cf. the Wanderer, I. 70 n. 3. Eadmund æbeling. Under his brother Aethelstan he sometimes signs charters as clito or frater regis. He was afterwards king, 939–946. 5. Brunnanburh. The ass. (with Symeon of Durham) have Brunnan-, but the first n is deleted in A. The other authorities have Brunan-. Cf. p. 60, n. 1 (with Sar. Chron. E, F). Bordweal. Ce Beowulf, 1. 2980 ; probably a military term expressive of the close ranks in which the warriors of the time fought, holding their shields before them. There is no evidence to show that the bordueall was formed of a line of locked shields, like the I. testudo with which it bas sometimes been compared. The round wooden shields of the Anglo- Saxons, which appear to have been of no great strength apart from the iron bosses, were less suitable for such a purpose than the shields of the Romans. Cf. C. Oman, A History of the Art of War (London, 1898), p. 71, footnote 1. 6. Hamora lafan. Cf. Beowulf, l. 2829, and the other references given by B. and T. s.v. laf II, especially Riddle 71, 1.3, 'eom wrabra laf, fyres and feole;'...the leaving of foes, of fire and of file.' 7. Sua him, etc. Cf. Genesis, L 2771. 8. Creomægum. The origin of the word is probably to be traced to the conception of grades of relationship as analogous to the joints of the human body. Cf. the Laws of Aethelred, vi, 12; North. Priests' Law 61. Cf. also the term heafodmæg, Beowulf, 1. 588, 2151; and meo, in the Ruin, 1 8. ba...ealgodon. Cf. Hákonarmál, str. 4. 11. Scipflotan, i.e. Anlaf's forces which had come by sea from Dublin, described as guma northerna in l. 18. 12. Feld dennede, etc. This difficult word has given rise to many conjectures which are enumerated and discussed by Tupper in the Journal of Engl. and Germ. Philol. Vol. I, 1912, P. 91 f. There can be little doubt that, as Price suggests, the word is identical with Norse dynja, to pour. He translates the field flowed with varriors' blood.' Cf. Njáls Saga (Copenh. ed., 1772), ch. 176 'dundi þá blóðit um hann allana' 15. Glad ofer grundas, etc. Cf. Beowulf, 11. 2072 2073, etc.; rodores candel, ib. 1572. 16, 17. 03...setle. Cf. the Heliand, 1. 2819. 18. Garum ageted. Cf. Kock, 'Jubilee Jaunts and Jottings' in Lunds Universitets årsskrift, 1918, p. 1. guma norberna. In the Saxon Chronicle Norfmen seems regularly to ·NOTES 181 1. Fife...ryningu giunge. For details of the skin cf. Introduction, 1 61 abore. 33. Vormanna bregu, cf. Introduction, p. 62 above. 35. Cread...llot, lit". On flot (O. Norse á flot; w unablo & ship to tloat! caurs agaja in Riddle 4, www wvvwww. agunt iho cliffs. Cl. B. and T. or, hopgehnast. Miss A. J. Robertson tella rue that the same word occurs in the heading to cap. 2 of the Laws of Edgar , Ms. B, with a similar meaning. The word is not very raro in later times (in the scose to pross, drive, or hasten on. Cf. N.E.D. * c. Croud 2). 39 IIronuan no porfte. Cf. IL 44, 47. For the repetition Schucking compare the Dream of the Nood, IL 35, 42, 45 (Kleines angelsichersches Dichterbuch, Cothen, 1919, p 72). 40 Vaga sccard. Sccard, gefylled, beslagen are all a. sing. referring to Constantine; but it is hardly possible to translato the passage literally 47. Mehhan ne horftun Cf Juliana, 1 526. 53. Vagledonearrum. For this phrase cf. O. Sax. neguid skip and tho parallel expression nagledbord, Riddle 59, L 5; Genesis, L 1433. 54. Dinges mere. The namo is unexplaisch It would scem to mcan the Irish Soa or some portion of its 60. Lclan kım behindar, etc. The eagle, raven, and wolf form part of the traditional epic features of the picture of a battle 10 A.S. poetry. Cf. Dcowulf, L 3024 ff.; Elene, 1. 110 #f. In Judich, 1. 205 ff., the reseni- Llanco to this passage is so close that a literary coupection between tho two has bocn suggested by Cook (cf. Judith, Boston, 1904), p Ixil 62. Salutigpadan CL. Be Vanna iyrdum, L 37. 62 lasevan padan. Cf. Hrafnsmál, str. 4 (horfjaðn). 63. Eam aftan huił, no doubt the white-tailed caglo (Haliačtus ullialla). As late as the carly years of last century it nested in the X.W. of England and S.TY, of Scotland, but now rarely breeds south of Shetland 68. Pes jo ut recgat bec. Cf Sau Chron. (A, B, C) sub an. 973,1 14. Tho ref. to Engle and Seart (L 70) comes ultimately no doubt from Ikule, U. ES 4 15. 69 Ealdo urritan, strictly in apposition to bec, lite books, our ancient sages ·182 NOTES THE HRAFNSMÁL Note the following exceptional forms: gjængr (Icel. gengr) str. 3, síst (Icel. sýst from sýsla), str. 13. p. 78. Vitinn...faðmbyggvi, i.e. slain, those who died in battle being regarded as passing to Valhöll and at the same time as being sacrificed to Othin. It was not uncommon to dedicate an enemy's army to Othin before the commencement of a battle. Cf. the Saga of Hrómund Greipsson, ch. 2; Saga of Hervör and Heithrek, ch. 14; Styrbjarnar þáttr, ch. 2, etc. etc. Cf. also Chadwick, The Cult of Othin (London, 1899), p. 6 f. eineygja...faðmbyggvi, i.e. Othin. Cf. Völuspá, str. 28, 29; Gylfaginning, ch. 15. p.79, 1. annat skulu. Munch and Unger understand this strophe to be put in the mouth of sone man of the Danish court expressing his contempt of Harold the Fairhaired, whom he has probably not hitherto known as a warlike king. They emend peer to peir and take ambáttir Ragnhildar as voc. : transl. "They shall have something else to relate over their cups, ye gallant dames, bandmaidens of Ragnbildr, than that ye are battle-lynxes (i.e. wolves), whom Harold has (hitherto) stinted,' etc. ambáttir Ragnhildar, Ragnhildr was the chief wife of Harold the Fairhaired, and was called Ragnhildr in ríka. She was the daughter of Eric, king of Jutland, and mother of Eric Blófös. It is said that when King Harold married her he put away nine of his other wives. Cf. the Saga of Harold the Fairhaired (Heimskringla), ch. 21. 2 Holmrygjum. Cf. p. 188. Hörða meyjum. Hörsaland was the district surrounding the Hardanger Fjord. hverri... Heinversku. Heiðmörk (now Hedemarken) in the east of Norway. Hölga ættar, i.e. the people of Hålogaland. For Hölgi (the husband or father of Thorgerðr Hölgabrú8r) see Saxo, Book 1, p. 87; Skuldskaparmál, ch. 44. konungr enn kynstóri, i.e. King Harold. Cf. the Battle of Hafsfjord, str. 1. konu Danska, i.e. Ragnhildr. Cf. str. above. 1. Hlýði hringberendr, lit. 'Let those who wear bracelets, torques, etc., hearken (cf. Beowulf, 11. 623, 3017), or possibly 'who carry swords.' Cf. F. Jónsson, Dict. 3. v. avarauðgha, i.e. afar-. So lunch and Unger, Wisén and F. Jónsson. Wisén (following in part the text of Munch and Unger in their Læsebog, Christiania, 1847) bas conjecturally restored the test of the entire poem in Carmina Norræna (Lund, 1886), p. 11 ff. A more recent restoration of the text is that of F. Jónsson in his edition of the Fagrskinna (Copenhagen, 1902-3), pp. 6-12, footnotes. frú málom...dæmde. The sentence does not seem to be strictly syntactical. The simple form of the sentence would be 'er mær...við hramı dæmde'; but it is turned into a dependent clause by the introduction of the phrase ck...hwyrði, after which one would have expected an infinitive.

·XOTES 183 2. 1'erar...dunni. I kaso followed v. Friesen in etending, si to JU #SWM 1 1.11 rocky, wasto' (cf. Mýmukvica, str. 27); but inoro probably the ci. pression is due to somo lost myth. horne rinljurya. Dich 4.v.) Cranslatcs. lnrum for hornum bjarg); von Friesen (... rinbjarga to bo for ti alkyrio (cf. Helgakriða tíundingsbana 11, str. 4. 3. Ver...liggja, lit. 'Yo bavo passod tho night, 1 tlunk, whero ya know the dead wcro lying.' 4. lufjaðri, cf. The Battle of Brunanburh, 1. 62. 5. I Krinnum uokuown, perhaps in Hörðaland. Cf. F Jónsson, djúpun raðr, cta. For details of Scandinavian battleships in tho Dict. 4.U. 1, 6. Freys...hafa, generally interpretod as 'light'; but Freyr is not clsewhere a god of war. Cr Viglussoo, Dict, ..v lekr. ellduelli a ár. ley F. Jónsson translates 'baking,' 'warning (oneselli) by the fre' railu Vigfusson suggested pillows,' but gives no other reference for this use of the word. & lignum turpe. The reference is to the game of hreftafl, also called King Itred's Game, which appears to have had certain features 10 cummon with ches, and which was played in Scandinaria and Iceland ·184 NOTES till the introduction of the latter game, probably in the thirteenth century. It would seem that, like the Welsh tawlburdd, it was played between sides composed, the one of sisteen 'fair' (white) men, the other of a king (called hnefi or hunn) and eight 'dark' (black) men. Three of the riddles of Gestumblindi refer to this game (cf. Hervarar Saga, ch. 11). In one of these the húnn is described as "that beast which slays people's flocks and is girt around with iron. It has eight horns, yet no head, and it runs when it can. The answer is : "That is the húnn in hneftaft. It has the same name as a bear. It runs as soon as it is thrown. For further details see H. J. R. Murray, a History of Chess (Oxford, 1913), Appendis I, 'Chess in Iceland, pp. 443_-446. malme Húnlenzkum. Does this mean steel, or gold? F. Jónsson understands the latter, and compares Pála malme in Hindluljóð, str. 9. For Húnlenzkr cf. note to the Battle of the Goths and Huns, str. 2. 9. Hömlur, the strap in which the oar was secured, generally in small ships. It was itself fastened to a hár or upright-standing curved piece of wood, against which the oar worked. 10. At skallda reido. It is interesting to compare with this passage the position of the Welsh poets as set forth in the Welsh Laws. Cf. Wade-Evans, Jelsh Medieval Law (Oxford, 1909), pp. 167 f., 179 f. greppa fir. The meaning of this expression is not clear. Fritzner, Gering, etc. understand greppr to mean a warrior (cf. garpr), ferðir greppa would thep mean the expeditions of his warriors. Vigfusson, Wisén and F. Jónsson however understand greppr to mean 'a poet,' skald,' and ferðir greppa 'troops of poets. 11. Faghrrendadom, a doubtful form which does not occur elsewhere. Vigfusson emends to -rendum (cf. Dict. s.v. fagr-rendr). Von Friesen (following B) suggests fuídom rondum, 'with painted shields"). silfrvöfðum. Munch and Unger and F. Jónsson, 'wound round with silver thread.' Wisén 'argento revinctus,' 12. Bersærkja. CE p. 88 above; cf. also Ynglinga Saga, ch. 6; Du Chaillu, The Viking age (London, 1889), Vol. 11, p. 423 8. fenget. Munch and Unger, followed by TVisén, einend to fagrid. The former also read þér instead of er, following vs. Bl; translate "How do you like the martial heroes,' etc. 13. Árædesmönnun, etc. Cf. the Saga of Harold the Fairhaired (Heimskringla), ch. 9. í skjölld hüggva, lit. 'strike upon the shield.' 14. Ergáti. So F. Jónsson, who translates "royal entertainment, amusement,' Munch and Unger emended to organ, 'grimaces, gestures.' Wisón translated 'oblectamentum, quo hospites excipiuntur.' Anndadr. F. Jónsson suggests that the more correct form of the name would be Ondu'r, cf. German andahad. In his opinion tlic juggler was undoubtedly a German; cf. Dict. s.v. Andaðr. Nothing known of him; but in us. R of The Saga of Herrör and Heiðrek, ch. 11, the answer to the riddle about King ítrek's Game reads 'pat er Itrekr ok Andafr, er þeir sitja at tafli sínu. For a different explanation sce M. Olsen, Til Haraldskvæði 23' in Ark. f. nord. Filol., Vol. 27 (1914), p. 381 f.; cf. also Vaal og Minne, 1913, P. 66 ff. logandum húfum, etc. The latter half of this strophe is obscure. F. Jónsson understands the passage to refer to some conjuring trick. He regards hafa sér as equivalent to hafask (cf. Lez. Poct. s.v. hafa, 13, c). For húfum Vigfusson and Powell read lúfum and translate: "The tripping fellows tuck their flaming shock-locks under their belts.

·NOTES 185 THE BATTLE OF HAFSFJORD 1. i llarmirdi. Ilafsfjord is a small fjord on the west coast of Nonland. cf. p. 88 aloie' Visén and F. Jónsson appcar to take í Hafrs- Arifi with ihe vacature, and translato: "You can hear in H. bow,' cta, Inerr.. linglum, cf. Landnámaból, 1v, ch 7. The battleships of the Viking ago were frequently claborately carved, especially at the prow and stem, wbich generally took the form of the head of a dragon or other animal. Cf. IIrafnsmul, str. 5 note. 2. Jelena skjalda According to f Jónsson tho'white' shields were furciga. Cf. Glymdrúpa, str. L rustranna, ie 'froin the British Isles,' The preceding seventy-fivo be British Isles, and by ion was settled there, "Taladra, pirob from Valland,' is France, unless the word 18 a tradition from carlier (Roman) times. We tay perbaps cf. the word frakta (sprear) in Nigshula, str. 35, A S. franca, if this word is derived from the name of the Franks (Frullar, A'S Francan). Cf. also wlcrae gar, Battle of Baldon, I. 134. beraerlir. Cf. Il rafrmil, str. 12 note. dannum. Vigfusson, F. Jónsson, etc., translate was drawing to a closo'; cf. Rigobula, str. 31. wfheJnar, Lc berserkir. Cf. Vigfusson, Dict. .t. berserit. 3. I wtmanna, F. Jónsson takes this to mean Norwegians generally, in which sense the word is often used to distinguish the people of the bomeland froin those who had settled in the West. But in this sense roally approprato here? Harold's original kingdom was in the East, viz. Votfold, near the Christiania Fjord CL p. 09 Abore. In this case we should perhaps (with Wisén and P. Jónsson) understand h. 1. llaf. (str I, L 1) as an address to tho audience. #Jum...brá, It'lle set in tpotion the study of Yükku' Xokkri, scoording to F. Jónsson, is the name of a sel-kiaz. Cf. Hyndluljo, str. 20; Thulur, ui, 1. One of the king killed at the Battle of sálskel as callod Nökkvi Ce the Saga of Harold the Fairhaired (Ilems. Iringlu), ch. 10.

·186 NOTES stillir. So most editors, e.g. Munch and Unger, Nygaard, Wisen, etc. The latter omits Nökkvi. F. Jónsson omits, regardiog it 25 later addition. Cf. his edition of the Heimskringla (Copenhager, 1893-1901), p. 124, footnote. Cf. also str. 1 above, n. Haklangr, i.e. Thórir Haklangr, perhaps king of Agðir. Cf. p. 88 above, footnote 2. 4. Lúfu, i.e. Harold. The nickname was given to him in the carly part of his career in consequence of a vow which he made not to cut or comb his hair till be was ruler of all Norway. Cf. the Suga of Harold the Fairhuired (Heimskringla), ch. 4. When the conditions cre fulfilled he bad his hair washed and combed, and was afterwards called 'Harold the Fairhaircd' (ib. ch. 23). hilmi cnum halsdigra, F. Jónsson emeuds (cf. ed. 1913) to hilmir enn halsdigri; but leiðask is used impersonally elsewhere. Cf. Dict. 3.0. Tho hilmi referred to is Kjötvi. According to F. Jónsson there is a touch of irony here and throughout the poem, e.g. es beim flæja kendi, str. 3. He understands the weaning to be that although a bully (cf. his * thick neck'), yet he showed no inclination, etc. holm lét sér at skjaldi, i.e. (according to Bunch and Unger, F. Jónsson, etc.) they landed and used the island as a vantage ground, According to the latter authority the holmr is a small island in Hafsfjord. 5. Svifnis salnæfrar, lit. 'made Sváfnir's ball shingles to glitter on · their backs man allusion to the shields with which the roof of Valhöll was thatched. Cf. Grímnismál, str. 9 (skjöldum salr bakifr). Næfrar, atrictly shingles of birchwood.' Sváfnir, a name of Othin, cf. Grímnismül, str. 54; Thulur, IV, 4. hyggjandi, ironical according to F. Jónsson. austr kylfur. Early editors (eg. Munch and Upger, Nygaard, Wisén) printed auðkylfur, following us. , and translate 'rich men. Vigfusson and F. Jónsson read austkylfur (-ir V.). The former translated easterlings, and compared the Kylfingar east of the Baltic. F. Jónsson translates Eastern logs.' Cf. Dict. s.v. austkylfa. Cf. also note 4 s.v. hilmie. h, above. Jutarır), the district of Rogaland wbich juts out to the south of Hafsfjord, in the S.W. corner of Norway. The dustkylfur (Eastern logs) are those of the confederates who had come from Agðir and Thelamörk. hugðu á mjöðdrykkju. The passage seems to suggest that the author thought that the confederates in question were more keen on drinking than on fighting. Cf. also the terms (contemptuous ?) auglayda, austkylfur, and possibly hilmir halsdigri. It is to be borne in mind, however, that the poem is probably incomplete. THE EIRÍKSMÁL 1. Drauma. Wisén, following us. 757 of Snorri's Edda, reads dama, "What marvel is this? In this case kugötumk should no doubt be translated 'I was intending to.' fimi dag litli. Munch and Unger and Wisén, following the text of Snorri's Edda, have fyr dag risa, (I thought I was) rising before day.'

·NOTES 187 Talhull, kto the abodo of warriors who liare died in batta' og Ghanismull, str. 8; Gylfaginning, ch. 90, 31, 3:1-4 na: loh ri. k..2 ve Borislur. Wishn and F. Jonsson translate 'tablo survive' or 'plata' lyfru: Icel, leyoru, ruldyrjur vin bera. Cl. Gylfaginning, ch. 36, where the valkyries are sud to attend to tho mugs and table service as well as to the pouring out of the wine srá. F. Jónsson takes frá with glatt; but does it pot rather tucan under these circumstances'? 2 Ifrat frymr, eta. Jost clitors (cs. Nunch and Unger, Wisen, F. Jónsson, Itolthausen, ctc.) divide this strophe between Ouhin and Bragi, assigning IL 1 and 2 to the former, and 11. 3 and 4 to the latter. It may boolserved howeter that Bragi's Assuer does not seem to le particularly appropriato to tho question, nor does str. 3 harmonise well with the opening litice of str. 2, if the latter is spoken by Othta. Poswbly there is a corruption in l. 1; in the original text the whole Dulldt. For the fullest account of Balder's death, cf. Gylfaginning, ch. 43. Ofint sale, ic. Vulholl, cf. str. 1 above, 3. Scalle ør. Munch and Unger emend to skalattu ; so also Wisén; Ny gry, Loltu; Holtbausen (1896) and F Jonsson (1913) skalait. Cannot wallt be used here to express & suggestion in the mind of the benheri CI, the use of slal in Sodern Danish. fó al, 80 ml (boal) followed by Nygaard. Huneb and Unger emended to priat; Wisco, Iloltbausen and F. Jónsson (1913) to prit. The emendou texts would translate 'Thou must not talk foly, thou wise Dragi,- for thou Knowest everything well.' mundr and Sinfjótli see gmundr was the father - Hundirgsbana, and of wo sul more famous Sigurðr, the hero of several poems of the Edda 5. Pri al margu lannde, etc. For Enc's adventures, cf. the Saga of Hand the Furrhaired (Heimskringla), ch. 34 f. 6. PN...gode. For the phrase pri nila, cf. Háramál, str. 38. The pa34280 sectos to be anacoluthic The sentence. It cannot be known wlien) being cut short by a new idean 'the wolf is (even now) fancto wir, ic the wolf of Fenrir, cf. Hulonarmál, str 20, bote. 7. Pal...domina! Cf. Fjulstinnsinál, str. 48 & Konongar eru 1. For the fall of Eric and the fire kings cf. the Sags of Huaion the Good (lleimskringla), ch. 4.

·188 NOTES C THE HÁKONARMÁL 1. Göndul ok Skögul (also Geirskögul, cf. str. 12) are valkyries whom Othin appoints to decide the course of the battle. Cf. Völuspá, str. 31; Grinnismál, str. 36, etc. Gautatýr. Gautr, Váföðr (cf. str. 5) and Eroptatýr (cf. str. 14) are all names applied by Othin to himself in Grímnismál, str. 54. Gautatýr would seem originally to have meant the god (cf. tivar, pl) of the Gautar, i.e. the inhabitants of Götaland in the south of Sweden, the Geatus of Beowulf. The word is also extended to mean men in general. Cf. F. Jónsson, Dict. s.v. Cf. also Darraðarljów, str. 8, note; Sonatorrek, str. 21. Yngvi is a surname of Freyr, from whom the royal family of Norway claimed descent. The genealogy is given in Ynglingatal and Ynglingasaga, at, ady. cf, atvist. 2. Brbour...Bjarnar, i.e. King Haakon. Björn, son of Harold the Fairhaired and Svanhildr (cf. the Saga of Harold the Fairhaired Heimskringla, ch. 21), who was made ruler of Vestfold under his father (cf. ib. ch. 33), fell at the hands of Eric Blósös, his brother, at Sæheimr (cf. ib. ch. 35). He was called Björn the Merchant on account of his trading interests. Cf. also Egils Saga, ch. 56, 59. i brynju fara, so Vigfusson and F. Jónsson, cf. Dicts. s.v. fara. Cf. also F. Jónsson's edition of the Heimskringla (Copenhagen, 1893-1901), Vol. IV, p. 54. This sense does not seem to me to agree very well svith str. 4 however. Possibly we may translate 'marching in coat of mail.' The reading of F should not be overlooked. dolgráar, em. Holthausen; so also F. Jónsson (cf. Dict. s.v. dolgrg), who translates battle-yardarm,'' battle-rod,' 'spear.' Cf. however ib. s.v. dolger, whicb he translates as " battle-oar," sword.' The latter (pl. dolgárar) is the reading kept by most editors, e.g. Nygaard (Udvalg af den Norröne Literatur, Bergen, 1875, p. 320), Wisén (Carmina Norræna, Lund, 1886, p. 16), Wimmer (Oldnordiske Læsebog!, Copenhagen, 1889, p. 2), following us. J(1). Unger (Heimskringla, Christiania, 1868, p. 104) keeps the text of the Fagrskinna, dólgar, transl. battle, strife. So also Dlunch and Unger (Oldnorsk Læsebog, Christiania, 1847, p. 115). 3. Hét. F. Jópsson translates ‘had called upon.' Háleygi, i.e. the men of Hålogaland, the northern province of ancient Norway, corresponding approximately to the modern Nordland. Holmrygi, i.e. the men of Rogaland in the south-west of Norway. Cf. p. 79 above. The name is identical with that of the Rugii (A.S. Holmryge, Jordanes' Ulmrugi) on the coast of Pomerania. einbani. F. Jónsson understands this to mean thut Haakon had made his conquests alone, without foreign help. Vigfusson regards einas intensive. gjöfti, so Nygaard, Wisén, Wimmer, etc., following ass. J (1), A; Unger gives göfgi, following uss. K, B. F. Jónsson quotes this passage under both words in his Dict. gengi Nordmanna. Cf. the Battle of Brunanburh, I. 18, note s.v. guma norberna. Eydana (gen.), lit.' Danes of the Isles. Cf. the Saga of Haakon the Good (Heimskringla), ch, 6-9. 4. Hrauzk ór herváðun, etc. From the Saga of Haakon the Good, chs. 6 and 30, it would seem to have been Haakon's custon to cast oft his helmet and mail coat before beginning to fight. Cf. str. 2 above, vote.

·NOTES Chalo.Iskunoch str. 4. II . I. altingla ch. 13. sullongr, tnctly an old Juastio nunc, but, like other naince of the Lud, usou by focus fur king' or prince' in general CL Stahlloque raul, ch. 63; 1)retnu Norrgr Dygout, ch. % ririr Vdfušar, ia artour. 1'dfuse is Otlin, CI. Taulur, IV, 3 (ur) em ; For tho sang con d guer/ 04, ca, 3: Info Saga Dautrclusonar, ch. 20. CL also Oluk, Larvio Lugrnila, ctc. pr. 131, 175 (trual Hollander). glymiringar. H. Jórunon adopts the ruling fun. J., gyyringur, which he translator sword,' ani La Immalle varsecticu with ajulfr. CC. Dictar.gyl/nngr. gotua & pl) an ancient namo of [w.lo (tko Bolla) whicho Lins come to be used merely for men ('L str. 1, noto ir Gunstyr. 6. Trullut turgur, eta Struple maro dillicult wing by the nutaler of keuning contaipal in ihein Tho natural order of the windo kan totoo to bio ergur ok hauwe brudelut fyr har futumn Liwga Tý Yordmanna. Duuga Týr, lit 'tbo gou who preu nuz'um *tory * kedning for king Soalan Syaard, 11 sour, Butwart, cit. P. Jason, Lonerer, folds that urgus am luan me mjeri that Sormanus can hardly lo esplural beror my then usare harga Tyr llo reyanis the oritun of a sufquirting bu TK djalta hanifi, lil'to sharp fot of the hill nails wund.be Icyw, le the inland (Swrdo), the KtDet tar battir (101 alone honumjar, prhafn vel pl for sing CT bwerer til mazury 3 .... words we called jms of Und up of wounde, langlar Sar, avunds' scordiaz WW'AP JUMAMUHXILA, of Houston da Cud (lamtrangle, ch, Hua YU NILAH Esilerd (teja), as well as riba raud Pix a dearzua dhe kega x Ezech warnai, ir dry, lits (gegenwooflike w) dreine Sicat eleverne II, Y l'abbo.fi sxt Fra A links a, 6*7 », MAS 15 PS it to taste stadionieri. Un das e porausz fart of the first tt. CL the keuksi *, ·190 NOTES flóð fleina, lit. 'flood of (i.e. from) darts,' a kenning for blood. Cf, F. Jónsson, Dict. 8.v. flóð. Other kennings for blood are hjör Nóit, hræ jóts, sar flóð, unda stót. 8. Blendusk vi toonum, etc. So F. Jónsson, Holthausen, etc. Unger, Nygaard, Wisén, Wimmer, etc., following K, have roðnar for roðnun and skýs for ský (when the order would be veðr Sköglar słys), translate "Battle (the storms of the shield (Skögul's cloud]) was joined (mingled) beneath the canopy of the reddened shield, it (they) played around the rims." Sköglar veðr, Orhins veðr(1) (cf. L. ii), kennings for battle.' Cf. Skáld. skaparmál, ch. 47, 63 (verse); Báttatal, str. 54. baugr, bere, shield, originally (according to Skuldskaparmúl, ch. 48) the circle painted on the shield. oddlár, lit. 'waves from the spears,' i.e. blood. fyr mælis straumi, a kenning for 'blood.' 9. Döglingar, an old dynastic dame like siklingar (cf. str. 5). Cf. Hversu Noregr Bygdist, ch. 2. This is probably another instance of poet. pl. for sing, referring to the king alone. ok, used as a relative particle. Cf. Vaf brúbnismál, str. 5, etc. skotnar. So Unger, F. Jónsson, Holthausen, etc., following m9. K. Nygaard, Wisén, Wimmer, etc. give skornar, "rent,' following us. F. 10. és Hákoni, etc. Lit. "Since the Divine Powers have invited Haakon with a great host.' bönd. The original meaning of the term bönd (cf. Hávamál, str. 108) is uncertain. The fact that höpt is also used of the deities (átlakviða, str. 28) points to identity with band,' chain.' 13. Grænna heima goða. Cf. Gautrekssaga, ch. 7. 14. Hermóðr is the name of the messenger of the Æsir tyho rode to Hel to seek out Balder and try to ransom him. Cf. Gylfaginning, cb. 49. The Hermósr mentioned in Hyndluljóð, str. 2, is probably a different person--beroic, not divine-to be identified with the Heremod who is mentioned in connection with Sigemund in Beowulf, 1. 901 #. It is uncertain which of the two is intended here. Bragi (see below) is a god; but, on the other hand, the part played by these two persons is clearly suggested by that given to Sigmundr and Sinfjötli in Eiríksmál, str. 4. Hroptatjr. Cf. str. 1, s.v. Gautatýr, note. Hroptr is also a name for Othin. Cf. Grímnismál, str. 8. sás kappi þykkir, etc. The translation implies that Othin knows who Haakon is. It is possible to translate the passage otherwise, viz. who is evidently a hero,' the implication being in this case that Othin has not identified him. 16. Einherja(r), the name given to the dead warriors in Valhöll who spend their days in fighting. Cf. Grimnismál, str. 18; Vafþrúbnisnál, str. 41; Gylfaginning, ch. 38–41. bigg þú...öl, etc. Cf. Grímnismál, str. 36; Gylfaginning, ch. 39. átta bræðr. For a list (incomplete however) of Harold's sons, cf. Saga of Harold the Fairhaired (Heimskringla), ch. 21. 17. Gott es, etc. Lit. (It is good) to reach for what is ready.' Unger, following uss. F, J(1), gives geirs for görs, transl. 'spear.' 18-21. Dá bat kyndisk, etc. There is no doubt a contrast implied here between the happy days of King Haakon and those of Harold ·YOTES 191 Crescloak, 10 whose reigu tho puen was composol. Ilaakon, though Christian, Lerer calorool Christianity on bis sabjects, but I thien worship in their own way, thereby osennz a stroaz cuatrast to laroll and his brother CLA 102 Labora. The U-suppressed insulty of Ejvinds to Ilarold u no doubt furtber to te accounted fur by the quartel Letscen them which is related in tbo Soga of Harald Grry cluuk (Uaimiringla), ch 1. Da Prirlfr. CL Eirimul, str. & The wolf of Fenrir wu one of 1 in Xornay under Ilaskon's succesors Cr, the Sanga of Hanila Grey duzl, ch. 17. THE DARRAGARLJÓS . : rignir Wasi, perhaps from the loors. cL the Far of the Gaedhu witha Gaul, P. 153 Ź With the passage from Njálanga it is interest ang to compare Sturlunga Saga, PIX 219, 220 (Vigfusson, Ozford, 1678): I dreams. aside sat Kenned to One of tho women : Let us rock, Guðr and Gündul, let us rock ; A rain of blood is falling, foreboding slaughter. We must belake ourselves to Rapta-hills; There acnfice and oaths will be offered to us' ruling har (E, F) (4,1-jarhaps onz. Hos or through wrong connocuon with retütar-secus to le poobszary. Heasles sur les that the original trading may hare boen (er) rinnus ſylum, though te has e pur riav fylla in bus test, tot ibe usual emendation to (Ha) is simpler.

·NOTES tr... Rundrés bana. The phrase is not easy to explain, though can be no doubt that the whole is a kenning for salkyries. son, F. Jónsson, eto, take Rando's bani to be, Jörnunrekt menric), who, at the instigation of his evil counsellor Bikki, ordered son Randrerr to be hanged. (Cf. Skáldskaparmál, ch. 41; Saxo mmaticus, VII, pp 336 338, where Randver is called Broderus.) gnusson (op. cit. p. 15) and Bugge (darbąger, etc., 1899, pp. 2534) ke Pandrés bani to be Bikki himself by whom they understand punan personation of Othin. The only other person of any consehence bearing this name is Randver, the son of Rapbarpr and Auþr he Deep-minded (cf. Hyndtuljóð, str. 29), and father of Sigurðr Hring, Grersu Noregr Bygðist, ch.3). In Herrarar Saga, ch. 16, he is said to be che son of Valdarr. According to ib. us. I, he is said to have married Åsa, the daughter of King Harold en Gotrauði from Norway, and to hare made himself king of Denmark on the death of his father Valdarr. He is also said in the same source to have fallen in England by a sudden death-Randrerr konungr varð bráðdauðr. The name Randrer also occurs in the list of sea kings in Thulur, str. *. It is not known which Randvér is referred to in our poem. In all probability the test is corrupt. It will be seen that the uss. vary coosiderably, but the other readings hardly give an intelligible sense. Pfeiffer keeps the reading of us. E. Dietrich reads randcersk. 2 refr, the threads stretched taut from the cloth-beam (rifr). For refr, skaft etc., cf. p. 119 above. In weaving, the roof threads are passed between the rarp threads. These warp threads haag downwards and are weighted at the bottom. In the old primitive band-loom the weights (klé) were formed of stones and attached to the ends of the threads. hartkljáðr...manna. The Jómsríkinga Saga (ed. Petersen, Copenhagen, 1882) p. 41 contains & passagem no doubt based on the first two strophes of this poem-in which Ingibjörg relates her dream to Palmer as follows: *I dreamed that I had set up a loom, and the warp was of fas and grey in colour; I dreamed that the warp was weighted, and I stood beside it and wove, and there was not much of it woren as far as I could see. And when I sleged the web, a weight fell from the middle of the loom, and I picked it up; and then I saw that the weights were nothing but human heads.' eru dreyrrekin...sköftum. The skaft is one of the bars or rods ('heddles) with which the threads of the raru (i.e the warp) were alternately brought forward and thrust back, so that the treft might be inserted through the intervening space or shed. The rod having beer placed in this position was so left during the passage of one strando weft across the loom. Vigfusson explains the word as one of the beam in the upright loom,' but this is clearly erroneous; cf. yllir (ib.) fe which he offers the same explanation. yllir. The exact meaning of this word is unknown. Magnúss following Vigfusson, understands it to be a 'beam in the upright loc and suggests the 'forebeam,' by which he means presumably the lo beam over which hang the weighted ends of the warp. The Scandinaupright loom appears, however, to bare had only one beam (rifr)- Paul's Grundriss d. germ. Phil. (Strassburg, 1900), Vol. 10, p. 475 word is explained as an implement used for making plush, i.e. of teasel, and as being derived from ull, "rooli-the deriratior foroured by Vigfusson.

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·NOTES Ok...fylgjum, or perhaps 'We will afterwards aid.' aingi. Cf. Introduction, p. 116 above. gna, so F. Jónsson, Heusler, Asmundarson, etc., following the dation of Thorkelsson and Gíslason. uss. E, F read par sia nar. Bragnar is a poetical word for warriors, only used in this se in the pl. Cf. F. Jónssou, Dict. s.v. Magnússon, however, follow- BIS. A, reads þar sú bera, which involves no emendation, and trans- 25 There Gunnr and Göndul saw borne (saw men bear) bloody elds. Gunnr ok Göndul, names of valkyries. Cf. Hákonarmál, str. 1 and ote. Gunur is another form of Gujr, mentioned in Völuspá, str. 31, tc. The name first occurs in the Runic Inscription of Rök 6.. Pars vé vada. It is interesting to uote that Earl Sigurðr was slain bearing the famous Raven Banner given to him by his witch mother with the words : 'It will bring victory to those before whom it is borne, but speedy death to him who bears it' (Orkneyinga Saga, ch. 11). With this passage we may compare the Iur of the Gaedhil with the Gaill, p. 155 f. : King Brian looked out behind him and beheld...the lucky, fortunate banner tbat had gained the victory in every battle and in every conflict and in every combat.' ré...vigru manna. I have taken this as poet. pl. for sing., referring to the young king. This interpretation is suggested by the following line, though the passage may of course be taken otherwise. Cf. note to farask below. látum cigi, etc. F. Jónsson and Dlaguússon treat lútum as imper., · Let us not,' etc. farask. Dietrich, followed by Pfeiffer, emended the reading of ss. F (her) svaraz to sparaz, " be spared. In this case the reference would be general, and vígra manna would have the true plural sense. eigu valkyrjur, etc. So F. Jónsson in his edition. In the Dict., however, he takes vuls um kostum as 'prospect of slaughter.'. Dlagnússon understands kostr in its primary sense of choice,' and translates among the doomed our choice is ample' [fand therefore we can afford to spare him'). Cf. Grimnismál, str. 14. 7. Þeir munu lýðir, etc. refers to the Norse settlers in the British Isles, probably with special reference to Ireland. The extent to which they occupied the coasts is shown by the large number of place-names which have survived, e.g. Waterford, Wexford, Howth, etc. útskaga. According to Fritzner and Vigfusson skagi denotes a lowlying headland, e.g. the Skaw in the north of Jutland, as opposed to höfuð, a high headland, e.g. Howth. ríkjum gram. According to F. Jónsson the reference here is to th death of Brian Borumh ; but is it not more natural to connect 1.3 wit 1. 4 which presumably refers to Earl Sigurðr? Cf. p. 116 above. 8. Ok munu Irar, etc. The reference here is probably to the des of Brian Borumh. Cf. however p. 116 above. ýtum. Ýtar was originally a national name (like Gotar, etc.; below) identical with Bede's Iuti, a variant of Jóiar, but preserve poetry in the sense of 'nen' after its proper meaning had been forge Cf. Hákonarnál, str. 1, note s.v. Gautatýr. nús vefr ofinn, etc. The connection between the chanting and we of the spell and the course of the battle is here clearly indicated. læspjöll gota, lit. news of the destruction of men. So F. J and Heusler. Dlagnússon translates the news of the loss ·NOTES selten Cl. ýtura abore str. 2, 1. 2. isidcrally in their rowlin -icli, l'feiffer, son ami E F-pur rinur springe e..come true' (tho unciabror in springs keing taken fruen the chips of dirination); springs, loweser, w motus in this sense elsewhere. lleusler liimself sug cats as an emend to be (as in L. 2) in place of kljus, sitive spells' rather than tunes marins to give the senso requrul. 11. Nisum hulu, etc. lleusler suggests that two lines baso Loca lont aller L I. THE SOXATORREK, ETC. Eoill's Poems (pp. 129, 130) 1. Dundar, Dundr is Otlin (ul. Grímnundl, str. 54), and punuar gayr a cobrania for battle' grar. If we are to believe that these strophics were oumped by Egill innallately after the battle, grey must be taken a futu, and Wok in str. 2 rendered by 'I baie cui cred' tc 2 Fyr merlistangir, lite ‘in front of the folo on which the standard 1 camot. 1012, cne of the jarls who oppxood Acthelstart. With bus brand he alew Thúrólfr. Ile was himsell blain in the same battle by Egill CL ch 1 Maori Sajr, i.c 'Y'iper,' 'Adder,' was the name of Egill's sword Cl. ch. 13. Cl. Also tho Lutile of the cuts and the Ilvas, str. O, nota 41. Tyrir. dlafr. Le Olaf the Red. CL. 128. alove. Ilnur, one of the jarls who fought against Actbeistan's arroy. CY Dute to the quea ca Atlhelst, s.c. prla jufra below. 11-2 ·196 NOTES Foldgnárr. The meaning is unknown. In his ed. of Egilsson'ą Dictionary Finnur Jónsson suggests the emend. to fald-ong, which he takes with hjaldr, the whole expression meaning the goddess of the battleheadgear,' i.e. the valkyrie. Then hjaldr-fald-gnáarsnerrandi would mean strengthener of the valkyrie,' or 'of battle, i.e. warrior. Ellu, i.e. Ælla, the usurping Northumbrian king who reigned 863- 867 and who, according to Norse tradition, captured and put to death Raynarr Loðbrók. The description of Aethelstan as nii Ellu would not seem to be a particularly happy one. höfuðbaðmr. This word occurs again in Arinbjarnarkviita, str. 17, where it appears to mean 'grandson, bria jöfra. The saga itself would suggest that the 'three princesa were Olaf, Hringr and Adils ; but the true history of the struggle has become altogether distorted in Norse tradition, and we are not in a position to say who were the princes referred to by the poet. Olaf himself was not killed in Aethelstan's lifetime. hyrjar hrannbrjótr, for hrann-hyrjar-brjótr, lit. 'the distributor of the fire of the wave,' i.e." of gold-a cominon poetic periphrasis. hæst..,hreinbraut, lit. the highest path of the reindeer,' a metaphor doubtless borrowed from the mountain ridges of Norway-though there were reindeer in Scotland long after this time. 6 THE SONATORREK 1. Ujük erum, etc. The opening of the poem is far from clear. I have followed the reading of II and W, thougb I do not uoderstand loftátt. Presumably it is either a kenuing for mind' or 'mouth,' or else a term descriptive of the stock (type) of poem required. Dost editors emend the reading of K to loftvægi (which they translate pendent weight') and for prúðara read pundara, understanding the passage as a metaphor from the steelyard. Cf. Vigfusson and F. Jónsson, Dicts. s.v. Cf. also B. M. Olsen, Versene i Egils Saga' in Arkiv för Nordisk Filologi, Vol. IV (1903), p. 125. crun, era, These apparently are the forms used by M and W. In the remaining strophes I have in general used the forms priuted in V. Asmundarson's edition, though I have substituted un for of, since the former appears to be the form used in the 28s.; but owing to the absence of a satisfactory critical edition it is very difficult to ascertain the exact fornis used in the ass, for the most part. era...þýſ, lit. "The stolen property of Othin is not to be looked for.' liburr is one of Othin's names (cf. Grimnismál, str. 49) and Viburs Þýfi is poetry. Othin is said to have stolen the mead Úrarir from the giant Suttungr and given it to the Æsir, whence comes poetic inspiration to the Esir and to men. Cf. Bragaræður (Skáldskaparnál, ch. 1). 2. Fagnafundr...niðja, i.e. poetry. Cf. str. 1, note to Víðurs þýši. Friðja, i.e. the Æsir; here Othin. Frigg is the wife of Othin. Cf. the prose at the beginning of Lokasenna, and str. 26 it. Cf. also the strophe on p. 78 above and note. árborinn ór Jötunheimum. Cf. str. I, note. Jötunheimar is the abode of giants' (jötnar). Cf. Völuspá, str. 8; Prose Edda, pass. 3. Lastalauss, etc. The meaning of the first half of this strophe is obscure, owing apparently to textual corruption in l. 2. Cf. F. Jónssou, note to the passage in the edition of 1894 (Halle), p. 303, and V. Asmundarson, ed. of Egils Saga (Reykjavík, 1910), p. 305 n.

·YOTES 197 Daigi. CL Eirilmll, str... Dota dat wouluila walir, etc., lt 'The (blood of the) wounds of the giant's T.eck are runnel The giant is Ymir, and te blood thich con from his sound is the Na. Cf. raffrúffimul, air. 21; Grikanismil, mir, 40; Gylfaginning, ch. 15 Madurn, it the doors of the bat-bounc P. Jonwa thinks that the allusion 4 Probills to the hasTon Cotiractal for Ezill's king tren, perkurs bociuse it tood bemide the sea (un Dirant! Ce air, cute in á Resi. Cl. als Entu Sugi, ch. 78. 4. Imbunar. Early olitor em Dietrich aoul Pleailer, kept the trading of K: Wisin encolato išgir. V. stundarson (Reykjavík, 1910) nos hrabrina, einz with air (cf. Dote below); viselitr, c.7. Dictnch and Pluflr, print llimar, which they trauslate arches Ficabulary. : Lites laugh pies Alu, Abrulhiste further B.I. ---, - & í frenulzarsi, lil'in the courtyani or dwelling made of relatiresi be the main has sumie a breach to the defences of its many lánsfolk Ter front are thought of as furm.n; a call or kartice round Egill. 7. Rid, the wule of Ear, idenufied with the set. CL Skildelaaril, che 23: Filouny urge, ch 11. She and her husland are spirits of the Ma. She was sud to have a let in which she caugh: those bo were dromul. CL Stellebsparinil, ch. 33 ; also for at the beginning of piasil yoll The meaning of the wond is uncertain. Elezbere it is only würdeusels, in the sense of to le struc's, Looken' istrinum, prolable inkt PL fur sin 2. Sut...sulat. lit. auto (my) sut' Warais. Te vistuu JF, Loer-brerer, is Est, the husband of Rán, who *** do kare trezed ale fur the Esir Cf. Nijulaid, str. 1-3, 13; (irianinail, str. 45; also the prove introduction to Island aling tinut. I have fuilosed F. Jóasya in the interpretation of this Maskich duos Dit appear to occur ceshire CC Wisin, Carnika Surmans, p. 123. Ereni, ie .Ezir's bride, riz Rás (abure, Ben, bere jertain wal of the sus generally. 10. HAA...ttar sy ddr, lit..my shield of the race.' tir, lllerit of lie, dead.' CE JI. O sea, Art. f. Jurd Fild, FUL1111(19151 112 IL Dsulnor, it se! tre, a kenninz fur 'wart.or.' Irysur is a tutoe for Oibin. Guur is use of the names ich Otkin calls butelio Grivinil, zir. 54, cf. Hitonarnih sir 1, n. F. Juawn (who apparently taie hendr as seen, an 1 (zh 4 3 kian manis the cute Late is a Leanin: fur 'Farr.ur,' od sms x...

·198 NOTES 5 taki, kuntil he came to a warrior's estate, became a full-grown doughty, warrior.' He suggests however that the test may possibly be corrupt. Cf. Dict. s.c. Vigfusson and Porell translate till the sands of the Lord of Hosts gathered him,' i.e. until he had been slain in battle.' 13. Ja biarnar, upintelligible. F. Jóasson suggests nina brudar, and translates m. b. byrrind as 'favourable breeze of the giantess,' which is supposed to be a periphrasis for soul,' pind.' Vigfusson and Powell emend m. b. to drinbiarnar. Cf. note belor s.c. bræira leysi. bræðra leysi, lit. lack of (the) brothers." Egill here seems to refer for the first time to the fact that he has lost two sons. This at least seenis more natural than to suppose that he should be deploring the fact that he had no brotbers of his own. His only brother Thórólfr had perished probably more than thirty years before. Vigfusson and Powell read bræðrahleyti, and translate Arinbiarnar (cf. note above) 6. hl. as Arinbiorn's foster-brotherhood.' hildr. It is not clear whether the reference is to battle' or to ' litigation, quarrel. 14. Odræði, so F. Jónsson. Cf. Dict. s.v. Vigfusson, however (cf. Dict. s.v.), understands 'counsel of wisdom,' or 'a council (I); and translates the passage 'what other man shall stand by my side, as a friend, in the council?' i.e. 'where am I now to look for friendly hep and comfort ?' of her giaurum. This half line is obviously corrupt. Rask reads ef for of Transcript 252 reads gor- for giau. varfleygr, so F. Jónsson (cf. Dict. 5.v.). Vigfusson (Dict. s.v.) translates "faltering in fight 15. Ujöl...selt. This strophe is obscure throughout. Elgjar galga, inexplicable according to F. Jónsson (cf. Dict. s.v.). Ásmundarson suggested that it might mean country, i.e. Iceland (Egils Saga, ed. Reykjavík, 1910, p. 306). Wisen also understood the word to refer to Iceland (cf. Carmina Vorræna, Lund, 1886, Vol. II, p. 54, s.v. elgr). For a different interpretation cf. Vigfusson, Dict. sv. niſlgóðr...selr. The meaning is uncertaid. For a discussion of the word cf. F. Jónsson, Dict. 3.v. niftgóðr. Cf. also Valdimar Asmundarson, loc. ci. niðja steypir, etc. It is difficult to beliere that this can mean that only one who is a disgrace to his relatives will consent to receive wergild for his brother; the meaning of steypir itself, however, is quite uncertain. 17. Né bani nit. The test can bardly be correct since the us. reading does not fulfil the alliteration. The adopted son is spoken of pot in relation to the poet, but to the son whom he has lost. nio...maðr, lit. (as) a relative (him) who is a man born to another. 18. Býskips. F. Jónsson emends to býskeiðs, 'the path of the bee,' i.e. air. or sby. Dietrich, followed by Pfeiffer and Wisén, understood. býskip as 'sbip of the bee, or bees,' to which they attribute the sanje meaning. Valdimar Ásmundarson translates "air,"air-dwelling, 'beaven. But is it not possible that the word is identical with the modern "beeskip,' i.e. hive (used, especially in dialects, of the oldfashioned domed straw bives), the reference being in all probability to the family barrow in which Böfrarr tas laid? kynnis. The reference is no doubt to the members of the family who hare died previously.

·YOTES 199 19 Ilrosle lumir, ic. Emr; cf. ait, f, nute. Uwii, ike malt liter in the lower'n sat from which tbo plants have been extractal in ccrld hunir to vrðr, F. Jouswn to hownir; s also V. Ganunluryn, loc. ci. For ranous suggestivis by early autors nec War'n, CRNI Vorruna (Lurul, 1866), Vol. I, p. 130 hendi atendr. V. Asipunarson coinjans the idiotes lugad Aalsi, Handit d spordi (undir grimu, obscure. Wisin emended w dro gr. and translated uoctetuitquictam.' F. Jónsson omits from his Dict rýnis (F. Jónsson rynni), lit. knowledge of runes' r. rely, the hcaul' (F. Jónsson, Dích ur.). Vigfusson translated crutiny,'con templation,' and r. reJ, 'the breast" (cf. Dict. ex. rýni). 20. Sun minn, i... Gunnars, who appears to have diod of sickness. CL. 132 bosc. Súttar brini, ut 'fire of sickness wimuli. The MH. has nemali wbich, accorling to R. M. Olsen, would DiCAN (indulging 1u) censuring speech. The alliteration requires naveli (ie the ccnsure of other people), as suggested by Olsen in .irdis Smonk Fuld, Yol xix, 133 21. l'rp.... Gotham. Cf. Introduction, p. 133 above. Gauti ipjalli, 1.c. Othin, lit. 'friend of the Gautar. Spjalli as one who consercs as a confidential friend. Cf. Húlonarmil, str. 1, note 4.c. Gauratyr. cual, lat. nsh-troe.' 22 Geiru dnktin, i.c. Othin, who is generally represented as armed with a spear. Cf. Ildramil, str. 138 ; Ynglinqusaga, ch. 3, ctc. For further reſercuces, cf. Chadwick, The Cult of thin (Cambridge, 1899), p 6 fr. Niymyware Adalridu en Grænlendu, str. 32; cf. also inglingasaga, ch. 6; "the Suya of Mualon the Good (lleinskringla), ch. 11, etc. 23. Dridur Milis, i.e. Othin. Cf. Lolasenna, str. 26, Gylfuginning, ch. 6. Vim rur, i.o. Otbin. Cf. Voluspil, str. 48; Sigrdnfumil, str. 14; Inlingusugu, ch. 4, cte; láttatal, in str. 3. cu buru ill. F. Jónsson translates "als day tessere (als einen Segen).' But 19 i comparison necessarily implied ? . wyn 25. Treygju briga, ie Fernsulfr. Cf. str. 3 alore, note. Treggi 18 Othil Cr. Volusj, str 63. Cf also F. Jónsson, Dict. * r. Tveggi wjurranıft. Most editors (eg. Wisén, F. Jonsson, V. Gsmundarson) tako this to mean "full sister. Vift can refer to any femalo relative laust, str 10; and niſl 1, str. 4 The sister of ylfaginning, ch. 34. heauland (Digrapcs) on is, noto s.r. naustdurum. 1 - ·200 NOTES $ THE BATTLE OF THE GOTHS AND THE HUNS 1. ár kráðu, etc. Some editors (e.g. Vigfusson and Pottell, Heusler etc.) believe that this strophe is part of a separate catalogue poem Cf. Heusler, Eddica Minora, p. lxxxviiif. Heinzel, however, appears to regard it as forming the introduction to our poem. Cf. Ueber die Hervararsaga,' p. 500. Humla. For the names Humli and Hlöðr we may cf. Humblus and Lotherus, the sous of Dan, the first king of the Danes; cf. Saxo, Book 1, p. 16. Cf. also p. 143 f. above. For a discussion of the various suggestions which have been made regarding the former name cf. Heinzel, Ueber die Hervararsaga,' pp. 461 ff., 190 ff. Cf. also V.Jagič, 'Slavisches in nordischeu Sagen,' Archiv für Slavische Philologie, 1888, p. 307. Gizur. Gizurr Grýtingaliði is the name of one of Angantýr's vassals mentioned below in the prose following str. 12. Cf. note 8.2. He is perhaps the person referred to here. It was observed by Rafn Antiquités russes, Copenhagen, 1850, Vol. 1, p. 113), that he plays the same part as Eric in the version of the story given by Saxo, Book v, pp. 190f., 194 f. Cf. also Heinzel, Ueber die Hervararsaga,' p. 496 f. Gautum (nom, Gautar), the inhabitants of southern Sweden. Cf. Hákonarmál, str. 1, note 8.v. Gaututýr. duganty. I have discussed elsewhere (Stories and Ballads of the Far Past, Cambridge, 1921, p. 82) the confusion with regard to Angantýr in the Saga of Hervör and Heiðrek. Cf. further, Heinzel, op. cit., p. 494 ff. Valdar. A Valdarr, ruler of the Danes, is mentioned also in Gufruriarkviða II, str. 20, and in the Sagu of Hervör and Heiðreky, ch. 16, but no story is known of him. The name is of course identical with A.S. Waldhere. The hero of the latter story is associated with France, however, never with the Danes. Cf. for further references, IIeinzel, P. 500. Vülim Kiar. Valar is the general term used for Celtic peoples (including the Romans) in all Teutonic languages. In Kiarr it is natural to see Caesar (cf. Widsith, 1. 76); but the loss of s requires explanation, and the name has given rise to some discussion. Cf. Bugge, Arliv, XXVI, p. 58 f.; Heusler, Eddica Minora, p. LXXXIX; Heinzel, op. cit., p. 501 ff. The form would seem to have come through an intermediate language. Heusler points out that the metre requires some such form as Caesar, and Heinzel regards the word as identical in origin with the Sisar in Gautreks Saga, ch. 4 (in a verse), 'a form borrowed through Russian.' He further compares this form with the titles cjesari and cisari preserved by Russian princes as late as the twelfth century. For further references cf. Atlukviða, str. 7; Völundarkviða, prose at beginning and str. 16; Flateyjarbók, Vol. I, p. 25; Skáldskaparmul, ch. 64. Alrek. For a detailed discussion of the variant readings and suggested identifications cf. Heinzel, op. cit., pp. 507–512. 2. Hlöðr. Cf. Introduction, p. 143 f. above. þar.... Húnalandi, according to Heinzel an unfamiliar idiom in Norse poetry (cf. p. 142 above). It occurs however in prose, c.g. in the Jómsvíkinga saga, ch. 6 (Forn-Janna Sögur, Vol. xi, p. 19), þar í Danmörk. The variations in the 31s. readings here (p. 148, footnote 6) should not be overlooked. í Húnalandi. Here the reference is obviously to the land occupied by the Huns at the time which we must no doubt place somewhere op. cit., ·NOTES 301 Inlener is kitaply a Leaning fur gold. min ol með orasi The Sam explains: There was an old 6.151ng at that tildo that a man way Gori with capons or horses and tho explanatwa is that it referred to tlo neapons whickt wery lving forgal At the tiuro when tho man was born; also to any sleep...and horsey Wat were bort alout the same time. Theso wero All given to high-born ind u an honour to them. anngreifun. Bugge translates richly decorated with ningg' and winjum Idalnja, str, 12. F. Jónsson translates 'supplied with a Fino Lut bugests that the troru inay haso arisen from a waisunderblanding of Iringgreypr, 'surrounded by a ring or burier Cf, arin greppo, Atelidu, str. i and Sijmons (Die Lieder der Elda, ITallo, 10, 121, uvote). dhelgu, te Vilafuxson, F. Jónsson ctc. Bugge (cf. Ilcrrarur Sagu, 11. 362) LOWcier reparis murk nu a raguo term for a district with natural loundaries (uot a forest'), and m. h. the place where the hog's residenco together with the chief temple was situnted.' 3. of uc ! allir nurgrir. drheina arheimur 4 unidentifiat. cf. p. 141 obose. Cf also Hurtigel, op. al, 111827. Soyg...úti, etc. With the arrival of Hlusr at Årheimar wo may cf. ltlakrida, str. 1 ff.; Bcorrull, Il. 331-370. ridurlan setas soincwbat pointless. Can it be an inobservant Kombie's emendation of siðfurulli 5 Besarmami a arr. dey. Bugge cmends to wjslui, and translates • arbike.' Cr.herslur, rigslúr, 6. Pyer ni ranni, C. Hamdisnuil, str. 18, 21; Atlulrita, str : Jordancs, ch. xxxvi. Angantýr. Bugge com- و راننده راه به سوده لمیه - 11 Telang. fur pl. (inum. So H. Jónsson; Bugge suggests' unique & Ima la at supra. The allusions throughout this stropbe are qulocure. The sont Arit is generally used of a smaller thing ihonline or O" KWS SICUS, Afag van was buried, and that the ·202 NOTES stone was the Dancerygh on the top of whicb, according to the Chronicle of Leire (cf. p. 203), he had been crowned king. Cf. also Saxo, Book 1, P. 16. In the Rígsþula, str. 49, 'Dan' is mentioned together with Danpr,' which is there clearly regarded as a personal name; see below. Cf. alsó lunch, Norske Folks Hist., p. 248, note; S. Bugge, Hervarar Saga ok Heidreks, p. 362. For other suggestions cf. Heinzel, op. cit., p. 478 f. Heinzel, however, who places Reiðgotaland, the scene of the poem, in southern Russia, takes the phrase ip connection with stein þann enn fagra, and regards both as referring to the famous Cell of Kiev, which St Antonius bewed out with his own hand and where the Byzantine Church was built 1073–1089. The gröf would then be either the grave of Antonius himself, or the famous rock tomb of Askold who was slain by Oleg in 882. It seems to me difficult to believe that this is the place referred to, but I cannot suggest any explanation of either gröf or stein. Gotpjótu. This pame occurs in the fragmentary Gothic Calendar, (October 23), which celebrates the many martyrs among the Gothic people' (ana Gutpiudar). cí stöðum Danpar. Cf. Atlakviða, str. 5 (staði Danpar); Rigspula, str. 49 (Danpr). Cf. also Bugge's note in his edition of the Edda p. 149 f.; Heinzel, op. cit., p. 472 ff.; V. Jagič, Arch. für Slav. Philol. Vol. XI, p. 305 f.; etc. The Rígsþula gives Danpi as a personal name, and the Atlakviða also must have understood it in the same sense; but there can be little doubt that this expression originally meant on the shores of the Dniepr.' Cf. Gothic and stapa (d. sg.), A.S. stæþ. Danaper was the Gothic name for the Dniepr; cf. Jordanes, ch. 5. Heinzel (p. 479) thinks that the locality here referred to is Kiev, on the Dniepr (see above). 9. Kaldr geirr, Cf. Beowulf, 11. 3021, 3022. Tyrfing(r). The famous sword forged by the dwarfs for King Svafrlami, and the heirloom of his family. Cf. the Saga of Hervör and Heiðrek, ch. 2. The history of the sword forms the connecting thread of the saga. It has been suggested that the name is derived from tyrfi, 'resinous fir-tree,' owing to its flawing like resinous fir-wood. F. Jónsson (Dict. s.v.), less probably, regards it as connected with 'turf because it lay so long in the earth, or as equivalent to earth found.' For swords called by names ending in -ing cf. Hrunting in Beowulf, 1. 1457; Vægling, ib. l. 2680; Mimming, Valdhere, l. 3, "etc. etc. The custom of calling swords by personal names is found in Celtic as well as Teutonic records. Cf. the sword Hipiclaur (worth seventy cows' mentioned as being given by Guengarth to one Conmogoy in the record of a donation quoted by Seebohm, The Tribal System in Wales (London, 1904), p. 222. 10. Skalka. Cf. p. 143 above. Cf. also Bugge, Hervarar Saga, p. 363. Heinzel's suggestion quoted on p. 143 can hardly be correct; for the Old Irish loan-word scoloca (Gael. sgalag), 'a servant, shows that skalkımust have had this meaning in Norse during the Viking Age. 11. Áðr á. I have followed Bugge's emendation with some doubt. Avr átti would be slightly nearer the us. readings. 12. Jun ek um þik, etc. Cf. Waltharius, ll. 405-407: Hunc ego mox auro vestirem sepe recocto, Et tellure quidem stantem hinc inde onerarem, Atque viam penitus clausissem vivo talentis.'. According to the Frankish Chronicle Theodoric imposes on the Visigoths as a penalty for having deceived the Franks ut veniret ·YOTES 203 . L44144 14 A 147.6. frizung Gorfjútur. According to Langobardic Law a legitimate winchented two thirds of his father's estate, & natural son one thini deutical Trebellius Pollio refers to the Trutungi in Claudius 0 (1.e. porolully Crutchjungi, cf. Claudul Salmasii In Trebellium Pollionem th ? www.caurlas, ... v 13 lýar...jur. CI. Sigurðarkrida en slamma, str 17; Ásmundar Suza kappuband, ch. 9 (in a stroplic). I haugi. Cf. "The Chropule of Leire,' Langebek, Script. Rer. Danicurum, 1, p. 224 (cf. ib., p. 223, footnote) Aiter the victory over the Germans the Dance carried him [Dan) to the stone which 18 callod Danurygh and placed him un the top of it, and gave him the tillo of King. The most interesting instance of the practice of sitting ou a raound occurs in the Saga of Harold the Fairhaired (Banskringla), che & whera it is definitely associated with kingship. We may cf. r instances occur de Saga of Olaf o the Vabinogion old that he who t'without either CL. Helgalvija Lugge, Herrarar *- . Dansle Studier, fw03, ; 1 s Philljótts The Elder Edda, p. 189. wlingr, ic, according to Bugge, Angantýr, 28 opposed to hornungr. 14. Drella ok daire Cf Rigobula, str. 31, Sigurðarkorda, str 2 CL also Bugge, Bernarar Saq 1 364. d'yrur meur. CL IIyadlulju, str. 51; Helgaltiða Hundingslana II, str. 13 djurlige, H XS& The text cannot be correct since alliteration is wanting ocorling to Bugse djarfliga is not used in early poetry of thi Lindt ·204 NOTES ch. 15). 3 $ fram bera. Cf. Beowulf, l. 291. 15. Rammlega. Here again alliteration is ranting in all the 3153. For the phrase hildi heyja cf. Helgakriða Hundingsbara 1, str. 54, Beowulf, 2. 425 f. etc. Bugge emends to randi knýja (from Halfs Saga, tólfietra. I bare followed Bugge in taking this as gen. pl. of a compound adj., lit. with a host of (men) twelve years old (and upwards).' 16. Rida...bera, lit. "ride and bring my shield to,' i.e. accompany, support.' Bugge suggests that a number of words hare been omitted after bera. Gota þjóðum. The poem had no doubt originally the earlier form Gotna bjóðum) which is generally used in the Edda. Cf. Grimnismál, str. 2; Gripesspá, str. 35; Atlakrida, str. 20; Guðrúnarhröt, str. 2; Hamoismul, str. 3, 22, 30. Cf. A.S. Gotena, Vidsith, 11. 89, 109 etc. 17. Sviðin. Is a conflagration implied, or does sriðinn refer to the enemy's camp fires? Cf. Saso, Book v, p. 194. Jyrkriðar heiðr. Cf. str. 8, note s.v. Jyrkriðr. For the form heiðr, having the sense of 'forest,' cf. Welsh coed; possibly also the Silra Ceesia of Tacitus, annals, 1, 50. For the meaning cf. A.S. fyrgen-with Go. fairguni; and A.S. weald with Northern mod., Engl. dial. zold; (cf. O.N. völlem where the meaning is different again). 18. Yöra þegna. yðra, i.e. 'your and her': cf. þína, 1.2 above, 19. Brúðar gangi. According to Vigfusson (Dict., s.v.) this expression was used in Christian times for the bridal procession of women, first to and from the church, then from the bride's room to the stofa, where the wedding feast ras beld. Cf. Landstad, Norske Folkeviser (Christiania, 1853), Vol. III, p. 406, str. 12 and footnote 2; Vol. v, p. 854, str. 3 and footnote 2. Cf. also Bugge, Herrarar Saga, P. 365 f. 21. Dann. Bugge emends to mann. Possibly the poem originally had þann mann; but I do not think that it is practicable to restore the original words. 22. Eyris. In view of the following line it is just possible that the word cyrir may here preserre its original meaning 'gold coin' rather than 'ounce' (of silver). skjallanda. Vigfusson and Powell suggest the emendation to skillinga. Bugge, however, understands by skjal. skarfr a piece of gold of sufficient weight to ring when thrown into a shield or bowl. Skarfr means a piece 'cut. Cf. Aasen, Norsk Ordbog, s.l. scuro, ni. 2; Fritzner, Oldn. Ordbog, s.v. skjallr. We may cf. the tribute mentioned by Saso (Book VIII, p. 359) as paid by the Frisians to the Danes. For further references cf. Bugge, op. cit., p. 366. 24. dt Dylgju, etc. The places mentioned in this strophe are unidentified. Cf. p. 146 above, cf. also Heinzel, op. cit., p. 481 ff. á Dúnheiði. Heinzel suggests (op. cit., p. 184) that this may pican the basic of the Danube. The Danube is referred to as Dríne in Heilugra Janna Sögur, 1, p. 303. It is scarcely likely, howerer, that this region should be mentioned herecspecially in a place-Dame derived from the Slavopic form of the river. [...Jössurfjöllun, lit. 'on all the mountains of Jössuur.' Cf. however str. 26. For the variant forms cf. Heinzel, p. 484f. 25. Græfar...gunnfani. Cf. Húrbarðsljót, str. 40.

·205 YOTES 11 (w by V the link...Arorju. The us strictal ciuc of the fasse pers' or anal con ils hrors to hrey. Sighra Thio bon. to think 1. Arerje; C.. Level 2 977 (lojyn, 2188, and for lou blusa cow's 1 1012; Ruim 1 18 Idi ind. Han juga. The dedication of an enemy's army to Othin Incluso butllo appears to have bocs a common practice. Ct. Pöluspá, 17.94; Stýriyarnar uttr,ch 2; Eyrbyggja Saga, clL 44, etc. 27. jrkeimum CL. str. 3, note. much 80 od Bugse comparca lídgadzuta Hundingsbana, 1, dur. B? And wntes mikit er mengi leira WALIMO 1. We 7- furo that the author of the Saga misunderstood the numbers giren in the front 1 gsbula, t. 8.), but a . 31. Dimr Xorna, Ct, Fofrismál, str. 11, 12, The Durds were repre. buted in Norse mythology as women with the power of shaping human dallas: L. Reyınanil, br. 2; Helgal ordu lurlingalan 1, str. 2; Gylfaginning, ch. 15, 10; Saro Grammaticus, Dan. Dut Book vi, 3. The conception is similar in many respects to that of the Crick Vovai.

·APPENDIX The list of donations made by Bishop Leofric to the ecclesiastical library at Eseter is as folloirs : Her swutelaþ on pissere Cristes bec bwat Leofric B hæf} gedou innto sancto Petres minstre ou Exanceastra þær his bisceop-stol is. Dat is þæt he hæf} geinnod pet er géutod þar þurh Godes fultúm and þurh his foresprece 7 þurlı his garsuma. Dæt is erost þæt land at Culustoke and jæt land ut Brancescumbe and at Sealtcumbe 7 þæt land æt sancte varia circean and hat land at Stofordtune and wt Sveartau wille and þæt laud et Jorceshille and Sidefullan hiwisc 7 hat land at Brihtricestine (and þæt land æt Toppeshane Yeah Ye Harold bit mid unlage utnam) 7 pret land æt Stoce 7 hat land æt Sydebirig 7 þæt land at Niwantume 7 et Norstune (7 pret lande at Clift Þe wid lafde*). Donne ys pis se enca on laudum þæt he hæft of his agenum þæt mynster muid gegodod for his hilaforda saxlum and for bis agenre bani Godes peowum to bigleafan þe for heora saklum pingian sceolan, þæt is zrost þæt laud æt Bemtune, 7.æt Esttune 7 at Ceopnenige 7 þæt land et Doflise 7 et Holacumbe 7 et Suduuda, 7 he ne funde pa he to pau myostre feng nan mare landes te Sider you gepflde pæro sonno twa hida landes ut Ide, and Sron væs. orfcyanes nan mare buton vit hruberu. Đoune ya pis seo oncna vennis þe he bælp Godmid gecnawen 7. sanctum Petrun into bam balgan myostre on circlicum wadmulu, þæt' is, þæet be hafþ þider ynn gedon 11 b roda 7 11 mycele gebonedé roda butan oprum litlum silfrenum svur rodun ; II wycele Cristes bec gebonedo 7 in gebonede scria 7 1 geboned altare 7 r silfreno caliceas 7 Ir corporales 7 1 silfren pipe 7 v fulle mæsserenf 7 11 dalmatica 7 1 pistel roccas 7 IV subdiacones haudlin 7 III cantercæppa 7 III canter stafas 7 V pallene weofod sceatas 7 VII ofers brædelsus 7 11 teppedu 7. III bera scin 7 VII setl bragel 7 III ricg-brægel 7 II wahræft 7 vi mesene sceala 7 11 gobonede huæppas 7 Iv hornas 7 II mycele geboucdo candelsticcin 7 vi læssan caudelsticcan gebouede, 7 i silfren stor cylle mid silfreuun * The list here given is based on that which is bound in the corers of the Exeter Book (cf. p, sii above). It appears that sereral copies of this list have been made at different periods for important libraries. A paper copy (C), no doubt made in the sixteenth century in a hand which has carefully copied that of the elerenth century list, is to be found in MS. 101 (f. 62) of the library given by archbishop Parker to Corpus Christi College, Cambridge. Further copies are MS. Auct. D. ii, 16, fol. la-20, in tho Bodleian, Oxford, and is. Harl. 258, fol. 1250 in the British Museum. The list was first printed by Dugdalo in Jorasticon dnglicanum (London, 1655, cf. ed. of 1846, Vol. 1, p. 527) and was reprinted again by J. J. Kemble in Codex Diplomaticus ucui Suronici (London, 1839-1848), Vol. IV, pp. 274–270 (No. 940). Estracts have also been published by Wanley in Hickes's Thesaurus (Londou, 1705), Vol. II, pp. So, 279 f.; by Conybeare in Illustrations of Anglo-Saxon Poetry (Londou, 1626), p. 199 f. ; F. E. Warren in The Leofric Jíissal (Ostord, 1883), p. XII; T. Wright in Biographia Britannica Literariu, Anglo-Saxon Period (London, 1842--18-16), pp. 38, 39; etc. a anul...utnam interlinear gloss added later. 7...hadde interlinear gloss added later. VI Bodi. oj Bodl, 5 ·. APPENDLY 207 apucan! 7 viu latas 7 Il gubfara 7 I merc 7 vi midnica 7 I firdwan i frate; 7 far nära är buton vu upp-bangene bella 7 ou þær synd Sir. Tp bu gece 7 Xu hand-bella 7 n fulle messe bec 7 1 collectaneum 11 juistel lcc 7 it fulle sang-bec 7 i niht-saog 21 Ad te lerari 7 Trujero 7 be indian Saltere swa man slogs on Rome 7 11 Ymperas 71 deurwyršo Llowing-luc 7 11 ore 71 Englise Xpes-boc 7 Sumer- Faullus 78 xlater rading-boc 7 Regula Canonicorum 7 Varturo. Lenguca 71 Canua on Ladem 71 Scrift-boc on Eoghsc 7 1 full Spel-boc wiatres 7 sumcres 7 Bocties loc on Englise 7! mycel Engluc boc be gekwylcun furgun in Lco Sizan gevorht 7 he ne funde on pam mynstre ja Le to fcaz Bxa na wa butan ane Capitulare 71 forealdodne Niht- Kung 71 Postul-loc 7 11 forealdade Rading-bec swipo wake 71 ac dlægrral. 7jus fila Laden na helveget innto pam mynstro: Liber Pasto- Talis 7 Liter Dialogorum 7 libri uv Prophetarum ; uber Boetii de Conwlauone z Isagoge Porphim 7 1 Passionalis 7 liber Prospen 7 liber Prideutui Psicumachte uler Prudentu ymnorum 7 hber Prudentu de Vartynlus 7 laber Ezechielis Prophetae 7 Cantica Canticorum 7 liber lose Proplets on sundron 7 liber Isadori Ethimologiarum 7 Passiones Ayrturum 7 Expositio Bedx super Evangelium Lucz 7 Espasitio Bede super Apcalisia 7 capositio Lede surver yn Epistolas Canonicas 7hber Inilun de noro 7 reteri Testamento , liber Isidori de miraculis Api7 1: Orai 7 liber Machalcrunr 7 liber Persu 7 Sedulies boc 7 liber ochorini 7 Glosæ Statu 7 liber Officialus 30 2 - Kit pa rin, Bicara gedudum and maso callum para balguna be þæt balige minster 18 tore geval vagy bico Golo pe an cu gre 7 se te das gyfu 7 pisne unnan wille Gode 7 suncto Petro atbrolan si him hoofena rice wtbroden and si he ecelico 810iferod into bele wate. stuccan Bodl. * xut Bodi. 7. Saltera 7 pr. eto Bodl. 5 leden Bodi und Corp.

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