·वर्गवासी साधुचरित श्रीमान् डालचन्दजी सिंघी
जन्म
वि.सं. १९२१,
मार्ग वदि ६
स्वर्गवास
वि. सं. १९८४, पोष सुदि ६

·सिं घी जैन ग्रन्थ मा ला
**********************(ग्रन्थाङ्क १९)**********************
धूर्ता ख्या न
SRI DALCHAND JI SINGHI
녀
डालचदजी सिया
卐
SINGHI JAIN SERIES
************( NUMBER 19)***********
DHURTAKHYANA

·कलकत्ता निवासी साधुचरित-श्रेष्ठिवर्य श्रीमद् डालचन्दजी सिंघी पुण्यस्मृतिनिमित्त प्रतिष्ठापित एवं प्रकाशित सिंघी जैन ग्रन्थमाला [जैन आगमिक, दार्शनिक, साहित्यिक, ऐतिहासिक, वैज्ञानिक, कथात्मक - इत्यादि विविधविषयगुम्फित ; प्राकृत, संस्कृत, अपभ्रंश, प्राचीनगूर्जर-राजस्थानी आदि नानाभापानिवद्ध ; सार्वजनीन पुरातन वाङ्मय तथा नूतन संशोधनात्मक साहित्य प्रकाशिनी सर्वश्रेष्ठ जैन ग्रन्थावलि ।] .. * प्रतिष्टाता एवं प्रकाशयिता श्रीमद्-डालचन्दजी-सिंघीसत्पुत्र दानशील-साहित्यरसिक -संस्कृतिप्रिय श्रीमान् बहादुर सिंह जी सिं घी [भूतपूर्व अध्यक्ष जैनश्वेताम्बर कॉन्फरन्स (वंबई, सन् १९२६); संस्थापक सदस्य, भारतीय विद्याभवन; फेलॉ ऑफ धी रॉयल सोसायटी ऑफ आर्टस् , लन्दन ; सदस्य-धी रॉयल एसियाटिक सोसायटी ऑफ बँगाल ; धी इन्डियन रिसर्च इन्स्टिट्यूट, कलकत्ता ; धी न्युमेस्मेटिक सोसायटी ऑफ इन्डिया; बङ्गीय साहित्य परिषद्; इत्यादि, इत्यादि ] कार्य-नियामक एवं प्रधान-सम्पादक श्री जिन विज य मुनि आचार्य-भारतीय विद्या भवन-बंबई [सम्मान्य सभासद-भाण्डारकर प्रांच्यविद्या संशोधन मन्दिर पूना; एवं गुजरात साहित्यसभा अहमदावाद; भूतपूर्वाचार्य-गुजरात पुरातत्त्वमन्दिर अहमदावाद; सिंघी ज्ञानपीठनियामक एवं जैनवाङ्मयाध्यापक- विश्वभारती, शान्तिनिकेतन; तथा, जैन साहित्यसंशोधक ग्रन्थावलि-पुरातत्त्वमन्दिर ग्रन्थावलि- भारतीय विद्या ग्रन्थावलि-आदि नाना ग्रन्थमाला प्रकाशित-संस्कृत-प्राकृत-पाली-अपभ्रंश- प्राचीनगूर्जर-हिन्दी-भाषामय-अनेकानेक ग्रन्थ संशोधक-सम्पादक । ] सम्मान्य कार्यवाहक श्री राजेन्द्र सिंह सिंघी तथा श्री नरेन्द्र सिंह सिंघी व्यवस्थापक तथा प्रकाशक भारतीय विद्या भवन बम्बई

·श्रीहरिभद्रसूरिविरचित
धूर्ता ख्या न
[श्रीहरिभद्रसूरिविरचितमाकृतधूर्ताण्यान, श्रीसंघतिलकाचार्यविरचितसंस्कृतधूर्ताख्यान,
तथा पुरातनगुजरातीभाषानिवद्ध वालाववोधात्मक धूर्ताख्यान आदियुक्त]
*
डॉक्टर आदिनाथ ने मि नाथ उपाध्ये, एम्. ए., डी. लिट.
लिखित आंग्लभाषामय सुविस्तृत समालोचनात्मकविशिष्टनिवन्धान्वित
संपादक
श्री जिन विजय मुनि
आचार्य-भारतीय विद्या भवन-बंबई
(अधिष्ठाता-सिंघी जैन शास्त्रशिक्षापीठ एवं प्राकृत वाङ्मय विभाग)
विधा
भवन
भारतीय
卐
म
प्रकाशक
श्री जयन्तकृष्ण ह० दवे, एम्. ए., एलएल्. बी.,
ऑनररि रजिष्ट्रार
भारतीय विद्या भवन
प बंबई
विक्रमाद २०००] * प्रथमावृत्ति; पंच शत प्रति * [ १९४७ विस्ताद
ग्रन्थक्रमांक, १९] * पुनर्मुद्रणादि.सर्व अधिकार भा. वि. भ. द्वारा संरक्षित *

·SINGHI JAIN SERIES A COLLECTION OF CRITICAL EDITIONS OF IMPORTANT JAIN CANONICAL, PHILO. SOPHICAL, HISTORICAL, LITERARY, NARRATIVE AND OTHER WORKS IN PRÄKRIT, SANSKRIT, APABHRAMSA AND OLD RĀJASTHĀNI- GUJARATI LANGUAGES, AND OF NEW STUDIES BY COMPETENT RESEARCH SCHOLARS ESTABLISHED AND PUBLISHED IN THE SAORED MEMORY OF THE SAINT-LIKE LATE SETH SRI DALCHANDJI SINGHỈ OF CALCUTTA BY HIS DEVOTED SON DĀNAŠĪLA-SĀHITYARASIKA-SANSKRITIPRIYA ŚRÍMAN BAHADUR SINGHJI SINGHI ( LATE PRESIDENT OF THE JAIN SWETĀMBAR CONFERENCE (BOMBAY, 1996); FELLOW OF THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF ARTS, LONDON; MEMBER OF THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL; THE INDIAN RESEARCH INSTITUTE OF CALCUTTA; BANGIYA SAHITYA PARISHAT; A FOUNDER-MEMBER OF THE BHARATIYA VIDYA BHAVAN; ETC.) DIRECTOR AND GENERAL EDITOR ŚRI JINA VIJAYA MUNI DIRECTOR –BHARATĪYA VIDYA BHAVAN - BOMBAY (HONORARY MEMBER OF THE BHANDARKAR ORIENTAL RESEARCH INSTITUTE OF POONA AND GUJRATI SAHITYA SABHA OF AHMEDABAD; FORMERLY PRINCIPAL OF GUJRAT PURATATTVAMANDIR OF AHMEDABAD; LATE SINGHI PROFESSOR OF JAIN STUDIES, VISVA-BHARATI, SANTINIKETAN: EDITOR OF MANY SANSKRIT, PRAKRIT, PALI, APABHRAMSA, AND OLD GUJRATI-HINDI WORKS, ETC.) CONDUCTED UNDER THE GUIDANCE OF ŚRÏ RAJENDRA SINGH SINGHI AND SRI NARENDRA SINGH SINGHI AND PUBLISHED UNDER THE MANAGEMENT OF BHARATIYA VIDYA BHAVAN 3ον3 .

·DHŪRTAKHYANA
OF
meny
HARIBHADRA SURI
(HARIBHADRA'S ORIGINAL PRĀKRIT TEXT, SANGHATILAKA'S SANSKRIT VERSION
AND AN OLD-GUJARATI PROSE RENDERING ETC.)
WITH AN ELABORATE, CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE DHURTĂKHYANA
BY
DR, A, N, UPADHYE, M. A., D. LITT.
(PROFESSOR OF ARDHAMAGADHI. RAJARAM COLLEGE, KOLHAPUR. )
*
EDITED BY
ŚRI JINA VIJAYA MUNI
DIRECTOR BHARATĪYA VIDYA BHAVANA BOMBAY
(Head of the Dept. of Singhi Jaina Šāstra Sikshāpītha; and Dept. of Prākritic Studies)
विधा
भवना
भारतीय
46
WAT
मंग
PUBLISHED BY
Jayantakrishṇa H. Dave, M. A. LL. B.
Honorary Registrar
BHARATIYA VIDYA BHAVAN
BOMBAY
V. E. 2000 1 # First Edition, Five Hundred Copies. # [ 1944 A. D.
Number 19]
# All Rights Reserved by the B.V.B. *

·॥ सिंघीजैनग्रन्थमालासंस्थापकप्रशस्तिः ।। २ ३ ६ अस्ति वङ्गाभिधे देशे सुप्रसिद्धा मनोरमा । मुर्शिदावाद इत्याख्या पुरी वैभवशालिनी ॥ निवसन्त्यने के तत्र जैना ऊकेशवंशजाः । धनाढ्या नृपसदृशा धर्मकर्मपरायणाः ॥ श्रीडालचन्द इत्यासीत् तेष्वेको वहुभाग्यवान् । साधुवत् सञ्चरित्रो यः सिंघीकुलप्रभाकरः ॥ वाल्य एवागतो यश्च कर्तु व्यापारविस्तृतिम् । कलिकातामहापुर्यां धृतधर्मार्थ निश्चयः ॥ कुशाग्रयां स्वबुद्ध्यैव सद्वृत्त्या च सुनिष्ठया। उपाय॑ विपुलां लक्ष्मी जातः कोट्यधिपो हि सः॥ तस्य मन्नुकुमारीति सन्नारीकुलमण्डना । पतिव्रता प्रिया जाता शीलसौभाग्यभूपणा ॥ श्रीवहादुरसिंहाख्यः सहुणी सुपुत्रस्तयोः । अस्त्येप सुकृती दानी धर्मप्रियो धियो निधिः ॥ प्राप्ता पुण्यवताऽनेन प्रिया तिलकसुन्दरी । यस्याः सौभाग्यसूर्यण प्रदीप्तं यत्कुलाम्बरम् ॥ श्रीमान राजेन्द्रसिंहोऽस्ति ज्येष्ठः पुत्रः सुशिक्षितः । यः सर्वकार्यदक्षत्वात् वाहुर्यस्य हि दक्षिणः ॥ ९ नरेन्द्रसिंह इत्याख्यस्तेजस्वी मध्यमः सुतः । सुनुवीरेन्द्रसिंहश्च कनिष्ठः सौम्यदर्शनः ॥ सन्ति त्रयोऽपि सत्पुत्रा आप्तभक्तिपरायणाः । विनीताः सरला भव्याः पितुर्मार्गानुगामिनः ॥ अन्येऽपि वहवश्वास्य सन्ति स्वस्त्रादिवान्धवाः। धनैर्जनैः समृद्धोऽयं ततो राजेच राजते । ७ अन्यन्च- २० सरस्वत्यां सदासक्तो भूत्वा लक्ष्मीप्रियोऽप्ययम् । तत्राप्येय सदाचारी तञ्चित्रं विदुपां खलु ॥ १३ न गर्वो नाप्यहंकारो न विलासो न दुप्कृतिः। दृश्यतेऽस्य गृहे कापि सतां तद् विस्मयास्पदम् ॥ १४ भक्तो गुरुजनानां यो विनीतः सज्जनान् प्रति । बन्धुजनेऽनुरक्तोऽस्ति प्रीतः पोप्यगणेप्यपि ।। १५ देश-कालस्थितिज्ञोऽयं विद्या-विज्ञान पूजकः । इतिहासादिसाहित्य-संस्कृति-सत्कलाप्रियः ॥ १६ समुन्नत्यै समाजस्य धर्मस्योत्कर्पहेतवे । प्रचारार्थ सुशिक्षाया व्ययत्येप धनं धनम् ।। १७ गत्वा सभा-समित्यादौ भूत्वाऽध्यक्षपदान्वितः । दत्त्वा दानं यथायोग्यं प्रोत्साहयति कर्मटान् ॥ एवं धनेन देहेन ज्ञानेन शुभनिष्ठया । करोत्ययं यथाशक्ति सत्कर्माणि सदाशयः ॥ १९ अथान्यदा प्रसङ्गेन स्वपितुः स्मृतिहेतवे । कर्तुं किञ्चिद् विशिष्टं यः कार्य मनस्यचिन्तयत् ॥ पूज्यः पिता सदैवासीत् सम्यग्-ज्ञानरुचिः परम् । तस्मात् तज्ज्ञानवृद्ध्यर्थ यतनीयं मयाऽप्यरम् ॥ २१ विवार्यवं स्वयं चित्ते पुनः प्राप्य सुसम्मतिम् । श्रद्धास्पदस्वमित्राणां विदुषां चापि तादृशाम् ॥ जैनज्ञानप्रसारार्थ स्थाने शान्ति नि के तने । सिंघी पदाङ्कितं जैनशान पीठ मतीष्ठिपत् ॥ २३ श्रीजिनविजयः प्राज्ञस्तस्याधिष्ठातृसत्पदम् । खीकर्तुं प्रार्थितोऽनेन पूर्वमेव हि तद्विदा ॥ अस्य सौजन्य-सौहार्द-स्थैर्योदार्यादिसद्गुणैः । वशीभूयाति मुदा तेन स्वीकृतं तत्पदं वरम् ।। २५ कवीन्द्रश्रीरवीन्द्रस्य करकुवलयात् शुभात् । रस-नागा चन्द्राब्दे प्रतिष्ठेयमजायत ॥ प्रारब्धं चाशु तेनापि कार्य तदुपयोगिकम् । पाठनं ज्ञानलिपसूनां तथैव ग्रन्थगुम्फनम् ॥ तस्यैव प्रेरणां प्राप्य श्रीसिंघीकुलकेतुना । स्वपितृश्रेयसे चैपा प्रारब्धा ग्रन्थमालिका ॥ उदारचेतसाऽनेन धर्मशीलेन दानिना । व्ययितं पुष्कलं द्रव्यं तत्तत्कार्यसुसिद्धये ॥ छात्राणां वृत्तिदानेन नेकेषां विदुषां तथा । ज्ञानाभ्यासाय निष्कामसाहाय्यं यः प्रदत्तवान् ॥ जलवाय्वादिकानां हि प्रातिकूल्यात् त्वसौ मुनिः। कार्य त्रिवार्पिकं तत्र समाप्यान्यत्र चास्थितः ॥ ३१ तत्रापि सततं सर्व साहाय्यं येन यच्छता। ग्रन्थमालाप्रकाशार्थ महोत्साहः प्रदर्शितः॥ ३२ नन्द-निध्य-चन्द्राब्दे जाता पुनः सुयोजना । ग्रन्थावल्याः स्थिरत्वाय विस्तराय च नूतना ॥ ३३ ततः सुहृत्परामर्शात् सिंघीवंशनभखता। भाविद्याभवनायेयं ग्रन्थमाला समर्पिता ॥ विद्वज्जनकृताहादा सच्चिदानन्ददा सदा । चिरं नन्दत्वियं लोके श्रीसिंघीग्रन्थपद्धतिः ॥ ३५ २४ २७ २८ ·॥ सिंघीजैनग्रन्थमालासम्पादकप्रशस्तिः ॥ or २ ३ स्वस्ति श्रीमेदपाटाख्यो देशो भारतविश्रुतः । रूपाहेलीति सन्नानी पुरिका तत्र सुस्थिता ॥ सदाचार-विचाराभ्यां प्राचीननृपतेः समः । श्रीमच्चतुरसिंहोऽत्र राठोडान्वयभूमिपः॥ तत्र श्रीवृद्धिसिंहोऽभूद् राजपुत्रः प्रसिद्धिमान् । क्षात्रधर्मधनो यश्च परमारकुलाग्रणीः॥ मुख-भोजमुखा भूपा जाता यस्मिन् महाकुले । किं वय॑ते कुलीनत्वं तत्कुलजातजन्मनः ।। पत्नी राजकुमारीति तस्याभूदू गुणसंहिता । चातुर्य-रूप-लावण्य-सुवाक्सौजन्यभूपिता ॥ क्षत्रियाणीप्रभापूर्णा शौर्योद्दीप्तमुखाकृतिम् । यो दृष्दैव जनो मेने राजन्यकुलजा हासौ ॥ पुत्रः किसनसिंहाख्यो जातस्तयोरतिप्रियः । रणमल्ल इति चान्यद् यन्नाम जननीकृतम् ॥ श्रीदेवीहंसनामाऽत्र राजपूज्यो यतीश्वरः । ज्योतिर्भपज्यविद्यानां पारगामी जनप्रियः॥ अष्टोत्तरशताव्दानामायुर्यस्य महामतेः । स चासीद् वृद्धिसिंहस्य प्रीति-श्रद्धास्पदं परम् ॥ तेनाथाप्रतिमप्रेम्णा स तत्सूनुः खसन्निधौ । रक्षितः, शिक्षितः सम्यक, कृतो जैनमतानुगः ॥ दौर्भाग्यात् तच्छिशोर्वाल्ये गुरु-तातो दिवंगतौ । विमूढेन ततस्तेन त्यक्तं सर्वं गृहादिकम् ॥ ६ ८ ९ १० . तथाच- १४ २० २१ परिभ्रम्याथ देशेपुसंसेव्य च वहून नरान् । दीक्षितो मुण्डितो भूत्वा कृत्वाऽऽचारान् सुदुष्करान् ॥ १२ ज्ञातान्यनेकशास्त्राणि नानाधर्ममतानि च । मध्यस्थवृत्तिना तेन तत्त्वातत्त्वगवेपिणा ॥ अधीता विविधा भापा भारतीया युरोपजाः । अनेका लिपयोऽप्येवं प्रत्न-नूतनकालिकाः ॥ येन प्रकाशिता नैके ग्रन्था विद्वत्प्रशंसिताः। लिखिता-वहवो लेखा ऐतिह्यतथ्यगुम्फिताः॥ १५ यो वहुभिः सुविद्वद्भिस्तन्मण्डलैश्च सत्कृतः । जातः स्वान्यसमाजेपु माननीयो मनीषिणाम् ॥ यस्य तां विश्रुतिं श्रुत्वा श्रीमद्गान्धीमहात्मना । आहूतः सादरं पुण्यपत्तनात् खयमन्यदा ॥ १७ पुरे चाहम्मदावादे राष्ट्रीय शिक्षणालयः । विद्यापीठ इति ख्यातः प्रतिष्ठितो यदाऽभवत् ॥ आचार्यत्वेन तत्रोच्चैनियुक्तो यो महात्मना। रस-मुनि-निधीन्द्रव्दे पुरातत्त्वा ख्य मन्दिरे ॥ वर्षाणामष्टकं यावत् सम्भूष्य तत् पदं ततः। गत्वा जर्मनराष्ट्रे यस्तत्संस्कृतिमधीतवान् ॥ तत आगत्य सल्लग्नो राष्ट्रकार्य च सक्रियम् । कारावासोऽपि सम्प्राप्तो येन स्वराज्यपर्वणि ॥ क्रमात् तस्माद् विनिर्मुक्तः स्थितः शान्तिनिकेतने । विश्ववन्द्यकवीन्द्रश्रीरवीन्द्रनाथंभूषिते ॥ २२ सिंघी पदयुतं जैन ज्ञानपीठं यदाश्रितम् । स्थापितं तत्र सिंघीश्रीडालचन्दस्य सनुना ॥ २३ श्रीवहादुरसिंहेन दानवीरेण धीमता । स्मृत्यर्थं निजतातस्य जैनज्ञानप्रसारकम् ॥ प्रतिष्टितश्च यस्तस्य पदेऽधिष्ठातृसञके । अध्यापयन् वरान् शिष्यान् ग्रन्थयन जैनवाड्मयम् ॥ २५ तस्यैव प्रेरणां प्राप्य श्रीसिंघीकुलकेतुना । स्वपितृश्रेयसे ह्येषा प्रारब्धा ग्रन्थमालिका ॥ २६ अथैवं विगतं यस्य वर्षाणामष्टकं पुनः । ग्रन्थमालाविकांशार्थिप्रवृत्तौ यततः सतः ॥ वाण-रन-नवेन्द्रन्दे मुंवाईनगरीस्थितः। मुंशीति विरुदख्यातः कन्हैयालालधीसखः ॥ प्रवृत्तो भारतीयानां विद्यानां पीठनिर्मिती । कर्मनिष्ठस्य तस्याभूत् प्रयत्नः सफलोऽचिरात् ॥ - विदुपां.श्रीमतां योगात् संस्था जाता प्रतिष्ठिता। भारती यंपदोपेत विद्याभवन सज्ञया । आहूतः सहकार्यार्थ सुहृदा तेन तत्कृतौ । ततः प्रभृति तत्रापि सहयोगं स दत्तवान् ॥ ३१ तंद्भवनेऽन्यदा तस्य सेवाऽधिका ह्यपेक्षिता । स्वीकृता ननभावेन साऽण्याचार्यपदात्मिका.॥ नन्द-निध्यक-चन्द्राब्दे वैक्रमे विहिता पुनः। एतद्ग्रन्थावलीस्थैर्यकृद् येनं नूनयोजना ॥ ३३ परामर्शात् ततस्तस्य श्रीसिंघीकुलभावता । भाविद्याभवनांयेयं ग्रन्थमाला समर्पिता ॥.. विद्वजनकृताहादा सच्चिदानन्ददा सदा। चिरं नन्दत्वियं लोके जिनविजयभारती ॥ २४ २७ ..२८ ·सिंघी जैन ग्रन्थमाला - अद्यावधि मुद्रित ग्रन्थनामावलि- १ मेरुतुगाचार्यरचित प्रबन्धचिन्तामणिमूलग्रन्थ. २ पुरातनप्रवन्धसंग्रह. ३ राजशेखरसूरिरचित प्रबन्धकोश. ४ जिन. प्रभसूरिकृत विविधतीर्थकल्प. ५ मेघविजयोपाध्यायविरचित देवानन्दमहाकाव्य. ६ यशोविजयोपाध्यायकृत जैनतर्कभाया. ७ हेमचन्द्राचार्यकृत प्रमाणमीमांसा. ८ भट्टाकलहदेवकृत अकल ग्रन्यत्रयी. ९ प्रवन्धचिन्तामणि हिन्दी भापान्तर. १० प्रभाचन्द्रसूरिरचित प्रभावकचरित. 11 Life of Hemachandracharya: By Dr. G. Buhler. १२ सिद्धिचन्द्रोपाध्यायरचित भानुचन्द्रगणिचरित. १३ यशोविजयोपाध्यायविरचित ज्ञानविन्दुप्रकरण. १४ हरिषेणाचार्यकृत बृहत् कथाकोश. १५ जैनपुस्तकप्रशस्तिसंग्रह-प्रथम भाग. १६ हरिभद्रसूरिविरचित धूर्ताख्यान. संप्रति मुन्यमाण ग्रन्थनामावलि- १ खरतरगच्छगुर्वावलि. २ कुमारपालचरित्रसंग्रह. ३ विविधगच्छीयपट्टावलिसंग्रह. ४ जैनपुस्तकप्रशस्ति संग्रह, भाग २. ५ विज्ञप्तिलेखसंग्रह. ६ उद्योतनसूरिकृत कुवलयमालाकया. ७-८ उदयप्रभसूरिकृत धर्माभ्युदयमहाकाव्य तथा कीर्तिकौमुदी आदि अन्यान्य अनेक प्रशस्त्यादि कृतिसंग्रह. ९ जिनेश्वरसूरिकृत कथाकोपप्रकरण. १० मेघविजयो- पाध्यायकृत दिग्विजयमहाकाव्य. ११ शान्त्याचार्यकृत न्यायावतारवार्तिकवृत्ति. १२ महामुनि गुणपालविरचित जंबू- चरित्र (प्राकृत). १३ जयपाहुदनाम निमित्तशास्त्र, इत्यादि, इत्यादि. मुद्रणार्थ निर्धारित एवं सज्जीकृत ग्रन्थनामावलि- १ भानुचन्द्रगणिकृत विवेकविलासटीका. २ पुरातन रास-भासादिसंग्रह. ३ प्रकीर्ण वाडाय प्रकाश. ४ भद्रवाहु- सूरिकृत भद्रवाहुसंहिता. ५ सिद्धिचन्द्रोपाध्यायविरचित वासवदत्ता टीका. ६ जयसिंहसूरिकृत धर्मोपदेशमाला, ७ देव- चन्द्रसूरिकृत मूलशुद्धिप्रकरणवृत्ति. ८ रत्नप्रभाचार्यकृत उपदेशमाला टीका. ९.यशोविजयोपाध्यायकृत अनेकान्तव्यवस्था, १० जिनेश्वराचार्यकृत प्रमालक्षण. ११ महानिशीथसूत्र. १२ तरुणप्रभाचार्यकृत आवश्यकवालावयोध. १३ राठोड वंशावलि. १४ उपकेशगच्छप्रवन्ध. १५ नयचन्द्रसूरिकृत हमीरमहाकाव्य. १६ वर्द्धमानाचार्यकृत गणरत्नमहोदधि, १७ प्रतिष्ठासोमकृत सोमसौभाग्यकाव्य. १८ नेमिचन्द्रकृत पष्टीशतक (पृथक् पृथक् ३ वालाववोध युक्त). १९ शीलां.. काचार्य विरचित महापुरुष चरित्र (प्राकृत महाग्रंथ). २० चंदप्पहचरियं (प्राकृत). २१ नम्मयासुंदरीकथा (प्राकृत). २२ नेमिनाह चरित्र (अपभ्रंश महाग्रंथ). २३ उपदेश पट्टीका (वर्द्धमानाचार्यकृत). २४ निर्वाणलीलावती कथा (सं. कथा ग्रंथ). २५ सनत्कुमारचरित्र (संस्कृत काव्य ग्रंथ ). २६ राजवल्लभ पाठककृत भोजचरित्र. .२७ प्रमोद- माणिक्यकृत वाग्भटालंकारवृत्ति.. २८ सोमदेवादिकृत विदग्धमुखमण्डनवृत्ति. २९ समयसुन्दरादिकृत वृत्तरत्नाकरवृत्ति.. ३० पाण्डित्यदर्पण. ३१ पुरातनप्रबन्धसंग्रह-हिन्दी भाषांतर. ३२ भुवनभानुचरित्र वालावबोध. ३३ भुवनसुन्दरी चरित (प्राकृत बृहत्कथा) इत्यादि, इत्यादि. ** ·CONTENTS A Short History of the Series II-VIII I Editor's PRETACE IX-XIII II HARIBHADRA'S AGE, LIFE AND WORKS XIV-XXIII 1 Haribhadra's Age XIV 2 Haribhadra's Life XVII 3 Haribhadra's Works XX III The DHŪRTĀKHYĀNA: A CRITICAL STUDY 1-56 1 The Prākrit Text 1 2 Summary of the Contets 2 3 Purpose, technique and form 12 25 36 4 Sources of the Purāņic Legends 5 Sanskrit and Gujarati Dhūrtākhyānas 6 Dhúrtākhyāna and Dharmaparikṣā 7 Prākrit Dialect and Style of Dhārtākhyāna Index of A Critical Study 41 49 55 IV DHĀRTĀKHYĀNA TEXT १-६५ 1 Prākrit १-३२ 2 Sanskrit ३३-४८ 3 Old-Gujarāti ४९-६५ . :V Index of the Proper Names of the Dhūrtākhyāna ६६ VI . Index of the Quotations ६९ 1 ·SINGHI JAIN SERIES (A Short History Of The Series ] Babu S'ri Dalchandji Singhi, in whose sacred memory the present Series is inaugurated by his son, Babu S'ri Bahadur Singhji Singhi was born in Azimganj ( Murshidabad) in the Vikrama Samyat 1921 ( 1865 A, D.), and died in Calcutta on the 30th December, 1927. The Singhi family of Azimganj occupies almost the foremost rank among the few hundred Jaina families which migrated to Bengal from Rajputana in the latter part of the 17th century and took their domicile in the district of Murshidabad. The family rose to its present position and prominence chielly through the energy and enterprise of that self-made man, Babu Dalchandji Singhi. Owing to financial difficulties, Dalchandji Singhi had abruptly to cut short his educational career and join the family business at the early age of 14. The family had been carrying on business in the name of Messrs Hurisingh Nehalchand for a long time though, in those days, it was not at all a prominent firm. But having taken the reins of the firm in his own hands, Babu Dalchandji developed it on a very large scale; and it was mainly through his business acumen, industry, perseverance and honesty that this comparatively unknown firm of "Hurisingh Nehalchand” came to be reckoned as the foremost jute concern with branches in almost all the impor. tant jute centres of Bengal. The fruits of Dalchandji Singhi's toils were immense, and the reputation of the firm in commercial circles was indeed unique. Having thus brought his jute business to the most flourishing condition, Babu Dalchandji Singhi diverted his attention to the mineral resources of India and spent many lacs of rupees in prospecting the coal fields of Korea State (C. P.), limestone deposits of Sakti State and Akaltara, and the bauxite deposits of Belgaum and Sawantwadi and Ichalkaranji States. His scheme for the Hiranyakeshi Hydro-Electric Project and manufacture of aluminium from bauxite ores, the first of its kind in India, is yet to be developed. His mining firm, Messrs Dalchand Bahadur Singh is reputed to be one of the foremost colliery proprietors in India. While so engaged in manifold business, he also acquired and possessed vast Zamindary estates spreading over the districts of 24-Perganas, Rangpur, Purnea, Maldah, etc. But the fame of Babu Dalchandji Singhi was not confined to his unique position in commercial circles. He was equally well-known for his liberality and large-heartedness, though he always fought. shy of publicity attached to charitable acts and often remained anonymous while feeding the needy and patronizing the poor. A few instances of his liberality are given below.

·[III When Mahatma Gandhi personally 'visited his place in 1926, for a contribution to the Chittaranjan Seva Sadan, Babu Dalchandji Singhi gladly handed over to him a purse of Rs. 10,000. His War contribution consisted in his purchasing War Bonds to the value of Rs. 3,00,000; and his contribution at the Red Cross Sales, held in March 1917, under the patronage of H. E. Lord Carmichael on Government House grounds, Calcutta, amounted to approximately Rs. 21,000, in which he paid Rs. 10,000 for one bale of jute which he had himself contributed. His anonymous donations are stated to have amounted to more than one lac of rupees. In his private life Babu Dalchandji Singhi was a man of extremely simple and unostentatious habits. Plain living and high thinking was his ideal. Although he had been denied a long academic career, his knowledge, erudition and intellectual endowments were of a very high order indeed. His private studies were vast and constant. His attitude towards life and the world was intensely religious, and yet he held very liberal views and had made a synthetic study of the teachings of all religions. He was also wellversed in the Yoga darśana. During the latter part of his life he spent his days mostly in pilgrimage and meditation. Noted throughout the district and outside for his devoutness, kindness and piety, he is remembered even now as a pride of the Jaina community. During the last days of his life, Babu Dalchandji Singhi cherished a strong desire to do something towards encouraging research in important works of Jaina literature and publishing their editions scientifically and critically prepared by eminent scholars. But fate had decreed otherwise; and before this purpose of his could become a reality, he expired. However, Babu Bahadur Singhji Singhi, worthy son of the worthy father, in order to fulfil the noble wish of the late Dalchandji Singhi, continued to help institutions like the Jaina Pustaka Pracāraka Mandala, Agra; the Jaina Gurukula, Palitana; the Jaina Vidyabhavana, Udaipur, etc.; and also patronized many individual scholars engaged in the publication of Jaina literature. Besides, with a view to establishing an independent memorial foundation to perpetuate the memory of his father, he consulted our common friend, Pandit Sri Sukhlalji, "Professor of Jainism in the Benares Hindu University, an unrivalled scholar of Jaina Philosophy, who had also come in close contact with the late Babu Dalchandji Singhi, and whom the latter had always held in very high esteem. In the meanwhile, Babu Bahadur Singhji Singhi incidentally met the late Poet, Rabindranath Tagore, and learnt of his desire to get a chair of Jaina studies established in the Viśva- Bhārati, Santiniketan. Out of his respect for the Poet, Babu Sri Bahadur Singhji readily agreed to found the chair (provisionally for three years) in revered memory of his dear father, and invited me to take charge of the same. I accepted the offer very willingly, and felt thankful for the opportunity of ·IV) spending even a feiv years in the cultural and inspiring atmosphere of Viśva.Bhăratī, the grand creation of the great Poet Rabindranath. During the period of 10 years of my principalship of the Gujarat Purātattva Mandir, Ahmedabad, and even before that period, I had begun collecting materials of historical and philological importance, and of folk-lore etc., which had been lying hidden in the great Jaina Bhandars of Patan, Ahmedabad, Baroda, Cambay, etc. I induced my noble friend Babu Bahadur Singhji Singhi, also to start a Series which would publisha works dealing with the vast materials in my possession, and also with other allied important Jaina texts and studies prepared on the most modern scientific methods. Hence the inauguration of the present Singhi Jaina Series. Babu Bahadur Singhji Singhi is himself a great connoisseur and patron of art and culture. He has an unbounded interest in creative researches in antiquities, and has a very good collection of rare and historic paintings, manuscripts, coins, books, and jewellery. On many occasions the organisers of various exhibitions throughout India have had to call upon him for loan of his art collection; and lie has gladly responded to their requests without fail. In 1931 he was the recipient of a gold medal from the Hindi Sahitya Sammelan as a mark of appreciation of his unique collection. He is a Fellow of the Royal Society of Arts (London); a member of the Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal, Bangiya Sahitya Parişat, the Indian Research Institute, and many other similar institutions. He is also one of the Founder-members of the Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, Bombay. He was one of the prominent working members of the Executive body of the "All-India Exhibition of Indian Architecture and Allied Arts and Crafts" held in Calcutta in February, 1935. Babu Bahadur Singhji Singhi is a prominent leader of the Swetambar Jaina community. He was elected President of the Jaina Swetambar Conference held in Bombay in 1926. He is also connected with many other Jaina conferences and institutions either as president, patron or trustee. Though thus a leading figure in the Jaina community, Babu Bahadur Singhji Singhi has always maintained a truly national and non-sectarian spirit and helped also many institutions which are outside the Jain fold. For example, he has donated Rs. 12,500 for constructing a building at Allahabad for the Hindi Sahitya Parishat. In fact his generosity knows no distinction of caste or creed. Really speaking, he does not in the least hanker after name and fame even though he is a multi-millionaire and a big Zamindar, and even though he is a man of superior intellect and energy. He is by nature taciturn and a lover of solitude. Art and literature are the pursuits of his choice. He is very fond of seeing and collecting rare and invaluable ·AV specimens of ancient sculpture, painting, 'coins, copperplates, inscriptions, manuscripts etc. ' He spends all his spare time in seeing and examining the rarities which he has collected in his room as well as in reading. He is seldom seen outside and he rarely mixes with society and friendly circles. Wealthy persons like himself usually have a number of fads and hobbies such as seeing the games and races, visiting clubs, undertaking pleasure trips etc., and they spend enormously over them, but Singhiji has none of these habits. Even the managers of his colliery and zamindari travel in first class while hè, the master, travels mostly in the second class. Instead of wasting money on such things, he spends large sums on collecting ancient things and valuable curios and on the preservation and publication of important literature. Donations to institutions and charities to individuals are, by him, for the most part given anonymously. I know it from my own experience that these gifts, donations and charities reach a very high figure at the end of every year. But he is so modest that on his being requested so often by me he did not show the least inclination to part with the names and whereabouts of the individuals and institutions that were the recipients of such financial aid from him. By chance I came to know of a very recent example, just now, indicative of this characteristic of his nature. . Last year he shifted, like other innumerable inhabitants of Calcutta, his headquarters to Azimganj (Dist. Murshidabad) when the fear of the Japanese invasion was looming Large; and decided to stay there with his whole family during war. time. Taking into consideration the present grievous condition of the country as well as the excessive scarcity of the grains in Bengal, he had stocked grains in large quantities with a view to distributing them gratis according to his capacity. Thereafter the problem of food became rather more serious and at present the prices have risen inconceivably high. Babu Bahadur Singhji Singhi could have earned four to five. lacs of rupees if he had, like many other miserly merchants, sold off the hoarded lot of grains, taking undue advantage of the prevailing conditions. But he resisted the temptations, and has been daily distributing freely the grains, among thousands of poor people who shower blessings on him; and he enjoys a deep self-satisfa. ction. This is the most recent example that puts us in adequate knowledge of his silent munificence. Really he is a very silent and solid worker and he has no desire to take active part in any controversies, social or political, though he has sufficient fitness and energy to do so. Still however he is skilful enough to do what is proper at the particular time. The following incident will best illustrate this statement. It was in the fitness of things that a wealthy múlti-millionaire like him should give an appropriate contribution in the war funds. With this view he arranged in the second week of December, 1941, an attractive show, styled Singhi Park Mela in the garden of his residential place at Calcutta in which all the local people and officers of name and fame, including the Governor of Bengal, Sir John Arthur Herbert and lady Herbert as well as the Commander-in-chief (now the Governor.

·VI] General) Viscount Wavell, had also taken part with enthusiasm. This show fetched thousands of rupees which were considered substantial financial help to the rar funds. The series was started, as mentioned above, in 1931 A. D. when I worked as a Founder-Director of the Singhi Jain Chair in Viśvabhārati at Shantiniketan, at Singhiji's request. It was, then, our aspiration to put the Singhi Jain Chair and the Singhi Jain Series on a permanent basis and to create a centre at Viśvabhārati for the the studies of Jain cult in deference to the wishes of the late Poet Rabindranath Tagore. But unfortunately I was forced to leave this very inspiring and holy place on account of unfavourable climatic conditions etc. which I had to face during my stay of about four years there. I shifted, therefore, from Viśvabhärati to Ahmedabad where I had formerly resided and worked in those glorious days when the Gujarat Vidyapith and the Puratattva Mandir had been established as a part of the movement for national awakening and cultural regeneration. I went there in the hope that the reminiscences of those days and the proximity of those places would serve as sources of inspiration in my literary pursuits. In the intervening period the activity of the Purātattva Mandir had languished and along with the arrest of its many scholar-workers the vast, precious collection of books also was confiscated and placed in custody by the British Government. After some years when it was refurnedit layunadored, like images, without its worshippers in the Mandir. My old friends and colleagues of the Purătattva Mandir and the Vidyāpīth had, like myself, taken to different pursuits at different places: When some of them, namely, Prof. R. C. Parikh (who is, at present, the Director of the Postgraduate and Research Departments of the Gujarat Vernacular Society, Ahmedabad), Prof. R. V. Pathak (who is, at present, the Vice-Principal of the S. L. D. Arts College, Ahmedabad), Pandit Sukhlalji (who is the Head of the Department of Jain Studies in the Hindu University, at Benares) and myself occasionally met, we all revived our old sweet memories of the Vidyāpīth and the Purătattva Mandir, and of also the possibility of a regeneration of the Mandir or of the establishment of another similar institution at Ahmedabad and enjoyed in dreaming dreams of.schemes of such institutions. During this period my aim of life had centred round the Singhi Jain Series and I devoted every iota of my energy to its development and progress. In June, 1938, I received, to my agreeable surprise, a letter from Śrī K, M. Munshi (who was, then, the Home Minister of the Congress ·[VII Ministry of the Bombay Presidency), my esteemed friend and the originator and the founder of the Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan. In that letter he had mentioned that Sheth Sri Mungalal Goenka had placed a liberal sum of two lacs of rupees at his disposal for the establishment of a good academic institution for Indological studies and lie liad asked me to come down to Bombay to discuss and prepare a scheme for that. Accordingly, I came here and saw Munshiji. Knowing that he had a fervent desire of founding at Bombay an institution of the type of the Purătattva Mandir, I was extremely delighted and I showed my eagerness to offer for that such services as might be possible for me. We, then, began to draft out a scheme and after some deliberations and exchange of ideas tlie outline of the Bhāratiya Vidyā Bhavan was settled. Accordingly, on the auspicious full-moon day of the Kärttik of 1995 (V. S.) the opening ceremony of the Bharatiya Vidyā Bhavan took place amidst the clappings and rejoicings of a magnificent party which was arranged at the residence of Munshiji. The Bhavan las completed five years of its career on the last Kārttiki full-moon day. The brilliant achievement and the wide publicity which the Bhayan has been able to secure in this short period of five years, bear eloquent testimony to the inexhaustible fund of energy and unsurpassed skill of Munshiji. As I am inseparably linked up with it from the very conception, I also feel the same amount of joy and interest at the Bhavan's progress as Śrī Munshiji, its Founder-President and therefore I liaye been always offering my humble services in its various undertakings and activities. On the other hand, the Singhi Jain Series is the principal aim of my remaining life and the results of my thinking, meditation, researches and writings have all been devoted to the development of the Series. As life passes on, the time of activity is also naturally shortened and therefore it is quite appropriate, now, for me to chalk out lines of its future programme and permanence, As Babu Bahadur Singhji Singhi, the noble founder and the sole patron of the Series, has placed the whole responsibility of the Series on me from its inception, he has also the right to expect that more and more works may more speedily and splendidly be published. I have neither seen nor come across any other gentleman who can match with him as regards generosity and unbounded zeal for the reyiyal of ancient literature. On the works of the Series he has spent through me more than 50,000 rupees till now. But he has not even once asked me, during this long period of a dozėn years, as to how and for what works the amount was spent. Whenever the account was submitted to him, he did not ask for even the least information and sanctioned it casting merely a formal glance on the account sheets. But he discussed very minutely the details regarding things such as the paper, types, printing, binding, get-up, etc. as well as internal subjects like Preface and others, and occasionally gives very useful suggetrions thereon with deep ·VIII] interest. His only desire being to see the publication of as many works as possible in his life-time, he is always ready to spend as much, after it, as required. He does not labour under a delusion that the things should be done in this or that way when he is no more. As these were his ideas and desires concerning the Series and as every day that passes leaves me all the more convinced of the fickleness of my advanced life too, it was imperative for us to draw out a scheme for its future programme and management. Just at this tine a desire dawned in the heart of S'rī Munshiji, to the effect that if the Singhi Jain Series be associated with the Bhāratīya Vidya Bhavan, both the institutions would not only be admirably progressing but the Series would get permanence and the Bhavan, unique honour and fame by its hereby becoming an important centre for the studies of Jain culture and the publication of Jain literature. This well-intentioned desire of Munshiji was much liked by me and I conveyed it in a proper form to Singhiji who is, besides being a Founder-Member of the Bhavan, also an intimate friend of Munshiji since long. Eventually he welcomed this idea of Munshiji. I also came to a final decision of associating the Series with the Bhavan, having consulted my most sincere friend, life-long companion and co-worker, Pt. Sukhlalji, who is a well-wisher and an active inspirer of the Series, and who is also an esteemed friend of Babu Bahadur Singhji. Luckily we all four met in Bombay in the bright half of the last Vaiſaklı and on one auspicious day we all sat together and unanimously resolved, at the residence of Munshiji, to entrust the Series to the Bhavan. According to that resolution, the publication of the Series is now under the management of the Bhāratīya Vidyā Bhavan and the office of the Series is also permanently located in the building of the Bhavan. ¥ In addition to transferring all sorts of copyright of the Series, Singhiji has also donated a liberal sum of Rs. 10,000 which will be spent on erecting a hall, to be named after him, in a prominent place in the Bhavan. In appreciation of this generous donation of Singhiji, the Bhavan has also resolved to style permanently the Department of Jain Studies as the “Singhi Jain S'ästra Sikşāpīth”. Thus the Singhi Jain Series, which is the fruit of the enlightened liberality of Babu Bahadur Singhji Singhi, is flourishing under the manageinent of the Bhāratīya Vidyā Bhavan and contributing to the advancement of Herite laten - Indological Studies - in all their aspects. JULY 1. 1943 BHĀRATIYA VIDYĀ BHAVAN, BOMBAY JINA VIJAYA MUNI

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·PREFACE A Puranie rand Epic stories. LMOST from childhood, I had an aptitude for liearing and knowing the When I was fourteen-fifteen, and could read a bit, I became a pupil of a monk of the Sthānakavāsi sect of the Jaina Svetāmbara community. Born in a Rājput family devoted to Śiva and Vişņu, and brought up under the influence of Hindu saṁskāras in my childhood, quite instinctively I looked upon Rāma and Krşņa as the divinity and addressed Śiva as the Parameśvara. A gradual change came on me after my becoming a Jaina monk. The monks, according to their religious prescriptions, visit different places and preach religious and ethical principles to their audience by narrating stories. The Jainas in villages are not quite conversant with the ideology and principles of their religion; and ordinarily they are accustomed to listen to the various topics of the Mahābhārata, Rāmāyaṇa, Bhāgavata etc. which are commonly popular with the orthodox Hindu community. Being a minor community, the Jainas, on many occasions, it is quite natural, are influenced by the saṁskāras and ideas of the other Hindus who form an overwhelmingly majority community with dominating social position. To guard against such an influence and to confimr them in the Jaina faith, the Jaina monks often criticise the inconsistent and unnatural details of the Purāņas, Mahābhārata, Rāmāyaṇa etc. in the presence of their Śrävakas whom they want to convince about the hollowness of Vedic and Purāņic tales and whose faith in Jainism they want to nourish by didactic tales and religious sermons. Literary example, as we know, is a powerful instrument for the moulding of character. To impress on the mind of the masses the specific ethical and religious principles, the religious teachers and preachers, all over the world and from times immemorial, have used the legends and tales which provide the hearers with examples and principles which they can easily follow. The Jaina monks are in no way an exception. After attending such sermons of Jaina monks, my instinctive inclinations were being gradually changed, and my attachment for Jaina traditions and tales became deeper and deeper. As a rule, the Sthānakavāsi monks possessed no liking, worth noting, for the study of any branch of literature. They were least acquainted with Sanskrit and Prākrit languages, nor did they care to study them. They had, consequently, no idea of the vast and varied heritage of Jaina literature enriched by the remarkable contributions of eminent Svetāmbara and Digambara authors. At the most, they were conversant with and repeatedly read a few late, vernacular texts such as Dhála -sägara and Dhanyasūlibhadra-caüpãi which are of quite ordinary merits. After 2 ·grejr x] DHURTĀKHYANA : reading a couple of such texts, my desire for reading many more such stories went on increasing, but they were not then available to me. A couple of years after my initiation into the order, I happened to go to Ujjain with my teacher and other brother monks. In the Dharma-sthānaka there, among the Šāstras collected by the ancestor monks of my teacher, I chanced to see certain Mss. of Bālāvabodha paraphrases on some Sūtras and Kathānakas, It was for the first time in my life that I saw there the Mss. of the Bhuvanabhānucarita-Bālāvabodha and Dhūrtūkhyūrice-Bālāvabodha. At that stage I could 1100 read their script, nor could I understand their language, with ease; still, after strenuous efforts and repeated reading, I could manage to grasp the contents of the Bhuranabhānucarita-Bālāvabodha. I liked it immenselý, and I mentioned it to my Teacher. He angry with me; he at once snatched away the Ms. from me, and quietly put it in the box as before. I came to know, later on, that my Teacher had heard that the Carita contained references to the worship of Jaina temples and of images of Jina : of course, my Teacher had nerer read it himself. His intention was that a raw mind like that of myself should not be influenced by such stories that did not conform to the accepted creed of the Sthānakarāsi Sampradāya. Fascinated by its very title, he, however, kept with himself and began reading the Dhurtākhyāna-Bālāvabodba. He finished it in a couple of days, and also recommended it to me that it contained nice stories which are quite useful for sermons. He had read it for the first time; and under his advice I began to read it zealously and respectfully. I read it so often, and mastered its contents so thoroughly, as if it was a text book for some examination. The Ms. furnished no details about its author and date; nor did I possess any curiosity to know these things at that time: my mental horizon was not wide enough for such an enquiry. When we left that place after the Cāturmāsa, the Ms. was put in its bos; that must be, if I remember right, during the rainy season of 1905. That is how, quite indirectly and accidentally, I came to be acquainted, during my student-life, with the Dhurtākhyāna of Haribhadra. Later on, after some 8 or 10 years, as a monk of the Svetāmbara Mūrtipūjaka Sampradāya, I had the good fortune of inspecting the Jaina Bhaņdāra at Pātan. In the meantime I studied Sanskrit and Prākrit; and my zest for perviewing the rich and varied range of Jaina literature was increasing. The Mss. on which the present edition of the Dhūrtākhyāna is based were first seen by me at this time. After studying more about the work and its authors, I desired that this work should be printed and published. When this desire occurred to me, I never dreamt, being quite aware of my ability then, that some day in the future I would have the opportunity of editing it. After some more years of study my mastery of Prākrit increased; and at the suggestion of my scholar-friend, the late lamented C. D. Dalal, the original organiser of the Gaikwad Oriental Series, I began to edit the Kumārapāla-pratibodha of Somaprabhācārya for that Series from a single palm-leaf Ms. found in the Pātan ·PRRFAOE (XI. Bhaņdāra. Since then I earnestly hoped for an opportunity to edit the Dhūrtākhyāna. It was in 1931, at śāntiniketana, that the idea of the Singhi Jaina Granthamālā was conceived; and along with many other Sanskrit and Prākrit works, I decided to include the Dhūrtākhyāna also in the Mālā. The Mss. of it, seen by me many years back at Pātan, were procured; and the press copy was prepared. But as my hands were fully occupied with many a book in the press, its printing could not be begun till as late as 1941. The Pătan Mss. were lying with me for years together; and when the eminent organiser of the Pātan Bhaņdāras, Munirāj Śrī Puṇyavijayaji, specially pressed me to return the Mss., the happy moment of beginning its printing arrived. Consequently, today I feel happy to see that I am able to present this work to the scholarly world as the 19th volume of the Singhi Jaina Granthamälā. My original plan was to present the Prākrit text, to give a Hindi or Gujarati translation, and to reproduce, in an appendix, the various relevant extracts from the Mahābhārata, Rāmāyaṇa and Purāņas. In fact, some excerpts were collected too. In the meanwhile, an old and independent Ms. of Sanghatilaka's Sanskrit Version of the Dhūrtākhyāna also was found at Pātan and I was tempted to include that also in this edition. When the Prākrit and Sanskrit texts were printed, I learnt that there is a Ms. of the Gujarāti Bālāvabodha of the Dhū, in the Govt. collection of Mss. deposited at the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Poona. I got the Ms. and inspected it. Finding that the study of its language would be of special importance in grasping the earlier phases of Gujarati and western Rājasthānī, I thought it proper to put that also in this Volume. Thus we have, in this edition, the critical text of the original Prākrit Dhūrtākhyāna of Haribhadrasūri of the 8th century, then the metrical Sanskrit version of the same by Sanghatilaka of the 15th century, and also an anonymous rendering in the Lokabhāṣā of the 16th or 17th century. I intended in the beginning to write an Introduction in Hindi or Gujarāti, giving some details about Haribhadra's date and the contents of this work. But when I learnt that this book was prescribed by the University of Bombay in the B. A. course for Ardhamāgadhi, I thought that the edition should contain a thorough study of the work for the benefit of students for whom it was being prescribed. With this idea in mind, I requested my learned friend Dr. A. N. Upadhye, whose study in this connection is both deep and wide, to contribute a critical essay on the Dhūrtākhyāna for this volume. In connection with his original paper on the Apabhraía Dharmaparīkşā which was submitted to the All-India Oriental Conference, Hyderabad, and of which he sent to me an advance copy, he had already made a close study of the Dhūrtākhyāna. It was very kind of him that he willingly and readily acceeded to: my request: Though he was occupied with editing various important works, within a comparatively short time, he sent to me 1 ·XII] DHURTĀKHYANA: quite an original, thorough, critical and elaborate Essay on the Dhūrtākhyāna which forms a most important and valuable part of this volume. In his learned dissertation, Dr. Upadhye has made a searching study of the different aspects of the Dhūrtākhyāna with remarkable penetration and judiciousness. I am not aware of any such substantial contribution on this subject by any other scholar. Dr. Upadhye has not, lowerer, discussed in his essay any details about the life, date, and works of Haribliadrasūri; he left them to me. Some twenty-five years back, the date of Haribhadrasūri had become a point for difference of opinion and dispute between European and Indian scholars. After reaching a decision in this matter, in the light of rarious fresh materials, especially the specific reference in the Kuvalayamālā of Uddyotanasūri, I presented to the First All-India Oriental Conference, Poona (1919), an essay in Sanskrit, ' Haribhadrācāryasya Samaya-nirnayah' in which I definitely proved that Haribhadra flourished at the close of the 8th century and at the beginning of the 9th century of the Vikrama era. That great German Orientalist, the late lamented Dr. Hermann Jacobi, had discussed this topic thoroughly and with remarkable originality; and he could be looked upon as an authority on the subject. When he read my paper, with typical impartiality he relinquished his earlier view and wholly accepted my conclusion; and that was a great encouragement to me. In the Introduction to his monumental edition of the Samarāiccakahā, published in the Bibliotheca Indica, No. 169, Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1926, he has presented a valuable and learned discussion about the date, life and works of Haribhadrasūri; and therein he has accepted the date of Haribhadra proposed by me and stated the same as an indisputable fact. I am not aware of any other article than this which concisely presents the requisite details about Haribhadra : his date, life and works. The time has not come to add anything specially net; so I thought it proper to give in this Volume the relevant portion of Dr. Jacobi's Introduction of the Samarāiccakahā. The following Mss. have been used for the edition of Dhūrtākhyāna in Prākrit, Sanskrit and Old-Gujarāti. Prākrit Text A. = This was procured from the Samgha Bhaņdāra of Pātan. It contains eight folios, measuring 111 by 44 inches, of thin and strong indigenous paper, and written on both sides. On each page there are 16–17 lines. The hand-writing is clear and beautiful. One inch square unwritten space is left in the centre of the page. A print of the halftone block of the last page of it is given herewith. B = This also belongs to the Saṁgha Bhaņdāra at Pātan. It contains 11 folios measuring 103 by 45 inches, with 15-16 lines on each page; its general condition is the same as that of Ms. A. page; and ·PREI LOE (XIII These two Mss. mention neither the name of the writer nor the date of writing. But from the general appearance, it seems that they might have been written at the close of the 16th century of the Vikrama era. o Besides the two above Mss., I got a modern Ms. from the Jäāna Bhaņdāra of Baroda. In all probability it is copied from Ms. Pātan, described above. The copyist has not rightly understood the old script; and he has often written for 9, q for , #for #, # for F. With such mistakes the text has become quite corrupt. The readings of this Ms. were not thought to be necessary, and hence they are not recorded. Sanskrit Text A. = This belongs to the Samgha Bhaņdāra, Pätan. It contains 7 folios. It is quite old, and perhaps belongs to the close of the 16th century of the Vikrama era. In some places it shows corrections. A print of the halftone block of its last page is given herewith. It is a modern Ms. from the Baroda Bhaņdāra; some of its various readings are duly recorded. Perhaps due to hurry the copyist has altogether omitted the numbering of the concluding verses on the last B two pages. Gujarāti Text A = This Ms. containing 20 folios was procured from the Vijayadharmasūri Jñāna Bhaņdāra, Agra. From the concluding remark, it is clear that it was written in Vikram Samvat 1758 by Tārācanda, the pupil of Lakşmicanda of the Kharatara Gaccha, at Udayapura, in Rajputana. B = This belongs to the Govt. Collection of Poona. It contains 17 folios. No information about the copyist etc. is available. From the language, however, it looks somewhat older than A. In conclusion, I wish to express my sincere thanks to my loving and learned friend, Dr. A. N. Upadhye. But for his willing and friendly cooperation, it would not have been possible for me to present this edition in such an attractive and appropriate form. CHAITRA SUKLA 13, V, S. 2000 MAHAVIRA JANMATITHI JINA VIJAYA MUNI BHARATIYA VIDYA BHAVAN BOMBAY ·XIV) An appreciation and opinion of Dr. MANOMOHAN GHOSH, M.A., Ph. D., 'Kāvyatīrtha' Lecturer in Skt., Pkt., and Modern Indian Languages, Post. Graduate Department, Calcutta, Univorsity. Among the many series of works on the culture of ancient and medieval India published during the last few years, the Singhi Jain Series occupies a very prominent place. Dealing mainly with varied Jain texts of which the general students of Indian History up till now have no clear idea but which can in many ways supplement their fragmentary knowledge of different aspects of the cultural life of pre-modern India, this series should be reckoned as one of the most important contributions to Indological studies of our times. Sixteen volumes which have been published in the series during its brief existence of thirteen years include no less than fourteen texts and two translations. It is a pleasure to see that these texts edited with great diligence and the most careful scholarship belong to varying subjects like history, biography, logic, philosophy, poetry and folk-tales etc. Acarya Sri Jinavijaya Muniji whose name is a guarantee to the worth and accuracy of any publication, be it in Sanskrit, Prakrit or Apabhramsa or similar language, is the general editor of the series and is mainly responsible for its remarkable success. Hence it is needless to discuss individually the merits of works published. Of the published works no less than seven have been edited by Muni Sri Jinavijayaji himself and among his colleagues he has wellknown and able scholars like Pandit Sukhlalji and Dr. A. N. Upadhye, who have edited some of the publications in the series. A review of the names of more than forty. works which are either in the press or under preparation for the series will convince any student of Indology of the various aspects of its worth and usefulness. The excellent printing and get up of the volumes already published very pleasantly turn our attention to the princely munificence of Sriman Bahadur Singh Singhi of Calcutta and Murshidabad (Bengal) who founded the series in memory of his late father Shri Dalchandji Singhi. The general editor as well as the founder of the series are to be very sincerely congratulated on their highly valuable publications. It is our very earnest wish that the series may continue uninterruptedly with uniform success. 4-9-43. (sa.) Dr. Manomohan Ghosh.

·HARIBHADRA'S AGE, LIFE AND WORKS BY Dr. HERMANN JACOBI 1. Haribhadra's Age. The death of Haribhadra, the author of the Samarāicca-Kahā, is placed by Jaina tradition, which in this particular can be traced to the beginning of the 13th century A. D., in Vikrama samvat 585 or Vira samvat 1055, corresponding to 529 A. D. This date, however, was recognised to be wrong,” since Haribhadra was acquainted with the philosophy of Dharmakirti who flourished about 650 A. D. The discussion at that time turned on the following point. Siddharsi who finished the Upamitibhavaprapañcā Kathā on the 1st May, 906 A, D., calls, in the Pras'asti of that work, Haribhadra his charmabodhakaro guruh. Now the question arose whether Haribhadra was actually Siddharşi's teacher of the Sacred Law, or his Paramparāguru; in this investigation I took what eventually turned out the wrong side of the question. Meanwhile the Jainas had been publishing a number of Haribhadra's works which were found to contain many interesting details. But the evidence that finally settled the question of Haribhadra's age, was not furnished by any of his own works, but by the Kuvalayamālā, a Prākrit poem by Uddyotana, which he finished on the last day but one of the S'aka year 700, equal to the 21st March, 779 A. D. In the Pras'asti of 1 At the end of an old MS. in Josulmer of Haribhadra's Laghukşetrasamāsavrtti the date of the completion of this work is given in two verses as Vikrama 585, Jyeștha su-di 5, Friday, Puşya nakşatra; this corresponds to either Tuesday, 9th May 528 A.D., or Saturday, 28th April 529 A.D. In the first case the naksatra was Pusya, in the second Panarvasa. As the veek-day comes out wrong in both cases, the date must be considered spurious. The nakşatra oarries loss weight, because for every day of the lunar year the choice generally lies between three nakşatras only which may be ascertained beforehand. 2 See my edition of the Upamitibhavaprapaño. Katha (Bibl. Ind) preface p. viii f. 3 L. O. p. VI. 4 A full statement of all particulars about Haribhadra's works, their commentators and the latters' dates is furnished by Muni Kalyāņavijaya in the preface (granthakāra. paricaya) to his edition of Haribhadra's Dharmasamgrahiņi, Devendra Lālbhal's Jainapastakoddhāra No. 42, Bombay, 1918. 5 aerig for Buet4f# i, e. Caitra ba-di 14. This date is interesting from the point of view of the calendar. As the Caitrādi-year invariably begins with the Suklapakşa of Caitra, the date in question would seem to be recorded according to the pūrnimānta schemo in which the dark fortnight precedes the bright one, · But as Kielhorn (Ind. Ant. 1896 p. 271 f) has shown from dates in inscriptions that in connection with Saka years almost always amānta months are used, the primă facio interpretation of our date becomes extremely doubtful. In the year under consideration however there was an adhika Caitra which precedes the nija month; therefore in this case adhika Caitra ba-di 14 is the last day but one of the preceding year, if the year began with nija Caitra, as it ought to do, sinoe the new moon initiating true Caitra immediately preceded by Meşasamkrānti. I, therefore, believe that Swamikannu Pillai's assertion (Indian Ephemeris Vol. I, part I, p. 65), "when there is an adhika Caitra that begins the year", applies only to modern tsage.

·XVI ] HARIBHADRA: his work Uddyotana mentions Haribhadra as his teacher in philosophy, praising him as the author of a great many books; the latter statement puts it beyond doubt that the great Haribhadra is the person intended. The first who rightly understood the passage in question and recognised its chronological bearing, was Dunirūj Shrī Jinavijaya. In his article "The date of Haribhadrasūri," read at the First Oriental Conferonce, November 1919, Poona, and published under the title "Sri Haribhadrācāryasya Samayanirnayah" in the Jaina Sāhityasams'odhaka Granthamālā, Poona, he discusses the whole question, examines the evidence, and puts his case in the clearest light. The following remarks are chiefly based on his paper. We cannot make out from Uddyotana's remark whether Haribhadra was still alive or not, when it was written; some twenty or thirty years before that date, howvevor, he must have been actually teaching Uddyotana. Wo may, therefore, take that epoch, say, 750 A, D. or later, as the time of his literary activity, which considering the extraordinary number of prakaranas he wrote must have extended over twenty years at least. He quotes many authors, Brahmanical, Buddhist, and Jaina; a list of them containing thirty names has been drawn up by Jinavijaya, I. c., p. 11. From among them the following may bo mentioned as interesting from a chronological point of view: Dignūgn, Dharmakīrti, Bhartrhari (author of the Vākyapadīya, about 650 A. D.), and Kumīrila. Haribhadra quotes, in his Vivarana of the Nandīsūtra, several passages from the Cūrni of that Sūtra by Jinadāsagani-nahattara without mentioning his name. The Cūrņi was finished in the Saka-year 598=677 A. D. To about the same time belongs Siddhasenadivākara whom Haribhadra quotes; for he uses, no doubt, Dharmakīrti,- though he does not name him. We thus see that Haribhadra quoted many of the celebrities who flourished in the century preceding his own. On the other hand he does not quote S'arikara who rose so high above all his contemporaries that Haribhadra could not have ignored him if he had lived at or after his time. Wo, therefore, conclude that the tradition of Sankara's school is right, or at least not far wrong, in placing his life in 788-820 A. D. Nor does Haribhadra, as Jinavijaya states (1. c., p. 13), discuss the Māyavāda. He knows the Advaitavāda, and refutes two or threo different branches of it in his S'āstravārttāsamuccaya VIII, 1 ff, but none of them can be identified with the Māyāvāda. 1 The passage in which Haribhadra is referred to is corrupt ng is shown by the metre. In the MS. of the Decoan College, the only one that seems to be available, it runs thus : सो सिद्धतगुरु पमाणनाएण जस्स हरिभद्दो बहुग्गंथसत्यवित्थरपयडसच्चत्या ।। funiraj Jinavijaya has satisfactorily emended the text and supplied the missing syllables as follows: at FAST JF; 97495 T STEHT ERHET I TEHTY YAEFATTENTAT 11 The first pāda is connected with the preceding verse which oulogises Uddyotana's teacher Virubhadra; and the following verse names his father Vateśvara who was a Kşatriya and became a Kşamāśramaņa. [It is interesting to note that my emondations have been lately confirmed by the readings of the Jessalmer Ms. - Jinavijaya.] 2 Dharmakirti qualifies pratyaksa as abhrānta (and Dharmottara expressly says bhrāntam hy anumānam while Siddhasonadivákara in Nyāyāvatūra 5 ff claims abhrāntatā for pratyaksa as well as anumüna; similarly he extends the distinction of svārtha and parārtha, which properly applies to anumana only, to pratyaksa also, ibidem 12 f. Apparently he thought to improve on Dharmakirti by a wholesale generalisation of nice distinotions! He is different from Siddhasenagaại the author of the Tattvārtha-vrtti, beoause the latter quotes ad. II 26 from Haribhadra's commentary on the Nandisætra, see Kalyāņavijaya, 1. c., p. 29; Haribhadra, therefore, intervenes between both Siddhasonas. It may be mentioned that the younger one quotes ad. I, 10 a verse by Arya-Siddhasena, who may or may not be Siddhasenadivakara. 3 We should like to know more details about these early Vedānta schcols than Haribhadra gives in the work quoted in the text; perhaps he may have given them in his svopaja-vrtti to the passage in question. But the vitti is not available to me.

·HIS AGE, LIFE AND WORKS [ XVII. This fact is of considerable interest, since it proves that before Sarkara the Māyārāda mas practically unknown outside of the circles of Aupanişadas; for it had already been established by Gaudapāda, the guru of Sankara's guru. It is not the intrinsic value of a system, or the originality of its teachings, that secured it notoriety throughout India, unless a great author and debator takes it up, systematically developes it in every detail, and successfully upholds it against all opponents. His fame then outshines that of the original thinker whose merit was apt to be overlooked." 2. Haribhadra's Life. We know very little about Haribhadra from himself; all that he chooses to tell us is contained in the subscriptions to his numerous works. From them we collect the following information: (1) he obeyed the command of Jinablata, an ācārya of the Sitāmbaras (S'vetāmbaras ); (2) he was the pupil of Ācārya Jinadatta, an ornament of the Vidyadhara kula (gaccha ); (3) he was a spiritual son of the nun Yakinīmahattarā. Some more facts are directly manifested by the works of Haribhadra: (4) the usa, in the last verse of most of his works, of the word virala, which may have reference to some ovent in his life; (5) his intimate knowledge not only of Jainism, but also of the teachings of the heterodos systems, evinced in his Anekāntajayapatākā and his Tikā of this work, as well as by his writing a commentary on Dignāga’s Nyāyapraves'a; (6) his writing a great number of works. It goes without saying that the contemporaries of Haribhadra knew a great deal more about his life than is contained in the abore six items, but it is equally true that in oral tradition sober history is apt to be gradually changed into legend, a strange mixture of facts and fiction, which we can separate from each other with some degree of plausibility only in the simplest cases. Occasionally, however, tradition has stories of an entirely fictitious kind and originally unconnected with its hero. Thus, in the case in hand, curiosity was naturally excited, by point (4), to satisfy which a tale full of miraculous and wholly incredible incidents is added in the legendary life of Haribhadra; it exceeds in length all remaining parts of the legends taken together; but no reference to it is made in the oldest accounts. Before analysing the traditions about Haribhadra's life, I enumerate the sources from which it is known. (a) A short paragraph at the end of Municandra's Tikā of Haribhadra's Upades'apadáni; this Tikā was finished in Vikrama Samvat 1174=1118 A. D.; the passage in question has been printed by Kalyanavijaya l. c. p. 5a and Jinarijaya l. c. p. 4, note 14. (b) Eight gūthūs (52-59 ) in Jinadatta's Ganadharasārdhas'ataka, written between Samvat 1169 and 1211=1112-1154 A. D. The text is edited in A. Weber, Verzeichniss der Sanskrit-und Prākrit-Handschriften, II p. 982 f. (c) The ninth S'rniga of Prabhācandra's Prabhāvakacarita, finished Samvat 13341278 A, D. (the name of the author is wrongly given as Candraprabha on the title of the N. S. edition, 1909). 1 Thus the Dhvani-theory also seems to have boen ignorod until Anandavardhana composed the Dhyanyaloka, the commentary on the original treatise in Kärikas by on unknown author, and thereby brought this theory to such prominence, that nearly all later writers on Alamkāra have adopted it. I am, therefore, also persuaded that nihilistic apd idealistic teachings which did exist in early Buddhism passed unnoticed by, and did not provoke the opposition, of Brahmanical philosophers until Nāgārjana did for the Šünyavāda and Vasabandhu for the Vijñānavāda, what long after them Šankara has done for the Māyāvāda, 2 All the details stated above are given in the subscription of the Śişşahitā, bis Tikå of the Apaśyakasūtra; in other places only one or other detail is mentioned.

·XVIII ] HARIBHADRA: (d) Rājas'ekhara's Prabandhakosa, written in samvat 1405=1349 A. D. I know only some extracts of this work givon by Kalyāṇavijaya l. c. p. Sa, 24a. (e) Sumatigani's Vitti of the Ganadharasīrdha-s'ataka (see ) finislied samvat 1295=1239 A, D., occasionally referred to by Kalyānavijaya. An abridgoment of Sumatigani's narrative is given in the Laghuvrtti of Sarvarājagani, see A. Webor, 1. c. p. 988. (f) Kathāvali of Bhadres'vara, dato unknown; mentioned by Jinavijaya and not otherwise known to me. I shall now discuss some traditions about particulars of Haribhadra's lifo which may be regarded as substantially truo. The birth place of Haribhadra was, according to d, c, d, c, Citrakūta, the modern. Chitor. The ancient fort on the crest of the hill' was the capital of Mewar from. about the. 7th century till 1569 when the seat of government was moved to Udaipur. Haribhadra probably lived in Chitor up to his initiation. But the scene of his later life as a monk. seems to have been chiefly the neighbouring parts of Rājputānā and the kingdom of Guzerat. In that country, he became the teacher of Uddyotana”. Another indication of Haribhadra's activity in Guzerat is furnished by the annals of Jaina families; for according to Kalyāņavijaya (1. c. p. 7b) they assert that Haribhadra organised the clan of the Porevals (Poruvāda, Prāgvāta ) and converted them to Jainism. Now we learn from the Nomināhacariuthat the Poreval clan originated in Srīmāla, that a warlike member of this clan Nimaya, was induced by Vanarāja (746-806 A. D.) to settle in his new capital Anahilla pataka, and that he there erected a temple of Rsabha for the Vidyadhara-gaccha. Since Haribhadra, the organiser of the Poreral clan, belonged to the Vidyadharagaccha, it is likely that that clan owed some sort of allegiance to that gaccha, whereof the statement in the Nemināhacariu seems to furnish a proof. Although Haribhadra may have lived for the greater part of his life in Guzerat and the adjoining States of Rājputānā, yet his wanderings as a Yati probably extended to far distant parts of India. Some hints about his knowledge of India may be gathered from the Samarāiccakahā. In this regard it is significant, that he does not lay the. scene of any of his tales in one of the renowned towns of the Deccan or Southern India, but. all towns that can be identified? are situated in Northern India, from Hastinūpura to Tāmralipta. He evinces a more intimate acquaintance with Eastern India between Ayodhyā 1 The phrase in e: S'rīcitrakūtācalacūlūnivūsino clearly refers to the ancient town on the hill. 2 The verses 4 and 6 in the passage quoted from tho Kuvalayamala by Jivarijaya (1. c. p. 15 ) prove that Uddyotana belonged to a lino of yatis that flourished in Guzorat. 3 See my edition of the 'Sanatkumāraoaritam' in the Abhandlungen der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschalten, Munchen, 1921, p. 152, der Bayerischen Arademie der Wissenschaften, Munchen, 192 1, p. 152, VIII-V, and tho additional note on p. VI ib. of Tho modorn Bhinmal in the extreme south of Mārvăą. Uddgotanasūri names the town Siribhillamāla. It was tho capital of Guzerat before the foundation of Anahillapātaka by Vanarāja, the first of the Capotkata or Cāvadā kings, 5 For he calls his teacher Jinadatta an ornament of the Vidyadharagaccha. According to the Harshanandanagani (1616 A, D.) he was 4 momber of Vrddhagacha, soe Kalyāņavijaya. l. o. p. 11b. 6 The cause of his want of acquaintance with Peninsular India was probably the circumstance that in his time thore vere for, if any, Śvetāmbara communities south of the Tapti. 7 Those in the fabulous country of Aparavideha, of course, do not concern us.

·HIS AGE, LIFE AND WORKS [ XIX and Campā; in these countries Buddhism was still flourishing, and it is, therefore, possible that Haribhadra there acquired his accurate knowledge of Buddhist philosophy, especially as taught by Dignāga and Dharmakirti. That Haribhadra was a Brahman by caste is stated in cand implied in c, where he is said to have been the purohita of King Jitāri. Though there is no such statement in ( and b, I have no doubt that it is true. For the learning peculiar to Haribhadra, apart from his comprehensive knowledge of Jaina Lore, is of such a kind as was natural with a Brahman, but quite exceptional in any other case, before Jain literature had received a new impulse from brahmanical science. Blunicandra (e) truly describes Haribhadra as one who had studied the eight grammarians, and was the leader of those whose understanding is hardened by the discussions connected with all philosophical systems.' It is chiefly due to Haribhadra, as will be explained in the next paragraph, that Sanskrit became the learned language of the S'vetāmbaras and replaced Prākrit in several departments of their literature; he would, however, not have had this influence unless he was a perfect master of Sanskrit, on accomplishment which required the customary training of the Brahman. And as regards his mastery in philosophical discussion conducted in Sanskrit it is such that his Anekāntajayapatākā with Țikā favourably compares with any philosophical work of the same age. It may be added that the story of Haribhadra's conversion, the main features of which are already contained in our oldest source (a), points also lo the same conclusion, that he was a Brahman by caste. Haribhadra by acknowledging the nun Yakini as his spiritual mother (dharmato Yäkinimahattarásūnu) unmistakably ascribes to her his conversion to the true faith', which may be regarded as a second birth. How his conversion was brought about, has been recorded by tradition which, in this regard, is probably substantially trustworthy. I shall first give an abstract of the narrative about this part of Haribhadra's life in the Prabhävakacarita (IX, V.4.47), and discuss it afterwards. Haribhadra was purohita of King Jitāri in the town of Citrakūta. He was 60 proud of his knowledge, that he proclaimed that he would become the pupil of anyoue whose proposition he could not understand, and this vow was engraved on a golden plate he wore on his belly (11). Once a must elephant having got loose and causing great havoc in the streets, Haribhadra fled before him and made his escape by climbing on a Jain temple, Thence he perceived the image of a Tirthakara whom he derided in a 'sloka (vapur evo • tavā'caste, etc.) (18). On the next day when he went home about midnight, he heard an old nun reciting a găthāt (cakkidugan Haripanagam, etc.), which utterly baffled his *understanding. He asked her to explain its meaning, but she referred him to her guru, :(27). So he went to see him on the next morning. Passing on his way by the same · temple he pronounced the same s'loka (vapuur cra tavā'caşte) changing one word so that it redounded to a praise of Jina. There he saw Jinabhațasūri who promised to teach him after he had been initiated. Haribhadra consented, and ackuowledged rahattară Jūkini as his 1 Kalyāṇavijaya l. c. p.5a, nole. 2 Apparently a fictitious name standing for Jitaśatra, the usual name of tho king in countless logends and stories of the Jainas, but nover met rith, as far as I know, in any historical document, inscription etc. The name is absent in the list of Guhila kings of Movād, see Mabel Duff, Chronology of India p. 282. 3. It is true that the Buddhists possessed many other older forks of a similar description but the Buddhists had come into contact with Brahminical schools of philosophy at a much earlier time, and many of their great irritor3 hayo notoriously been Brahmans by oaste. 4 This gathā ocours in the Avasyakanirgukti, ·XX] HARIBHADRA : spiritual mother (42). IIo became so well versed in the sacred Lore of the Jainas, and his conduct was such that the guru appointed him his successor. Thus Haribhadra bocamo a Pugapradhāna ( 47). Now all essential points in this account are confirmed by Municandra in the short passage referred to above, with the exception of the incident of the mast elephant (v. 12-18) and, as said before, of his being the purohita of King Jitāri. Thero the same gūthū and the s'loka are mentioned and the name of the guru is given as Jinabladra' apparently by mistake for Jinablața; some minor details which may be regarded as embellishmonts, aro omittod. It is, therefore, clear that the tradition, on the whole, is old, and as there is nothing ostravagant or incredible in it, we may regard it as coming very near the truth. It remains to mention a curious notice in the Ganadharasīrdhas'ataka v. 5f: 'Some, misled by the similarity of the pamo, have orroneously assorted that Haribhadra was initiated and instructed by the Caityavisins.' The Caityavāsins wore those monks who abode in temples, whilo their opponents advocated tho voscitinivāsc, i. c. tho dwelling in the houses of laymen (paragiha). Both sections seem to have cooxisted for some time and no separation to have taken place; S'ilārka is said to have beon a Caityavāsin. But in the end the Crityavāsa sooms to have become discrediteil, and Jines'varasūri, the founder of the Kharataragaccha iv Savivat 1080=1024 A. D., established the lasatiniväsa, at least for his sect. It is just what might be expocted that at a time when the enmity batreen those two sections, or rather sects, was at its height, the Caityavāsins should have claimed the famous Haribha ira for one of their own, and their opponents should have repudiated their claim as null and roid; but it is equally certain that if at Haribhadra's time tho mode of the monks' lodging had already become an important point of controversy, there would have been no occasion to doubt which sidle of the question he espoused. The descriptions of monastic life in the Samarāicca Kahā illustrate the practice of monks in his days, or at least one he would approve of; according to it monks put up stay in a park near the town, where they were visited by the faithful and the curious. It is not said explicitly that they lodged there in a temple, but it seems to be excluded that Haribhadra supposed them to lodge in houses belonging to, or furnished by, laymen. 3. Haribhadra's Works. Haribhadra's fame as a yugapradhāna chiefly rests on his literary activity for the sake of Jainism; he is one of the most fertile authors in Jaina Literature as regards not only the number of the works he wrote, but also the diversity of the subjects he treated. Jinavijaya (1. c. p. 3) enumerates 26 works of H. as the most renowned ones, of which 20 have beon edited and Kalyāṇavijaya (1. c. p. 139-19a) has drawn up a list of all his works, actually 1 With it agrees the very short notice in the Laghuvitti of the Gañadharasārdhaśataka v. 56 p. vi. It mentions besides the golden plate worn by H. on his belly. 2 The same form of the name is given in the Laghuvștti mentioned in the last note. 3 In the Laghuvžtti v. 60. According to that source and to the Patļāvalt of the Kharataragaccha silánka ras a successor of Haribhadra; but that is impossible, since the date of his Acīrāngaţikā is said to be Śaka 798 -- 872 A. D. or more than a century later than Haribhadra. According to the same source Śilānka's successor wag Uddyotanasūrī, whose successor was Vardhamānasūri, the teacher and predecessor of Jineśvarasūrī. These statements are, no doubt, arbitrary and entirely wrong, for Uddyotanasūri who wrote his great poem in 779 A, D., cannot have been removed by one teacher only from Jinendrasūrī, who flourished more than two centuries later. Apparently there was no solid, if any, tradition concerning the period which procoded the foundation of the Kharataragaccha, ·HIS AGE, LIFE AND JYORKS [XXI. preserved or known from quotations only; his list contains 88 entries. Great as this number is, still it would be but a small fraction of the total of his writings if tradition might be credited, which ascribes to him the composition of 1, 400 prakaranas. This tradition is found already in our oldest sources of H.'s life (a and b), and it can be traced further back to 1068 A. D., being contained in Abhayadeva's Tikā on H.'s Pañcās'aka finished in that year. Now it is altogether incredible that the Jainas should have been so extremely careless in handing down the works of their famous author that a few centuries after his death even the titles of the great majority of them should have been forgotten, seeing that two works which he left unfinished, viz., Tattvārtha-laghuvrtti and Piụda-niryukti have nevertheless been preserved. Unless, therefore, the number 1,400 bo & mere hyperbole without any special meaning, we nust assume that in this connection prakarana does not denote as usually a separate systematic treatise, but is used in a more restricted sense so that the Panca'saka contains 50 prakaranas, Astaka 32, Sodas'aka 16, etc., but on what principle in other cases his books were split into a great number of prakaranas it is impossible to say. Haribhadra wrote in Sanskrit and Prākrit both in verse and in prose, mostly of course in illustration of Jaina doctrines. Thro sides of his literary activity deserve special notice, his commenting on canonical works in Sanskrit, and his discussing with an intimate knowledge, the doctrines of Brahmans and Buddhists. The old commentaries on the canonical books, the Niryuktis, Cūrquis and old Bhāsyas were written in Prākrit throughout. As already mentioned above p. iii) Jinadāsagaụi's Cūrņi on the Nandisutra was finished in 677 A, D., it is, of course, written in Prākrit. Haribhadra composed a commentary on the same Sūtra, making use of the work of his predecessor; but he wrote it in Sanskrit, as well as his remaining commentaries on Sūtras. As we know of no older Sanskrit commentary on any Sūtra in S'vetāmbara Literature, it is very probable that the innovation was due to Haribhadra; at least the new practice was firmly established by him, though it was further developed in the sequel. For according to Prof. Leumann (1. c. p. 582) Haribhadra commented on the text in Sanskrit but retained the kathānakas and certain other parts of the Cūrņi in the original Prākrit; while S'ilānka who flourished more than a century later, translates such passages also into Sanskrit. Haribhadra is emphatically the author of prakarances in the technical meaning of the word; a prakarana is a systematic treatise in which the subject is exposed in a scientific form, unlike the unsystematic, either diffuse or episodical, treatment of subjects in canonical books; it may be in Prākrit, but as a rule it is in Sanskrit. This way of writing originated, of course, with the Brahmans in whose literature the models of it are to be found. The first instance of it in Jaina Literature is Umāsvāti's (or Umāsvämin's) Tattvärthādhigamasūtra, which is claimed as their own by both S'vetāmbaras and Digambaras. The early literature of the latter, who do not recognise the existent Siddhānta, consists largely in the prakaranas both in Prākrit and Sanskrit. But the first undoubtedly S'vetāmbara author of prakaranas some of whose works have come down to us, is Siddhasena-divākara. Haribhadra, who is removed from him, as shown above p..., by two or three generations at the utmost, raised this branch of S'vetām bara Literature to a high degree of perfection. Though a few of these books of his are in Prākrit, the majority of them are in Sanskrit; they contain besides an exposition of the Jaina tenets, concise information about, and discussions or refutations of, the doctrines of opposite schools, Brahmanical and Buddhist. In this connection one of Haribhadra's works, though not a prakarana, has a peculiar interest, viz, his commentary on Dignāga's Nyāyapraves'a. Siddhasena-divākara had written a Nyāyāvatāra which unmistak- 1 Rājasekhara (1349 A. D.) assigos him 1440 pr. and four writers (between the 15th and 18th century ) 1444 pr. see Kalyāņavijaya, 1. o. p. 116 12a. 2 See Professor Leumann's learned paper on Daśayaikālikasūtra and Niryuští; Z. D, M, G., Vol 46, p. 581 ff.

·**II] HARIBHADRA': ably presupposes Dharmakirti's Nyāyabindu' apparently intending to provide the Jainas wwith'a manual of Logics. But it is decidedly infcrior to the masterly work of Dharmakirti which it was designed to supersede; nor had it any lasting success. Haribhadra, lowever, instead of attempting to find a logical school of the Jainas, induced them, by commenting on:Dignāga, to study the original works of Buddhist. Logiciaus. He apparently appreciated their paramount-importance, though.lie controverted, at great length, some logical propositious of. Dharmakīrti in his Anekāntajayapatīkī. The interest of the Jainas.in Buddhist Logics continued long after his time; we owe to it the preservation of. Dharmakirti's. Nyāyahindu and Dharmottara's Nyüyabindutīkī in the original Sanskrit; for the oldest manuscripts of these works and of a fragment of a.codimentary on the latter come from. Jaina bhandārs. The endeavours of great teachers like Siddhasena-divākara and Haribhadra to raise Ulte S'vetāmbaras to the high level of Indian mental culture were brought to their conclusion by Hemacandra who provided tliom with admirable text books of tlie principal Indian sciences besides such standard works as more directly concerned their owu creed. Thus tlie S'vétâmbaras, who for many centuries seem to have remained in a comparative obscurity 'as an exclusive sect, emerged to notoriety, probably about the seventh century, till at last Hiey became,.in Guzerat and the adjoining countries, the most influential religious community, and could even, under Kumārapāla, be called the established church of the kingdom. But to return to the works of Haribhadra, it remains to be noticed that, he usually employs, in the last verse of them, the word virch which is known as his "mark". Kalyānavijaya (1. c. p, 20a ff) quotes in full the passages wliere this mark occurs. As Ferceptions he mentions (p. 12b.) the commentaries on the. Das'araikālika, Āvas'yaka Prajñāpanā sūtras, etc.' and Samarādityakathā, Şaļdars’anasamuccaya, Lokatatiranirnaya ‘etc.' It :is, however, doubtful, whether the Samarādityakathā is an exception to the rule, since three Diss. read the word viraha in the last verse. (See the footnote to the passage in question). According to the legend the 'mark' viralci refers to Haribhadra's loss of his nephers and īpupils Hamsa and Paramahamsa whom, however, lie does not mention anywhere in his writings as far as I know. There may be some truth in this report; but out of the simple fact, if fact it was, there grew a long story full of miraculous incidents, which as I have -already said above, forms the greater part of the legendary life of Haribhadra. I subjoin an.abstract of it as given in the Prabhārakacarita. (IX 48–206). His sister's sons Hamsa and Paramahamsa, who had left their father's house in disgust, became his pupils and were instructed by him in logic. They desired to go to a Buddhist town in order to learn their S'āstra, but Haribhadra foreseeing some disaster entreated them not to go; nevertheless they insisted on it and went, in disguise, to the Buddhist town, where they were instructed by a Buddhist muni. Having learnt the objection raised by the Buddhists against Jainism, they wrote a clever refutation of them on some leaves. A blast of wind carried the leaves away and they were brought to the Buddhist muni, who thus became aware of the presence of some Jaina Yati amongst i his ; pupils. In order to find him out, he had the image of a Jina placed on the gateway so ithat-all must trample on it on entering. But the two brothers painted with chalk the -sacred thread on the breast of the image, and then they were not afraid to put their feet on it. Now the Buddhist muni employed another trick. All pupils Trere confined in an upper-room and watches were placed with them; and when they were asleep he causedrawnumber of jars to be rolled down from the upper storey. The sleepers started up in 'terror and invoked their istadevatās. The two brothers invoking the Jina, - tvere thus found out; but they took a couple of umbrellas and spreading them jumped out of the window. They reached the ground without hurt or injury and fled at great speed. Buddhist soldiers pursued them. When they were approaching them, 1 See abovo p. III note l.

·HIS AGE, LIFE AND JYORKS [ XXIII Hamsa advised his brother to take refuge with Sūrapāla, king of a nearby town, who would give bim protection; le then fought his enemies of, whom he killed a great many, but at last he fell and died. (94.). Paramahamsa went to Sürapāla who, granted him his protection. Soon after the host of pursuers arrived and demanded the delivery of their enemy. The king, however, did not give up his protege, but proposed that a disputation should be held, and if their speaker should vanquish him, he might do with him as is proper in such cases. The Buddhist agreed under the condition that their opponent should remain behind a curtain, because they would not look at the face of one so infamous. The ensuing disputation was conducted, on the side of the Buddhists, by their S'āsanadevatā, who was invisible and spoke from the mouth of a pitcher. When the disputation had gone on for some days Paramahamsa despaired and invoked Ambā, the S'āsanaderatã of his gana. Slie told him, who had, all the time, spoken against him, and advised him how to act in the disputation. He was thus enabled to reduce his opponents to silence; then lifting the curtain be smashed the pitcher and charged the opponent with fraudulent behaviour The king, conscious of the sinister intention of the Buddhists, said to them. "he who after vanquishing me in battle will take hold of him, may do so without fault.' Then he gave Paramahamsa a wink, who guessing his meaning fled as quick as possible; he was, however, closely pursued by horsemen whom be eluded by the following trick. Seeing a washerman at work he persuaded him to get away as a sudden attack Tras coming', and he himself resumed his work. When a horsemen enquired of him whether he had seen someone on that road, he pointed out the washerman at a great distance. The soldiers made the washerman prisoner and then returned. Paramahamsa having thus put off his pursuers proceeded in his journey and after a few days reached Citrakūta where he met Haribhadra. He told him what he and Hamsa had done; but when be bad related his brother's death, he was so overcome with grief that his heart burst and died. (122). Haribhadra was deeply afflicted by the loss of his nephews and pupils. He conceived an intense hatred of the Buddhists and resolved to destroy them. ( 133). He rent to Sürapāla and told him his intention. Confident thrat Haribhadra rould vanquish his opponents the King sent a messenger to the town of the Buddhists and persuaded their leader to sign a contract making it binding on him tho should be ranquished in disputation, to plunge into a cauldron filled with boiling oil. (157.). The ensuing disputation turned on the Buddhist proposition of the impermanence of everything existent. Not being able to answer Haribhadra's arguments, the Buddhists had to undergo the punishment agreed upou. Some more Buddhist disputants suffered the same death. (168). The Buddhists reviled the Goddess Tārā for having caused their defeat by deserting them; but the goddess explained that it was the just punishment for their having killed Hamsa and Paramahamsa. (179). Jinabhata, who had heard of Haribhadra's cruel revenge, sent him, through two bhikṣus, the three gāthās which contain the argument of the Samarādityakathā (see p. 6, 1. 2 ff). Haribhadra guessed his meaning; just as Agnis'arman's hatred had lasted through nine births, so his enmity towards the Buddhists would have the most disastrous consequences for him. He, therefore, took leave of the king and went to his guru!; full of contrition he asked his forgiveness and did severe penance as ordered by him. (196). The goddess Ambā rebuked him for still grieving at his bereavement; it was due to his Karma that he left no successors in his line of teachers; his books yould stand in their stead. ( 203 ). He composed the Samarādityakathā and according to the three gāthās sent him by his gurl, and wrote 1,400 prokaranas; they all exhibit the mark viraha in remembrance of his two nephers, ( 206 ). 1 The text is corrupt in this place. A similar situation described in Parisista Parsan, 275ff.

·XXIV ] HARIBHADRA: The narrative in the Prabhāvakacarita is written to say the least, in a most unconventional style of poetry, rendered frequently unintelligible by the bad preservation of the text. It seems to be based on a popular story, perhaps on a kind of Rās. We are acquainted with anothor version of the same subject, similar on the whole but differing in many details, from an abstract, or rather skoleton of an abstract in Rājas ekhara's Kathākos'a ( 1350 A. D.), the greater part of which has been given by Kalyāưavijaya (1. c. p. Sb.). According to this account: Hamsa and Paramahamsa made three strokes on the throat of the image of Jina, thereby changing it into one of Buddha. But remarking that the Buddhist guru regarded them with suspicion they pretended to be ill and escaped taking with thom a Buddhist relic (kapālikó, or karparikā). To recorer the relic the king sent a troop of soldiers after them; but as H. and P. were sahasrayodhins", thoy defeated them. Now the king despatched a large army, with which II. fought, while P. fled with the relic. H. was at last overcome by the great number of his enemies, who cut off his head and brought it to the King. But the guru insisted on recovering the relic. Therefore soldiers went in search of Paramahamsa, They discovered him sleeping before the walls of Citrakūta the gates of which were closed, and cut off his head. Haribhadra finding the corpse of his pupil and nephew, fell into a tremendous rage. He filled cauldrons with boiling oil and attracted by charm 1,440 Bauddhas through the air to be made a sacrifice of.” His guru sent him the three gāthīs. Haribhadra's wrath was appeased, and he composed 1,440 granthas in atonement of his passion and sins. A comparison of this version of the story with the preceding one is of interest for those who investigate the growth of popular tales; but a critical inquirer, will, no doubt, roject both alike as sources for the history of Haribhadra's life. Even that he had two nephews and pupils named Hamsa and Paramahamsa who perished in an attempt at learning by stealth the doctrines of the Buddhists, statements which form the foundation of the legend and are by no means incredible in themselves, must be accepted with the utmost The legendary account of the circumstances which led to Haribhadra's composing the Samarāiccakahā will be discussed in the next paragraph, The rest of the account in the Prabhavākacarita contains some details not un worthy of remark. I, therefore, add an abstract of the concluding part of the 9th s'rriga of that work (v. 206-221). Haribhadra diverted the layman Kārpīsika from his partiality for the Bhārata and Itihāsa by telling him the five stories of roguess (211), and won him over to the Jaina faith. He ordered him to make an edition of his works and to distribute them among the yatis (217). He caused other people to construct 84 temples on one platform (ekapīthe ), 218. He also produced the Mahānis’íthasūtra from a decaying manuscript, (219). Ending his life by anas'ana he ascended to heaven ( 221 ). reserve, 1 There is an allusion to their drstimetāpaka preceding the combat, the meaning of which is not clear, 2 This particular is apparently an adaptation of Janamojaya's snake-sacrifico in Mahābhārata, I, adhy, 51ff. 3 This apparently refers to his Prākrit Kävya Dhūrtākhyānam.

·THE DHURTĀKHYĀNA: A CRITICAL STUDY BY Dr. A. N. UPADHYE, M. A., D. Litt. 1. The Prākrit Text THE DHURTĀKHYĀNA of Haribhadrasūri, whose career is to be assigned to the middle of 8th century A. D.,' is a typical literary work that has a special significance in Indian literature. It had already attracted the attention of E. Leumann some forty years back; and it is through him that N. Mironow could refer to some parallel stories in his dissertations on the Dharmaparīkşā of Amitagati. Some Gujarāti and Hindi renderings of Dhū. have appeared in India, but they were primarily concerned with the contents and not with the Prākrit text of that work. This unique work, in Prākrit, is now brought out for the first time in this Singhi Jain Series having been critically edited by Ācārya Śrī Jinavijayji. Its Sanskrit version by Sanghatilaka and an Old-Gujarāti prose rendering by an unknown writer have also been included in this edition to facilitate its comparative study. The Prākrit text, presented here, is based on three mss., A, B, and 0.8 They do not bear any dates, but A and B, as described by the learned editor in his Preface, look quite old; and they may be assigned to 16th century A. D. C is quite modern and just a copy of A prepared by an inexperienced scribe; consequently the readings of C are not noted. A and B are sufficiently independent and do show some variants noted in the foot-notes. Confusion in numbering the verses is seen in both. B looks not only older but is also more accurate than A. The ms. A shows necessarily y-sruti for the udvrtta vowel (as I surmise, irrespective of the preceding vowel); while B very often puts a (or ā) for the lost consonant: this possibly means that B is following the more strict rule about y-sruti specified by Hemacandra in his Commentary,* and its so-called accuracy perhaps betrays the hand of some revisionist or copyist possessing a thorough mastery over Hemacandra's Prākrit grammar. 1 Jinavijayaji: Jaina Sāhitya Samsodhaka, vol. I, i, pp. 21-58; Jacobi: Samarāiccakabā, B. I., No. 169, Calcutta 1926, Intro. 2 Die Dharmaparikşā des Amitagati, Leipzig 1903. 3 For their description, see elsewhere. 4 See Siddha-Hemacandra, VIII, i.-180.

·2 DHỮRTĀKHYANA: These two MSS., A and B, do not show any recensions as such. If B omits a verse (V. 26) and A repeats some line (V. 47), this is due just to scribal lapse. The concluding verse (V. 125) cannot belong to Haribhadra. His composition ends with V. 124 which mentions bhava-viraha, Haribhadra's distinguishing mark; and the contents of the following verse do betray that it is composed by some zealous follower of Haribhadra. Certain portions of the Prākrit text are not specifically covered by the Sanskrit (III. 836, 84; V. 115–18) and Gujarāti versions (III. 83–84; V. 111) which closely follow it; but looking to the context etc., this cannot be a conclusive proof to suspect those portions as later additions in Haribhadra's text. At the kind request of Ācārya Śrī Jinavijayji, I have attempted below a study of this important literary work. Before subjecting its different aspects to a critical scrutiny, it would be proper to give a short outline of the stories occurring in this work, 2. Summary of the Contents I Adjacent to the prosperous town of Ujjainī, there was a fine park of luxuriant vegetation with a garden-house. During their wanderings there arrived hundreds of confirmed rogues who had acquired specific proficiency in the tricks of their trade. They had five leaders: Mūlastī, Kaņdarīka, Elāşādha, Śaśa and Khandapānā. Every one of the first four had five hundred male cheats and Khaņdapānā liad an equal number of female cheats, as their retinue. Mūlaérī was their foremost chief. During the height of rainy season, when it was heavily pouring all over the week and when it was not possible to move about, all the rogues, shivering and hungry, began to deliberate as to who would give them a feast for the day. Mūladeva stipulated thus: “Every one should address the chamber of cheats about what one had heard or experienced; and he who proves it to be an incredible lie should give food and drink to the gathering of rogues. But he who confirms the same by quoting parallels from various scriptures like the Purāņa, Bhārata and Rāmāyaṇa and convinces the audience, is not to give anything; and he would be made the lord of rogues.' They all agreed to this and requested Mūladeva to narrate his experience (I. 1-16). Mūladeva said: “I shall tell you what I experienced as a youth. Yearning for prosperity, I went to the abode of īśvara to receive the stream of Gangā on my head. As I was travelling with a gourd-kettle and umbrella in hand, a mad wild-elephant rushed at me like a moving mountain, I trembled with fear; I saw no shelter and escape; so I lept into the gourd-kettle that my life might be saved. The elephant was infuriated and followed me into the gourd-kettle where I deceived it by hide-and-seek for a period of six months. ; 1 For the convenience of general readers I have given the names in Sanskrit, though some of them appear to be un-Sanskritio in origin. 2 Müladepa and Mülaśrī are alternative names.

·A CRITICAL STUDY 3 many At last I escaped through the spout of the gourd-kettle; but when the elephant also followed me, its tail-hair was caught in the spout-hole. I approached, however, the ocean-like river Gangā, crossed the rushing stream, and reached the abode of īśvara. Standing hunger and thirst, I received the stream of Gangā on my head for six months. Thence I came to Ujjainſ and met you all here. If you accept all this as true, confirm it by evidence; if you think this to be a lie, well, give us a feast." Kaņdarika observed that one who has read Bhārata, Purāṇas and Rāmāyaṇa would not call this a lie (I. 17-34). Kaņdarīka continued: “What we hear in the Bhārata and Purāņa is reliable, therefore your experience also is true. 1) It is said that the Vipras are born from the mouth, the Kşatriyas from the arms, Vaiśyas from the thighs and Śūdras from the feet of Brahman: that means the entire population could be accommodated in Brahman's body. 2) Umā could lead a married life with īśvara whose male organ could not be measured even by Brahman and Vişņu. 3) The saint Vyāsa has narrated thus in the Bhārata : The chief queen of Virāța king had no progeny. She propitiated a certain saint who asked her to go to the bamboo-bower and eat the dish whereby she would have one hundred children. She did so and went home. After some time there arrived the saint Gāgali' and sat practising austerities under the bamboo-grove. He glanced passionately at the nude nymphs bathing in the lake; and out of his first drop of semen there was born Kicaka, as mighty as elephant. Thus were generated one hundred Kīcakas who were all first accommodated in bamboos and who were later received by the queen.' 4) Gangā was deluded by Hara in his matted hair for one thousand years. 5) Vişņu, the creator of the world, was practising penance on the bed of ocean; the lotus-seated Brahman, with staff and gourd in hand, came out of the navel of Vişņu, but the lotus was caught stuck there. 6) It is narrated in the Bhārata that Brahman began practising penance for thousand years; and the jealous gods wanted to frustrate his efforts. Indra counselled thus: "Woman has been a mighty temptress, and none except Mahāvīra could stand the arrows of Madana. Seeing the limbs of Umā, Pasupati became passionate even at the sacred hour of marriage; and Droņācārya was generated from the semen-drop fallen in a pot. Similarly eminent personalities like Gautama, Vasiştha," Pārāśara, Jamadagni, Kāśyapa, Agastya, Indra, Hara, Hari, etc. are all victims of cupid. So Tilottamā should be sent to tempt Brahman; and thus his penance would be destroyed.' Accordingly Tilottamā approached Brahman in a beautiful dress and began to dance before him like a Campaka flower. When Brahman began to gaze at her, she stood dancing by his right side. With a passionate craze for her Brahman developed four faces, as she shifted herself in different directions. When she jumped up, he had on his head a fifth face; but it was plucked by Rudra, Brahman was very much irritated and infuriated. From the drop 1 Găgali perhaps stands for Garga, 2 I have normalised these names according to the popular usage.

·DHURTĀKAYĀNA: of perspiration on his forehead was born Svedakundalin' who, at Brahman's order, overthrew Samkara (=Rudra – īśvara = Hara:) who ran to Vişņu for alms while the latter was practising penance in the Badarikāśrama. Vişņu opened the vein on his forehead, but the skull of Brahman, which īśvara held, could not be filled. When īśvara dipped his finger in the blood, a man Raktakuņdalin by name, was generated. At Rudra's behest Raktakuņdalin fought against Svedakuņdalin. Their long battle was declared drawn by the gods; one was given in charge of the Sun and the other in charge of Indra so that they might continue their fight in the Bhārata war. When the Sun was enamoured by Kuntī's beauty and cohabited with her, Karna was conceived by her and delivered through the ear. 7) It has been narrated in the Rāmāyaṇa that Pavanasuta, a monkey, crossed the ocean by his arms at the order of Rāghava and reached Lankā. 8) For the benefit of the world, Gangā was invited from the heaven by gods; and her stream was received on the head by īśvara for thousands of years. If the above events are acceptable, then that you were accommodated with the elephant in the gourd-kettle (Nos. 1-3), that you deluded it for six months (No. 4), that its tail-hair was stuck in the spout (No. 5), that you could escape through the spout (No. 6), that you crossed Gangā (No. 7), and that you received her stream on your head (No. 8) are all quite true. You are a good man endowed with wisdom and fame." (I. 35-93). II Being requested by Mülaśrī, Kaņdarika began to narrate his experiences: "Naughty as I was in my boyhood, my parents drove me out of the house. I reached a rich village on the frontier. There a Yakşa, Kamaladala by name, lived under the Vața tree; he possessed miraculous powers; and he bestowed boons on women. A fair was held in his honour, and people gathered together in gallant dress. I joined the fair, paid respects to the deity, and attended the horse-play. All of a sudden there was an attack from a well-equipped party of robbers; consequently one and all from the fair, even the horses, entered into a cucumber; the sports continued therein; and the party of robbers returned saying that the village had disappeared. There arrived a flock of animals;- a goat swallowed that cucumber; a boa gulped that goat; and a crane flew up to the top of the Vața tree, after eating up the boa. A king was camping under that tree. Mistaking the crane's leg for a banyanshoot, a mad elephant was tied to it by the driver. When the crane took up its leg, the elephant was lifted up; and the driver raised a cry that some one snatched away his animal. Skilled archers rushed forth and shot the crane 1 Both Sanskrit and Gujarāti Texts read Sita- or Śreta-kundalin which has no etymologioal justification. S'veta or sita is being used to balance against rakta, but we have to remember that one is born from sveda and the other from rakta. 2 In round brackets are given the numbers of legends, noted above, in the light of which particular remarks are said to be true.

·A CRITICAL STUDY 5 dead. It fell lifeless on the earth like a mountain-peak. At the king's order, its stomach was opened; and vivisection was continued on the inner contents, till at last all the people, horses, etc, came out like a swarm of moths from a nest. They went to their respective places, and I went home. I have myself experienced all this; well, if you disbelieve, give us a feast." (II. 1-25). Elāşādha, who had studied Purāņa, Bhārata, etc., at once said that whatever Kaņdarika described was quite believable without any doubt. He continued to confirm the same:"1) According to the Vişņupurāņa, in the beginning, when the five elements had not come into existence, there was the extensive ocean on the waves of which rolled an egg for a long time. It broke into two halves; and out of one half came this earth. Thus all the living beings, gods, men, beasts, etc. were found accommodated in that egg. 2) In the Araṇya-parvan, Mārkandeya has narrated his experience to Dharmaputra thus: 'At the time of universal deluge, when there was water everywhere and the world was devoid of living habitation, an extensive and lofty Vața tree was seen. A handsome boy was seated on a bed which was spread on its branches. The saint Mārkandeya stretched his arms to receive the boył lest he might succumb to the floods. He visualised in the stomach of that boy the whole world with its mountains and forests. He entered the stomach and dwelt there for one thousand years, but could not reach its end : so he came out at last. Thus'a child's stomach could contain the whole world.' 3) Devaki's waist was so slender that it could be caught in a fist; still Keśava dwelt in her womb; and his stomach contained the earth with its mountains, forests, etc. 4) Without being suffocated to death, all the people on the earth lived comfortably in the stomach of Vasudeva and continued their activities such as agriculture, trade, battle, festivals, etc. There is no doubt that the world was contained in Kesaya's stomach. Once Brahman claimed that he is the creator (kartā), because the four Varņas emerged from his mouth, arms, thighs and feet; but Keśava retorted that his claim was ridiculous and that he (Brahman) was as good as his boy. Keśava continued that the earth and sky formed the cavity, the mountains his jaws and the ocean his tongue; if necessary, Brahman should enter his stomach and see that the whole world was there. Kesaya further added that Brahman was ungratefully talking thus when he too was born from his navel. 5) At the time of Draupadi's self-choice, it is reported that the mighty bow of Drupada was presided over by deities. Drupada announced that he who strung his bow and shot the specified target would win the hand of Draupadi. Many kings failed to string it. That mighty śiśupālaº was nearly successful, but Krşņa frustrated his attempt by putting into the bow some additional weight in the form of elephants, mountains, planets, etc. The bow was so heavy that even the earth could not bear the load. Arjuna, however, took the aid of Bhima's palm for its support, ably strung the bow, and successfully hit the target. 1 If we read risino, then it would mean that the boy respived that saint. 2 The text reads Sasipāla, ·an DHĒRTĀKHYĀNS : Draupadī was given to him in marriage. Thus the bow could contain mountains, planets, etc. 6) We hear in the Rāmāyaṇa that Jațāyu, the vulture, fought with his wings against Rāvana who cut his wings in the fight; and when Jațāyu fell on the ground, he appeared as big as Mandara mountain. Sītā blessed him that his wings would be restored after meeting the messenger of Rāma. Hanumat was sent by Rāma in search of Sitā; and he mistook for a mountain that body of Jātāyu who gave him the necessary information about her. Jațāyu got the wings and flew to the heaven. So it means that a vulture can be as big as the Mandara mountain. If the above events are true, then quite reliable are the incidents that the whole village could be accommodated in & cucumber (Nos. 1-3), that all the people could come out of it with their lives safe (No. 4), that a crane could contain all that (No. 5), and that there could be a big crane of that description (No. 6)." (II. 26-75). III Elāsādha narrated his experiences thus: “In my youth, greedy as I Tras, I pursued the fad of metallic transmutation and wandered everywhere in search of the specific juice, etc. On getting the information, I travelled a long distance with steps covering hundred Yojanas, lifted a huge lid-stone, took the necessary juice from the golden pond, put the lid as before, and then returned home. Through the favour of that fluid, I had plenty of wealth and abundant possessions: servants waited on me, bards praised me, and young girls sang and danced round me. gave gifts to the poor and needy. Hearing about my wealth, a party of well-equipped robbers besieged my palace at night. I thought, I must defend my well-earned property. With a bow in hand I fought against them and finished many of them on the spot. The rest of them. attacked me at once, cut my head, put it on the Dadara tree, and went away after robbing all my property. My head comfortably began eating the badara fruits, and this was seen by people early in the morning. They realized that it was still living and joined all my limbs; and here I stand before you in person. find my personal experience unreliable, well, then give a feast.” (III.1–19). Śaśa affirmed that Elāşādha's experience was quite reliable, because there. are similar cases in Purāņas, Bhārata and Rāmāyaṇa: 1) Jamadagni suspected the fidelity of his wife Reņukā who was enamoured of king Aśvāpahỉta and ordered his son [Parasu-] Rāma to cut her head. He was pleased with his son Rāma who carried out the order and asked him to demand a boon. Rāma solicited that his mother should be restored to life; and she was made alive by Jamadagni. 2) The two halves of his body were conjoined by Jarā; and later on he became the great king Jarāsaṁdha. 3) The gods conspired to destroy the two mighty brothers, Sunda and Nisunda, who proved a terror to them. They contributed bits from their bodies and thus created an extremely beautiful nymph, Tilottamā by naine. Humbly she received orders from gods and started on hor mission to destroy the two brothers. Seeing her tempting I If you ·7 A CRITICAL STUDY limbs, Sunda ‘and Nisunda .grew passionate for her; they fought mutually for her sake and destroyed each other. Thus the gods could creats Tilottamā by putting bits from their own bodies. 4) In his childhood Hanumat was instructed by his mother Aõjanā that he was to eat red fruits whenever hungry. He mistook the sun for a fruit; and when he jumped up to spatch the solar orb, his body was reduced to pieces. Seeing his wife lamenting and the son killed, Pavana became enraged and retired to Pātāla. There was no breeze in the world, and people were very much worried. The gods approached and appeased him. The limbs of his son were put together, and he was made alive. His chin was missing; so in the absence of it, he came to be called Hanumat, Thus Hanumat could be made alive by putting together bits of his body: 5) When Rāma went to Lankā, a fierce fight ensued between his army and that of Rāvaņa. In course of fight prince Lakşmaņa fell heavily wounded, and Rāma began to lament. Hanumat, however, went .to Droņagiri and brought Niśćalyā herb. Not only Lakşmaņa 'was cured thereby but all the monkeys that were lying wounded were also healed and made alive. 6) Śiva and Pārvatī were enjoying amorous pleasure in a Himālayan cave for a long time; and all the gods were anxious, because they did not want any progeny from them. After long deliberations, they decided that Agni, obliging as he was, should go to īśvara who might then perhaps abstain from coition. Agni was rather unwilling, because Siva was a terrible and uncongenial fellow. Indra, however, prevailed upon Agni who was assured that Śiva would certainly behave better in the company of Umã. Though intervened by Uwā, Isvara was enraged to see Agni there and forced him to drink his semen. Agni was in flames as it were due to that semen; he rushed to the ocean; and he felt some relief only after vomitting it there. It is said that jewels arose out of this Whatever bit was still remaining in lis stomach Agni vomitted in a lotus-lake. Six nymphs, called Kșttikā, were bathing in that lake; and they happened to conceive at the contact of semen, After the necessary period of time, they delivered the head, arms, thighs, trunk, etc. When they brought together the limbs with surprise, they got joined mutually at their proper places; and thus Mahāsena was born. He leads the rigorous life of a celebate and dwells in a forest in the South, Thus the limbs produced from different wombs could get joined and Mahāsena could be produced. 7) Rahu has no head; still he moves in the sky and swallows (or eclipses) the sun and the moon, 8) Vişņu, in the guise of a Dvija, begged of Bali only three steps of the ground, pervaded thereby the whole world, and deprived him of the earth, 9) It is reported in the Rāmāyaṇa that Hanumat, when Lakşmaņa fell wounded in the battle between Rāma and Rāvana, brought the lofty mountain Droņa with its vegetation, as he wanted some herb. 10) Madhumatha, in his incarnation of Varāha, lifted up the earth with its mountains, trees, etc. If the above events are true, it is quite believable that the limbs of your body could get joined (Nos. 1-6), that your head could taste vadaro fruits seinen.

·8 DHURTAKHYĀNA: (No. 7), that you could have a step measuring one hundred yojanas (No. 8), and that you could lift up the lieavy stone of the lid (Nos. 9-10).” (III. 20–98). IV Śaśa narrated his experience thus: "I have my field near the mountain, and once I went there from my village during autumn. An elephant rushed on me from the mountain. I trembled with fear and somehow managed to climb a lofty sesamum tree. The elephant whirled round the tree; sesamum seeds were showered all round; and when they were crushed under its hoofs, there was a flood of sesamum oil. Stuck deep in mud, the elephant died of hunger and thirst. I breathed a sigh of relief, got down the tree, drank some ten pots of sesamum oil and ate a load of seed-stuff, prepared a bag of that elephant's hide, filled it with oil, and entered my village after placing that bag on a tree outside. I asked my son to bring the bag; but he could not see it; so he pulled out the tree and brought it home. This is my personal experience; well, if any one does not believe all this, he should entertain us with a feast.” (IV. 1-13) Khaņdapānā said that there were parallels to Śaśa's experience in the Bhārata, Rāmāyaṇa etc. She continued to confirm the same:"1) It is reported that, at Păţaliputra, a drum was carved from the wood of māşa plant. 2) According to the Bhārata the ichor fluid of elephants flowed like a flooded river, washing down elephants, horses and chariots. 3) Bhimasena killed the demon Baka at Ekacakra and gulped pots of rice, a buffalo and a thousand jugs of wine. 4) It is said that Kumbhakarņa, whenever he woke up, ate hundreds of men and drank a thousand pots of water. 5) According to Purāņas, the saint Agastya drank the ocean in order to destroy Asuras. 6) On her way from heaven, the river Gangā passed through the matted hair of Hara. When she flowed through the hermitage of Jahnu, he gulped and retained her in his stomach for one thousand years. 7) The saint Käsyapa had two wives, Kadrũ and Vinatā. These cowives once betted: the loser should either become a life-long slave of the other or give nectar for her freedom. Vinatā became the slave of Kadrū who tried to disgrace her now and then. She was always miserable. Once she laid three eggs: the first produced a half-grown scorpion, and the second, the thighless Aruņa who later on became the charioteer of the sun. She learnt a lesson, and broke the third egg after it was fully ripe. The mighty Garuda was produced; and he proved a great danger to the sons of Kadrū who, on that account, constantly teased Vinatā. On her being requested by Garuđa, Vinatā explained to him how she was miserable due to her slavery and how she would be freed by the nectar the source of which was known to his blind father, now staying in the Badarī Aśrama. He went to Kāśyapa who recognised him by touch. According to his father's wish, that hungry Garuda satisfied his hunger by eating a huge elephant and an equally huge tortoise which were constantly disturbing the lake by mutual quarrel. On his way back he saw a huge, extensive Vața tree under which millions of Vālakhilya saints, the progeny of Brahman, were practising penance.

·A ORITICAL STUDY 9 Garuda sat on its branches, but they cracked easily. Fearing that the saints underneath might be killed, Garuda picked up that tree in his benk, flets across the sky to the great surprise of gods, and dropped it on an island which is krown as Lanka and which is the abode of Rāvana. Once moro he feasted on the Nişādas. He learnt from his father that the nectar-pond is situated beyond the hells and Pātāla; it is surrounded by burning flames; and that it is constantly guarded by gods, etc. One has to offer oblations to the flames, and then perhaps it might be obtained. He went there, satisfied the flames, and picked up the nectar-pot. Gods equipped with arms and weapons pursued him; and a heavy battle took place with Garuļa on one side and the rest on the other. When the party of gods was routed away, Indra came on the field and used his missile without any effect. He invoked the help of Vişņu who pursued Garuda with his Cakra. Saints, planets, etc. approached Vişņu and told him that it was below his dignity to follow Garuļa like this. Treaty was effected between the two, and Garuda became the banner of Vişņu. Vinatâ was set free by that nectar. Thus the elephant and tortoise could be killed and the banyan treo could be carried by Garuda. 8) When it was heavily raining for a week, Madhumatha lifted the mountain Govardhana. 9) While building the danı the monkeys brought mountains from a long distance and dropped them in the ocean. 10) In destroying the park Hanumat easily rooted out big trees. If the above details are true, it is quite believable that there could be such a big sesamum tree (No. 1), that there could be a stream of oil (No.2), that you could eat a load of seed-stuff and drink ten pots of oil (Nos. 3-6), that you could carry the bag made of elephant-skin (Nos. 7-8), and that your son could pull out the tree and carry it home (Nos. 9-10).” (IV. 14-94). V i) Then that Khaņdapānā, the authoress of the Arthaśāstra, suggested that all others should humble themselves before ber to get a feast. Of courso they were too proud to fold their hands to her. She smiled and began to narrate her experience: “In my youth I was enchantingly beautiful. After the monthly bath, while sleeping in the veranda, I was enjoyed by the passionate Wind. Immediately I delivered a son; and after taking my leave, lie went away somewhere. Tell me whether it is a lie; if it is true that the Wind can procreate a son, no barren woman would be found in this world.” (V. 1-10). Müladeva confirmed her experience thus: "1) According to popular scriptures, the Wind procreated Bhīmasena froni Kunti and Hanumat from Nila. 2) Vyāra, born from Pārāśara and a fisher-womad, Yojanagandhā by name, walked away soon after his birth, instructing his mother to remember him on occasions. Through the favour of that saint, Yojanagandhã became a virgin again, was married to Santanu and had a son Vicitravīrya who died without issues. She remembered Vyāsa fearing that the family might become extinct; and he procreated Pāņdu, Dhịtarāştra and Vidura, but cursed his bed-mates in 2 ·10 DHURTĀKUTĀNA: the end. In the light of these events, it is quite natural that the Wind generated a child in you; and it walked away immediately after delivery." (V. 11-19). ii) Khandapānā narrated further: "Once my friend Umā entrusted me with miraculous syllables whereby I attracted the burning Sun who procreated in me a mighty son; but no harm was done to me." 3) Kaņdarīka said that it was quite possible, because Kunti too was 'not burnt in any way by the Sun (who generated Karņa from her]. (V. 20-23). iii) Khaņdapānā added further : "A second time I attracted Agni, the mouth of gods, by whom a brilliant son was born to me; and I was not burnt in the least. How is it?" Elāsādha silenced her thus: 4) The wife of Yama was being enjoyed by Agni; but on sceing that her husband arrived there, she swallowed Agni. Yama gulped her, and entered the assembly of gods who welcomed him as 'Mr. yourself, the third'. He vomitted his wife; and she romitted Agni who ran into the forest being pursued by him. The elephants did not give Yama any report?, so he deprived them of their speech. Thus if Yama's wife was not burnt, hogy could you be burnt?" (V. 24-31). iv) Khaņņā added again that once she attracted Indra by whom she had a son; and she asked how Indra could come to her in preference to celestial nymphs. Śaśa told her that it was quite possible: 5) Ahalyā vas enjoyed by Indra who thereby suffered heavily at the hands of Gautama and whose consequent bodily pores became his thousand eyes; 6) secondly, Kuntī also got a son by Indra, (V. 32-37). v) On her inquiry, Mūladeva told Khaņdapānā that she was the daughter of Nāgaśarman and Somaśrī of Pāķaliputra and her Gotra was Gautama. Khandapānā complained that her identity was confused, and narrated a bit of her biography thus: “My name is Dagdhikā, the artisan's daughter, well-known among royal washer-men. My profession has been low, though our family is quite prosperous. Thousands of washermen worked under me; and with them, one day, I went to the river with a cart-load of clothes which were all washed clean and spread in the sunshine. Suddenly they were blown off by a whirl-wind. I asked the servants to run away and took the responsibility on me. Lest the king might punish me, I assumed the form of a lizard and reached the city park at night. Early morning I feared, I might be killed for a dish. After a good deal of thought, I changed myself into a mango plant. After day-break I heard the royal drum declaring all washermen to be excused; and once again I became a woman, The leather straps, etc. from the carts were eaten at night by jackals and dogs; but my father procured a mouse-tail out of which he got all of them once more prepared.” Sasa said that it is quite believable that the tail of a mouse was so big as to prepare straps, etc., because we know that the male organ of Śiva was immeasurably long, and 8) 7 1 See the Sanskrit version of the Dhúrtākhyāna.

·ORITICAL STUDY 11 because the tail of Hanumat was so long as to encircle the city of Lanka which was burnt by it on its being covered with clothes, sprinkled with oil and ignited. He further added : 'It is quite possible that you became a lizard and a mango plant, because we hear in the Purāņas thus: 9) Gandhārikávara transformed himself into a Kurabaka tree. 10) Then there was that mighty king Nahuşa who vanquished Indra; but being cursed by Bịhaspati, he became a boa in a forest. When Pāņdavas vere banished into wilderness, the bon stallowed Bhima. Dharma gave necessary replies to the box which consequently vomitted Bhima and which became the king at last.' Khandapānā requested the rest of the rogues to accept quietly her authority, and then she would entertain them with a feast. In case she were to defeat them actually, they would be as worthless as a broken cowrie. Tho rogues thundered in reply that no one, not even a divine rogue, can vanquishı them. With a view to put them to shame, she continued her biography and addressed them further: “With king's permission, I visited many places in search of those clothes blown off by the wind. I had lost, moreover, four of my servants since long; and in search of them I came here. I find now that you are those very servants and that you are wearing those very clothes. Either you accept this as true and be my slaves; or if you do not, well, give the feast." All of them felt ashamed; as they were outwitted, they accepted her as their chief; and they requested her to entertain all the rogues during the rainy week. (V. 38-78). Khaņdapānā smiled to see that their manly vanity was smashed; but when they all insisted on getting a feast from her, she agreed to that. She went to the burial ground which presented a hedious and horrible spectacle. She managed to get a dead baby which was physically intact and lately dropped there. After bathing it and muffling it in rags, she entered Ujjainī, approached a banker's mansion, and addressed the busy banker that she was a Brālmin's daughter, that she had lately delivered a son, and that she was badly in need of money. The busy banker got irritated and asked his servants to drive her out. When force was used, she fell on the ground; and she started beating her breast etc, and lamenting loudly that her son, the only hope of her life, was killed by the banker who was so proud of his wealth. The banker was upset, and with all efforts tried to console her, requesting her not to raise & cry. He gave her an ear-ring and asked her to remove the child quietly. She removed the dead body, and by that banker's gift everything was allright. After throwing the dead babe, she went to the jewel-market jubilantly; she sold the ring and gave a rich feast to the rogues who were shivering with cold. They all heartily congratulated her on her skill and generosity, and openly confessed that woman is wiser by birth than man. (V.79-110). In this world various personalities like Candra, Indra, Vâyu, Sūrya, Agni and Dharma are all oppressed by passions. According to the scripture, ·12 DHURTĀKAYĀNA :. Krşņa is ubiquitous and all-pervasive”; then where is the need of his thinking about those (Gopis) who are anxious for him? There are many other unbelievable legends current in the world, such as, the origin of (Payana) Gaņapati from the limbs of Pārvatī; the births of Brahman, Tilottamā, Urvasi, Drona and Şaņmukha; the release of Narakūbara through Krşņa; the procreation of Svedakuņdala through anger and that of Nara (i. e., Raktakuņdala) from a pot of blood; and the birth of Yādava Balarāma through Māyā’s mediation. Pārvatī was the daughter of mountain : if mountains are to deliver children, the world would be too small for human population. These and such other stories from the Bhārata and Rāmāyaṇa are like artificial gold; and they do not stand the test of rational scrutiny. The popular scriptures do not contain any attractive stuff. Leaving them, therefore, one should follow the path preached by the Sarvajña with a steady and pure faith. (V. 111-22). This fine Kathā, with its various legends, has been narrated to the pious residents of Citrakūtaº; it has been composed by Haribhadrasūri for purifying the faith; and may it bestow bhava-viraha on the faithful who hear and narrate it. (V. 123-24). Let Haribhadra, the Svetāmbara Sūri, who has such a faith in the brilliant Jaina doctrine, bestow welfare on us. (V. 125). 3. Purpose, Technique and Form Whatever may be their historical explanation and symbolical signification, there are innumerable legends, scattered all over the epics and Purāņas, which, on account of some detail or the other, are unnatural, inconsistent, exaggerated and unacceptable to reason. The 'precious blossoms of immortal poetic art and profound wisdom' seen in the epics are often overpowered by an array of irrational legends. "It is only unpoetical theologians and commentators and clumsy copyists who have succeeded in conglomerating into a heterogeneous mass parts which are actually incompatible and which date from different centuries." What is true of the Mahābhārata is much more true about the Purāņas which are well-known for their sectarian multiplication of myths and legends and hyperbolic exaggeration of details. Even from amongst the custodians and adherents of these texts the revisionists have tried their hands on them partly to make the legends conform to the changing ethico-moral notions and partly to rationalise and humanise them by removing glaring inconsistencies etc. This is amply borne out by the recensions and textual variations detected by critical editors. The episode of Draupadi's 94 1 Some of those verses present difficulties for interpretation. 2 Is there any implication here that Ganapati was the leader of the party of Maruts? 3 The phrase Cittaüda-dugga-siri clearly refers to the ancient fort on the crest of the hill. For its description, see Peterson's Roports, I, pp. 46 f. 4 Winternitz: A History of Indian Literature, I, p. 326. 5 The Adiparvan, Poona 1933, Prolegomena, p. 43...

·A CRITICAL STUDY 13 7 marriage and the way in which the later Kávyas etc. use the Purāņic legends sufficiently illustrate the above tendencies. We cannot expect the zealous follower to ridicule in any way the Purăņic legends or to raise a moral protest against the sins in the world of gods, held by him in reverence. That Kannada poet Sarvajía is an exception. He has spared none from his severe satirical stings. According to him our Mahābhārata is a tale of brothers killing brothers and of looseness of marriage institution (hādara); and those who respectfully attend to it degrade themselves. Haribhadra's attack, in the Dhūrtākhyāna, is directed against such legends found in the epies and Purāņas. His conclusion is threefold: the popular scriptures, when one scrutinizingly studies them, are found to contain worthless stuff that looks smooth only from outside (V. 120); the legends narrated in them do not stand the test of rational scrutiny and are unaccepta like artificial gold (V. 119); and the pious, who believed in them so far, should abandon them and follow the path of Sarvajña (V, 121). Indirectly, but inevitably, these works being religious scriptures, the entire Purāņic religion and its followers are being exposed to criticism; the former for having contained such legends and the latter for their acceptance of the same. Logical polemics and witty criticism are the two recognised modes of attack; their ultimate purpose is to knock down the opponent; but their ways and intermediate tactics are different, and the weapons in their armouries and their movements on the field are dissimilar. The former necessarily requireś, an elaborate and systematic seige and a trained audience to pronounce the judgement; while the latter needs alert wit and adroit movements. If one is a trenched battle, the other is a guerilla warfare. The success of the former leaves behind acrimony that might involve endless attacks and counter attacks; but that of the latter wounds the opponent without leaving a scar and pricks him without bleeding. Logicians can be trained for the purpose, but a witty critic is an artist by birth. Haribhadra is an eminent logician, no doubt; but, in this work, on the whole, we see him more as a witty critic assailing the citadel of Purāņic legends. The plot of the work is simple. It is a story of five rogues each of whom recounts an impossible, fantastical experience which is conärmed to be true by one or the other colleague after quoting parallels from the Mahābhārata; Rāmāyaṇa, etc. In the last chapter this mode of presentation is slightly modified. It is their female accomplice that narrates her experiences; and the remaining take their respective chances to confirm the same by Purāņic parallels. She narrates her biography, and suddenly puts them on the horns of a dilemma: if they accept her statement, they have to submit to her as slaves; and if they refuse, they have to give a feast to the whole gathering. They find that they are outwitted; her superiority is accepted; she trickily extracts wealth from a merchant by charging bin with the murder of her child ; and all the rogues get a grand feast from her. To this plot, which is mainly ·14 DAURTĀKHYĀNA: made up of conversation with casual descriptions, there is a Preamble (I. 1-16) which introduces the rogues, their stipulation and their agreement, besides the opening mangala; and there is also a Conclusion (V. 111f.) which summarily denounces some of the legends, besides giving the author's conclusion, aim and personal details. The improbable and fantastic tales narrated by the rogues as a part of their experience, are consistent and compact units. Even the elements of exaggeration are quite in keeping with medieval tales. If they were not followed by any legendary confirmation, they could be easily passed off as amusing and adventurous tales, quite innocent in their constitution. But when the author holds them up side by side with the Purāņic legends, their sarcastic potency becomes at once apparent. The tales by themselves speak highly for the skilful inventiveness of Haribhadra. As they stand, I think, they are composed by Haribhadra himself, keeping in view the Purāņic legends to be denounced. The stories thus are his creation; but quite well-known in Indian literature are some of their motifs : namely, a wild elephant pursuing a traveller; people holding a fair in honour of a Yakşa; a robber-party attacking a caravan; an ambitious youth pursuing the mirage of metallic transmutation by procuring some juice from an inaccessible pond; etc. It is the use of these motifs that at once lends a popular air and a sort of reality to the tales of rogues. The first four stories illustrate the author's ingenuity as also the richness of his imagination, whereas the story of Khandapānā shows his wit and fund of worldly wisdom, Haribhadra has a special fascination for popular stories of humorous and satirical style. Some of them in Prākrit he quotes in his commentary on the Daśavaikālikasūtra.' In one we have a group of Kārpaţikas; they begin narrating their fantastical experiences; but a rational Śrāvaka tries to expose the weakness in the narration. In another context he quotes a fine dilemmatio short story which reminds us of the dilemma of Khandapānā: In a certain town there was a Parivrājaka who roamed about with a golden bowl declaring that he would give it to one who narrated to him an unheard event. A. Śrāvaka addressed him thus, “Your father owed to my father one hundred thousand coins: if you know this already, please return the amount; but if you do not know it, please give the golden bowl as declared by you.' He also quotes 1 Śrī Daśavaikālikasūtram with Haribhadra's commentary, Bombay 1918, pp. 54, 56 f. 2 एगम्मि देवकुले कप्पडिया मिलिया भणति । केण मे भमंतेहिं किंचि अच्छेरियं दिहं । तत्य एगो कप्पडिगो भणइ । मए दिटुं ति । जइ पुण एत्थ समणोवासो नत्थि तो साहेमि । तओ सेसेहिं भणियं । पत्थित्थ समणोवासओ। पच्छा सो भणा । मए हिंडतेणं पुववेयालीए समुदस्स तडे रुक्खो महइमहतो दिहो। तस्सेगा साहा समुद्दे पइडिया एगा य थले। तत्थ जाणि पत्ताणि जले पडंति ताणि जलचराणि सत्ताणि हवंति । जाणि थले ताणि थलचराणि हवंति। ते कप्पडिया भणंति । अहो अच्छेरयं देवेण भट्ठारएण णिम्मियं ति । तत्थेगो सागो कप्पडिओ। सो भणइ । जाणि अद्धमज्झे पडंति ताणि किं हवंति । ताहे सो खुद्धो भणइ । मया पुव्वं चेव भणियं । जइ सावओ नत्थि तो कहेमि । pp. 54-5. 3 एगम्मि नगरे एगो परिवायगो सोवण्णएण खोरएण तहिं हिंडइ । सो भणइ । जो मम असुयं सुणावेइ तस्स एयं देमि खोरयं । तत्थ एगो सावगो। तेण भणियं । तुज्झ पिया मम पिउणो धारेइ अणूणयं सयसहस्सं । जइ सुयपुत्वं दिज्जन अह न सुयं खोरयं देहि ॥

·A CRITICAL STUDY 15 a fine satirical verse in Sanskrit, possibly summarising some earlier conversation in Prākrit, made up of questions and answers. It is said to be put in the mouth of a Dhūrta and addressed to a Buddhist monk who had a net-like garment on his person. The verse may be freely rendered thus': “Sir, why is your garment thread-bare? Well, it is for netting fish. Do you eat fish? I take them when excited by wine. Do you drink wine? When I mate with a hetaera. Do you visit a prostitute ? After kicking on the necks of my enemies. Whence bave you enemies? Those whose houses I have broken into. Are you a burglar? Just for the purpose of gambling. Are you a Rogue? Because I am a slavegirl's son, These illustrate Haribhadra's acquaintance with and aptitude for humorous and satirical folktales. Haribhadra is an adept story-teller. If we casually glance through his Samarāiccakahā, we find that he is well-informed about the workings of human mind and about the human behaviour in general. His experience is wide; naturally he creates characters and situations of engrossing interest. The Samarāiccalabāgives many counter tales which go to confirm the central idea of the main story. He possesses a special liking for symbolical epilogues, apparently meaningless, but full of significance and instruction when they are explained. Enlightenment by absurd stories and situations is a fine weapon which Haribhadra brandishes quite successfully. Arhaddatta (Sixth-Bhava), for instance, was enlightened when he was incurably attached to the pleasures of body by telling him that he was as foolish as a person extinguishing fire with grass. Absurd situations are presented illustrating such motifs. Similar tendencies are seen in the Dhū. as well. The fantastic tales expose the absurdity of Parāņic legends, and thus enlighten and correct those that put faith in the Purāņic religion. It is the agreement of rogues that supplies a graceful bracket for the projection of the plot. Lest he would be required to give the stipulated feast, every rogue is anxious to confirm the fantastic stories by quoting similar Purāņic legends. It is in the fitness of things that every rogue should be given the chance of confirming the experience of their female companion; otherwise, if only one were to be given this chance, there would arise some jealousy and others would not have the opportunity of being chivalrous. It is not the story as a whole, but just some of the convenient points of it that are selected for confirmation with one or more similar legends and episodes from the epics and Purāņas. The legends get automatically ridiculed, because they are closely parallel to the incidents or points in the fantastic story. As the rogues go on attempting to prove the impossible with the aid of Purāņic 1 किल कोइ तचणिओ (-बौद्धः) जालवावडकरो मच्छगवहाए चलिओ। धुत्तेण भण्णइ । आयरिय अघणा ते कंथा। सो भणइ । जालमेतमित्यादि श्लोकादवसेयम् । 'कन्याचार्याधना ते, ननु शफरवधे जालम् , अश्नासि मत्स्यान्; ते में मद्योपदंशान्, पिबसि, ननु युतो वेश्यया, यासि वेश्याम् । कृत्वारीणां गलेऽही, क्व नु तव रिपवो, येषु संधि छिनमि ale tra, gnedi, fara sta $4, 27 trigatsfer il setting eto. p. 54. 2 Ed. H. Jacobi, B. I., No. 169, Calcutta 1926.

·16 DHĒRTĀKAPĀNA: legends, the legends themselves get ridiculed. Thus, to a certain extent, the author is using the mode of reductio ad absurdum in denouncing the legends. All of them are confirmed rogues, quite expert in their business; and it is not without some significence that they should be made to dabble in Purānic legends, as if this was quite on par with their usual routine! It looks like a bit of irony that the legends should be put in the mouth of rogues and that they should come forth to prove the impossible by quoting them! Ākhyāna is usually a serious tale, especially an epical or Purāņic episode. It is certainly à piece of pungent sarcasm, if Ākhyāna refers here (V.6) to the fantastic tales narrated by rogues. If it refers to the series of Purānic legends and episodes, it is equally ironical that they should be put in the mouth of rogues and that both of them should prominently figure in the title of the book ! Thus the plot, the mode and accessories of attack and even the title: all these are not only appropriate but also partial and favourable for the artistic performance which Haribhadra has achieved here. Even minor touches add to the ironical flavour of the atmosphere: Mūladeva declares that he is putting up with parisaha such as hunger and thirst (I. 28), a veritable Jaina monk indeed!; Kaņdarika salutes the feet of Jina like a pious devotee (II. 24); Khamdavāņā qualifies herself as aſthārasa-dosavivajjiyā (V. 98), an adjective usually applied to the Tirthakara; and lastly, that hypocritically exacted tip is glorified as a Dāna, a pious donation, which renders everything allright (V. 102). There are some drawbacks: sometimes the same legends and motifs are repeated and in some places there is some obscenity. As to the first one wished that the author avoided this repetition; but as to the second, it was inevitable, if the author wanted to expose the obscenity of some of the Purāņic legends. By assimilating different traditions Western literature has come to possess an astonishing variety of literary expression. The fact becomes obvious even to a superficial student of English literature, if he simply notes its chief landmarks and growth. Scholars comparing the ancient Indian literature with that of the English are struck with the manifold variety, range and artistic appeal in the latter. The disparity can be explained away on the basis of the peculiar lines on which each civilization advanced. Apart from its intrinsic merits and abiding values, in a way, by taking into account the range of time covered by the civilization, the extent of the land and the magnitude of the population, one has to admit that the ancient Indian literature, available to us today, is comparatively small in quantity and limited in variety. The reasons are apparent. On the whole, the Indian mind has enjoyed the comfort of dignified isolation from constant foreign influence. Religious spiriti has permeāted not only Indian life, but also Indian literature: even secular compositions could not escape religio-moral influence. Both men of letters and literary life in India are confined, as a rule, to an insignificant minority of hereditory intellectual aristocrats. Antiquitý is an asset, but not necessarily a virtue, Old turns of expression and moulds of ·A CRITICAL STUDY 17 thought gót stereotyped, and as conventions they had a metallic grip on ancient Indian literature. Even the training of an Indian poet or author is of a standardised cast: the aims are settled; the thèmes are dictated; type-characters are supplied; and even ready-made descriptions and stylistic devices are kept at the disposal of an author in the making. Ordinary intellect got crippled, though sufficiently trained; it is only the extraordinary genius that attempted to open new. literary paths somewhat deviating from the accepted standards, In isolated branches of literature, the Indian mind exhibits remarkable elevation, successful finish and consummate polish; but the lack of variety is apparent everywhere. The fact that ancient India, which could boast of the greatest master-pieces in epic poetry and certain kinds of fiction and drama, has neither a tragedy after the manner of the Greeks nor satire in Roman-fashion is to be attributed to the peculiar way in which the Indian mind evolved and the Indian author was trained for his job. The Sanskrit or even Indian 'poetic theory of super-individual emotion and its complacent attitude towards life', as Dr. De remarks, 'precluded any serious cultivation of the satiric type of literature.' Satire as a form of literature has been conspicuously absent in early Indian literature. India, however, has not been lacking in literary geniuses that were trained according to standard discipline. Every age has its 'follies and faults; and these geniuses, on account of their righteous indignation and as a wholesome correction, must have brandished their satirical whip against social disorders and diseases. Such satirical compositions could not have the same sanctity as that enjoyed by religious yorks; and it is not unlikely that many specimens have not come down to us, even if the art of satire was duly cultivated. Satire, moreover, is an indispensable stylistic quality in some forms of literature; and the elements of this quality are found scattered, here and there, in early Indian literature: in stories, in minor poems and in plays. The Dasakumāracarita, on account of its setting, substance, characters and events, is far from. possessing the stereotyped orthodox outlook: in fact, it is a remarkable contribution of a novel type in Sanskrit. 'It presents a lively and realistic picture of the society, some glimpses of which we get in the 'Mșcchakațikam. Dandin is unconventional by temperament. Though it is not his aim to give his composition the form of a satire, he has easily meted out some satirical lashes against gods who are dragged down to illustrate the disgraceful deeds of the characters (pp. 29, 44), against Brāhmaṇas who are greedy for wealth and divert themselves by cock-fighting (p. 96), against hypocritical ascetics , whose passion is easily enkindled (p. 44 f.), against the Digambara Jaina monk who is made to confess the worthlessness of his mode of life (p. 47 f.), and against Buddhist nuns who are ridiculed as go-betweens. The adventurous tales of young princes have an enchanting grip on the reader's mind; and Daņdin's tendency to ridicule certain aspects of the society by satire 3 ·18 DHURTĀKAYANA: 3 and caricature, quietly but effectively, is apparent in various places?. In this context attention may be drawn to the Bharataka-Dvātrimśikā', a late work of the fourteenth century A, D. in popular Sanskrit. The term Wärataka means a kind of ſaiva monks; and this collection of thirty-two tales is designed for purposes of exposing the mürkha-jana-carita so that one might understand sadācarana. The Saiva monks are satirized by means of stories illustrating their moral depravity and stupidity. The bharataka is made to quote the parallels of gods and saints to justify his behaviour, thus ridiculing the gods and saints as well with himself. Some of the stories exhibit a good fund of worldly wisdom, wit and humour, Somehow the element of satire seen in poems and plays is not of a very high order : the art of satirising becomes bald abuse and coarse ridicule, if it does not leave behind a healthy and correcting influence. The Kuţtinimata of Dāmodaragupta (c. 779–813 A. D.) is more erotico-comic than satiric, Another polymath who has studiously worked in this line is Kşemendra, of the middle of the eleventh century A. D. Some of his works deserve special attention in this context. His Samayamātřkā deals with the traditional erotic topics. It presents varied pictures of the society, and the situations are sketched in a pointed style. “The merit of the work lies not in its unsavoury story, but in its heightened, yet graphic, picture of droll-life, painted with considerable sharpness of phrasing and characterisation, and with an undertone of mocking satire directed against many forms of prevalent deformity." His Darpadalana is equally interesting. His salutation to viveka in the opening Mangala is quite significant. In seven sections it demonstrates the folly of pride based on kula, dhana, vidyā, rūpa, saurya, dāna -and tapas. Besides the gnomic verses on each, they are illustrated with tales invented for the purpose. The form is interesting. More than once the author drags. the Purāņio deities and personalities on a lower plain by citing how they have not been immune from these flaws (I. 17 f., III. 79 f., IV. 18 f., etc.). The moral tone is quite predominant; and the attack on holiness, though casual, is sufficiently pungent. His Kalāvilāsa is & satirical discourse in ten sections, put in a legendary setting. The first chapter lashes the roguish hyprocrisy, dambha, seen in different walks of life, found not only among men and women of different classes but also among birds and vegetables. He is harsh on Gaudas; and now and then even sacred deities and sages are not spared. The remaining chapters deal with greed, erotic impulse, harlot, Kāyastha, 'pride; etc. His scourges on the greedy merchant, quack doctor, pretending astrologer, crooked 1 Dasakumāracarita of Daņdin, Revised in one vol. by G. J. Agashe, 2nd.od., Bombay Sk. and Pk. Series, Bombay 1919; Keith: A History of Sanskrit Literature, Oxford 1928, pp. 296 f.; S. K, De: The Prose Kávyas of Dandin, Subandhu and Bāņa, Festscript Prof. Kane, pp. 112-44, Poona 1941. 2 Ed. J. Hortel, Leipzig 1921. 3. Keith: A History of Sk. Literature, pp. 236 f.; S. K, De: Some Satirio Poems in Sanskrit, Indian Culture, vol., VIII, No. 1, pp. 1-8.

·ORĪTICAL STUDY 19 Kayastha, etc., are bitter and younding. This 'work is thús a remarkable and comprehensive discourse, with a legendary framework, on the various activities of notorious tricksters known to Kşemendra; and his easy and elegant style makes the descriptions amusing and the satire effective.' As observed by Dr. De, Kşemendra's compositions are 'noteworthy satirical sketches exaggerated cum grano salis but substantially faithful, having less frequent lapses into squalor or coarseness, and composed in the best literary manner of Kşemendra. There is nothing of melancholy wisdom in Kşemendra. Knowing full well 7 the castigating use of satire, he deals out his blows too liberally, but with precision, with bitter and often foul-mouthed presumption, but with the unerring, insight of a shrewd observer'. Kșemendra's satirical writings assume all the more importance, because his successors like Jablaņa, Nīlakantha Dikṣita, etc. never rose, to his heights. They are all steeped in the time-honoured mould of religious didacticism and backneyed eroticism. 'Anxious to maintain respectability, they are afraid of descending to the repellent reality which their subject demands, and only touch the fringe of it, from a safe distance, with the stick of romantic verse.' Among the plays, it is the Bhāņa and the Prahasana types that contain a great deal of satirical element. Bhāņa is a monologue play; the only character is a Vița or Dhūrta who narrates, with imaginary questions and answers and with various gestures, either his experience or that of others, Most of the existing specimens of bhānas are comparatively modern and belong to the South; they lack variety and are of the same pattern, almost made to order; and they are predominantly permeated with erotic sentiment, very ofteri coarse in taste. There is very little of genuine satire in them; we get, however, satirical touches in the descriptions of the licentious Paurāņika, the old śrotriya, the fraudulent astrologer and (but this rarely) the Jangamas, Saivas and Vaişņavas (as in the śrögāratilaka).' The Hāsyacūdāmaņi of Vatsarāja ridicules the Bhāgavatas; while the Mukundānanda pours a great deal of pungent satire against the Gurjara people. Such satirical touches are almost thrown into back-ground by their mechanichal characters, the roguish parasites and the haterea and by excessive eroticism. The four Bhāņas, which are edited as Caturbhāņia and which definitely belong to an earlier age, present 'more variety, greater simplicity, a larger amount of social satire and comic relief, a more convincing power of drawing individuals rather than types, easier and more colloquial style, and some measure of real poetry in spite of certain coarseness.” In the Padmaprābbịtaka, the Vița, Śaśa by name, a friend of Karņīputra Mūladeva (both of them of Ujjainī), gets a specified individuality. The racy speeches of the Vița, in the Padatāạitaka, are remarkably satirical; 1 I have derived much help from two important papers by Dr. S. K. De: A Note on the Sanskrit Monologue-Play (Bhāņa) with Special Reference to the Caturbhāņi, JRAS, 1926, pp. 63-90; and The Sanskrit Prahasana, The Poona Orientalist, VII, 3-4, pp. 149-56. 2 Catarbhāni, ed. by Kavi and Sastri, Patna 1922. 5 ·20 DHURTĀK TĀNAS his ridicule is abundantly directed against the Lāțas and the Buddhist order; and the Dāserakas, Saurāştras and Mālavas are not spared from casual bits. These Bhāņas are often obscene, if not vulgar; and the primal sensations are portrayed with a rough realism and terrible sincerety. For a student of literature, as Dr. De rightly remarks, 'it is more than useless to read austere morals into these old-time play-wrights or damn them for want of morals.' Turning to the Prahasana, the popular farce, there is ample scope for social satire in it by the very nature of its subject-matter; but the specimens that have survived are far from being satisfactory. Their wit and humour, which would make one laugh, lie in deliberately vulgar exhibitions and expressions: in short, the whole atmosphere in the Prahasana, on account of conventional characters and incidents and the high-strung erotic sentiment, is low and depressing. The Mattavilāsa of Mahendravikrania (7th Century A. D.) is a slight farcical sketch depicting the drunken and passionate revelry of a Saiva mendicant, calling himself a Kapālin on account of the human skull carried by him in lieu of his alms-bowl which is said to be stolen by a hypocritical Buddhist monk. A degenerate Pasupata comes to settle the case of theft, and finally the missing bowl is obtained from a madman who had retrieved it from a dog. Thus the wreckless wrangling in the monastic order is broadly satirised. The Prahasanas like Lataka-melaka, Dhūrtasamāgama, etc. have much to do with rogues and knaves; the Jaina and Buddhist monks are held in ridicule; but with their symbolic characters, whatever little wit and satire they possess is often defaced by open vulgarity and erotic descriptions. Stray satirical verses in Sanskrit and Prākrit may be collected from anthologies and from illustrations on the rhetorical device called vyāja-stuti; but they cannot, being isolated verses, exhibit any sustained style as such. Thus this survey leaves us cold that early Indian literature bas not achieved much in the field of satire. Haribhadra is a genius by birth and a satirist by temperament. He has bequeathed to posterity a valuable contribution to Indian literature through his Dhūrtākhyāna which is unique in various respects. We might try to assess its value, as a work of art, from the point of view of a modern critic of letters. The terminology of English criticism' cannot be literally applied to Indian works, because the terms have sometimes specified associations and import. The Dhū. apparently looks like a parody in as much as it ridicules by imitation, but if into details we find that it cannot be called a parody for various reasons: no work or class of works is continuously ridiculed through word-, form- or sense-rendering ; secondly, the imaginary tales narrated by rogues do not easily remind us. of any one story or of any work or class of works, thirdly, the legends that are ridiculed do not come serially or at random from any one composition, but they are heaped from different sources to hold in ridicule their common motif we go · 1 Soe the artioles on Parody by Christopher Stone and on Satire by Gilbert Cannan in The Art and Craft of Letters Series. See also English Satires, in the Casket Library Series, especially the Introduction, ·A CRITICAL STUDY 21 something like what is already noted in the invented tale'; and lastly, there is no deliberate attempt on the part of the author to confound issues by distortion or exaggeration of facts. The Dhūrtākhyāna, therefore, can be better and more appropriately called a satire of incredible Purāņic legends and episodes and against the credulity of those that believe them, using parodical imitation as its chief vehicle and casually taking recourse to irony, sarcasm, banter, wit and humour. It is a satire, and a perfect one, because of its unique construction, delicious mingling of phantasy and reality, subtle sense of characterization (though in a limited quantity) and above all the startling situation of devils discussing scriptures which make it an inimitable piece of raillery and a good humoured amusement for all. Haribhadra possesses a righteous indignation which is passionate, noble and fearless. Like a true satirist, he thoroughly ridicules rather objectively, in his Sambodha-prakarana,” the vices that had perhaps crept into the Jaina monastic order of his times: he detests, pities and condemns the vices and the irreligious routine of the ascetic life; while in the Dhū. he satirizes the folly of the degenerating, belief of the masses in Purāņió legends. Monks are morally and religiously degraded, and the public is on the verge of rational bankruptcy; and here Haribhadra comes like an expert surgeon to ply his satirical instrument, before he can put the bandage of religious and didactic teaching. Like Voltaire, Haribhadra was out to cure, and he had a papacea, Reason. Haribhadra is a champion of rational and logical attitude; he declares in one place:'I am not partial to Mahāyīra, nor do I bear any ill will against Kapila and others; whose words appeal to reason, his mission is to be upheld.' He has given vent to this spirit more than once. The good satirist, we know, holds a place half-way between preacher and the wit. He has the purpose of the first and uses the weapons of the second. He must both hate and love. For what impels him to write is not less the hatred of error and folly than the love of right and wise vision. The satirist's appeal is always to the intellect, and rarely does he play upon the emotions. His is a perfectly rational attitude strengthened by the nicest sense of proportion. Like & rationalist, Haribhadra's approach is intellectual, apart from his being a champion of logic and reason; but his still greater asset is the mental poise with which he meets his opponents. He is not a logician infuriated with religious fanaticism, but he is a genuine rationalist of a balanced mind; and to a certain extent we see this even in the Dhūrtākhyāna. As a genius Haribhadra has at his back a fund of good logic. Quite skilfully and humorously, like a creative artist, he applies it to the incredible Purāņic ideas which have a sway over men's minds; the invented tales are full of logical extremes and absurdities; and when the Purāņic legends are set on par with them, they cannot but be ridiculous and absurd. The minds that start doubting 1 Ed. Jaina Grantha Prakāšaka Sabhā, Ahmedabad 1916, especially Qarvadhikata.lt 2 In his Lokatattva-nirņaya: quarat 77 Hoyer: prostaty i glisante Fri, filth FR96: l' and in his Yogabinda: 'artet faciunt yfir Race Afet aracter युक्तिर्यत्र तत्र मतिरेति निवेशम् ॥ $ ·22 DHURTĀKHYANA; 6 the veracity of invented tales are easily led to denounce the Purānic legends. With untiring assiduity lie scrutinizes, sorts and shifts the Purāṇic legends according to their points of weakness, and pours them forth to substantiate the most ridiculous extremes and distortions with the result that not only the purpose of proving the unprovable fails but the Purāņic legends themselves get ridiculed as improbable and absurd. The result is startling, though inevitable. He satirizes the legends rather by exposing them by selection and comparing them with ridiculously fantastic tales than by vehemently denouncing them. As we see below, Haribhadra exhibits a remarkable intellectual honesty ; so far as the main motifs are concerned, he does not tamper with the Purāņię legends: he does not distort them to ridicule them. The true end of satire is the amendment of vices by correction', says Dryden; and he is perfectly right in hitting at the end and aim of all great satires so emphatically. Haribhadra has undoubtedly a religio-moral purpose; hinted rather than elaborated (V. 122, 124), in writing this ākhyāna. As has been observed, the polished raillery and the good natured satire have an ethical under-current, otherwise 'the satire which only seeks to wound is as dangerous as arrows that fly in the dark'. It must be said to Haribhadra's credit that the satirical artist in him has successfully, and also rightly, predominated over the religious preacher in him. “No artist can do more than set his practised and controlled talent to work on the subject chosen and constantly developed for him by the inspiration of his genius.' Our author just exercises his imagination in the way laid down for him by his characters and circumstances; and one feels that even if he had stopped his work at V. 109 (of course followed by V. 119-24). nothing fundamental would have been missed. Nowhere does he show the temptation of preaching moral lessons like a professional religious teacher. Any other mediocre author would have introduced a Kevalin at the end to give á dhanma-kahā whereby all the rogues would be turned into pious believers who would ultimately reach liberation after observing samlehaņā. Haribhadra has fully and rightly restrained himself from adding to his composition any such conclusion so usual and normal in Jaina tales. The Dhūrtākhyāna, therefore, has a literary form, nothing specially religious about it; it is an out-and-out satire, an artist's creation; and as a literary product, it is far ahead of its time. In fact, coming so early as in the 8th century A. D., Dhū. reveals such an artistry and management of the material as one can simply marvel at. Not even the works of Kşemendra, who does possess a satirical skill and whose performance we have reviewed above, can match the Dhūrtākhyāna, which is Dearly three hundred years older than him, with regard to construction and subtle satirical effect. Haribhadra is throughout an artist, while Kşemendra's šatire is overladen with and defaced by heavy didacticism. If one understands our author's bhava-viraha as an escape from the tedium of life, Haribhadrasūri will have the credit of hitting at an accepted standard of the greatness of satire in modern times. ;

·A CRITICAL STUDY 23 The characters introduced by Haribhadra are not altogether imaginary; but, in fact, most of them are well-known figures in Indian popular tale and picaresque literature. Mülaśrī or Mūladeva' is a famous character as a Jack of all trades given to gambling and attached to courtezan Devadattā. It appears that he had alternative names such as Karņisuta, Mūlabhadra and Kalānkura. Even a treatise on theft or erotics is attributed to him by tradition. Certainly he is an old figure. Haribhadra himself quotes a Prākrit story in his commentary on the Daśavaikālika-sūtra (p. 57 f.) in which Müladeva figures as a tricky rogue. The Avantisundarikathā (veres 7) mentions him; Bāņa also, in his Kādambarī, refers to him with his friend Saśa; and both of them are introduced (ivith Devadatta) in the Padmaprābbřtaka. He figures as a typical hero in the Kalāvilāsa of Kşemendra. The Kathūsaritsāgara also gives his story, and he is associated with the court of Vikramīditya. Wo get a Jaina edition of the tale of Mūladeva and Devadattă quoted in Devendra's commentary on the Uttarādhyayana“. Thus Mūladeva appears to have reached the status of à popular hero typifying all that is tricky and roguish. The name Kamdariya is met with in the Ardhamāgadhi canon”; he is not a rogue, but a worldlycomfort-seeking character destined to go to hell. Jaina stories mention names like Ilāputra and Āsādhabhūti; and according to the Abhidhāna-Rajendra, Elāşāạba is a famous rogue from Avanti referred to in the Niſītha-cūrņi“, Śaśa, as noted above, appears to have been a close associate of Mūladeva. We do not know anything about Khamdavāṇā from other sources : her name has a popular ring and baffles Sanskritic etymology. Though most of the characters are already known, there is very little of characterization in the Dhurtākhyāna, It is only Khaņdapānā, with her coarseness and sharp intellect, that is a bit individualized. She is & good combination of a woman and a rogue. She is intelligent, hypocritical, scheming and witty; her success in getting the wealth from the merchant is quite worthy of her nature and trade; without any difference of opinion she becomes the President of Rogues; and she smashes the vanity and satisfies the appetite of her colleagues by a well-earned and sumptuous feast. One wishes that Haribhadra spent more labour and greater insight in making the characters and stories more individualistic as has been done by Chaucer in his immortal Canterbury Tales. 1 On Dūladova seo Dr. Do's papor on the Bhăņa, JRAS, 1926; Avantisundarikathā, Madras 1924; Kūvyamala I, p. 36, foot-noto 1; Caturblīṇī, Intro. p. ii; Müladova's story from Dorondra's commentary on the Uttarādhyayana is edited by Jacobi in his Ausgovihlto Erzählugon in Māhārāştri, Leipzig 1886; its English translation 'Hindu Talos' by Meyor, London 1909; also Prákřtakathāsamgraba by Jinavijayaji, Almodabad. A papor Tho Oharaotor and Adventure of Mūladova' by M. Bloomfield has appearod in the Proceedings of tho American Philosophioal Society, vol. 52, -1913, pp. 616-650; but it has not boen accessiblo to mo. 2 Ári-Uttarădhyayanāni, Bombay 1927. 3 Nāyādhammakahão, I, 19. 4 This work is not accessiblo to mm, and it is necoessary to see what dotails are given by the Cürņi.

·24 DHURTĀKHYANA : T The literary device of picaros narrating their experience with a satirical vein is seen to a certain extent in the Daśakumāracarita and in the Bhāņa type of dramas, but the manner in 'which and the purpose for which Haribhadra has adopted it is remarkable. We know some of his successors like Amitagati etc., but we are absolutely in the dark about his predecessors in the field. The form, however, is dramatio in which characters are made to speak; Haribhadra tells us that it was narrated as a talo (V. 123), and not enaoted às a play; but with minor changes the whole piece can be turned into a fine Prahasana of open satire. The most astonishing thing about the Dhūrtākhyāna is not that it is satirical, nor that it is one of the rare pieces of the kind in early Indian literature, but that it should be so thoroughly modern both in thought and spirit, and such a master-piece of construction. Most of the Roman or the English satire is cast in the mould of a dream or an allegory. This makes it stilted and artificial. It is only in Chaucer's Canterbury Tales and Boccacio's Decameron that an ingenious frame-work is used to impart an air of reality to the narration. The device of emboxing stories within a story is a common trait in most of the Indian sngas. Apart from this consideration, the framework of the Dhûrtākhyāna is certainly one of its notable 'features. The rogue-chiefs, each telling a fantastic story of his own and asking others to prove its truth or to accept defeat and give feast to rest of them, as they were all hungry during the rainy week and had run thither into the garden in order to manage to get food, afford the satire an amusing yet natural setting. The truth of their wonderful and wild stories is immediately proved by parallels from the Bhārata, Rāmāyaṇa and Purāņas. The last chief who is a female recounts a number of autobiographical incidents 'which are likewise regarded as credible. But then, all this still keeps the main 'problem unsolved! How are they to get food for themselves and for their retinue? Their female accomplice proposes that she would give them a feast only 'if they acknowledged her supremacy. This they would never accept. She then, continuing her narration, leads it to such a point that they have to recognize her suzerainty or give feast. Thus the woman 'is triumphant, and her wit and wisdom enable them all to satisfy their most immediate need of food. The impossible yarns concocted by the Rogues, the rëplies thereto, and abové all the witty and surprising end of the story reveal its 'architectonic skill and the beauty of design. The Dhūrtākhyāna has a unity and compactness that can be distinctly felt; and except for the one or two obscene references and blunt outspokenness and crudity of Khandapānā's experience, there is nothing superfluous or inartistic in the satire. Besides, its perfectly original structure is one of its highest distinctions, and sufficient by itself to proclaim the author's genius. In speaking of the unity of the Dhūrtākhyāna it was the organic unity, therefore unity of form and spirit both, that was hinted at. Even though there is an indirect reference in favour of Jainism at the close of the work ·A ORITI0AL STUDY 25 (V. 121-22), the satire ag a whole is general, directed against credulity and superstition that deaden man's reasoning faculties and lead him away from the path of Truth.. According to accepted critical standards, it is modern and not medieval, and it is more Horacian than Juvenalian. It is throughout rational and convincing. It shall be as well called good-humoured, as there is no deliberate attempt to distort or exaggerate facts or indulge in repeated rancour, The main point is that we should not be foolishly credulous and accept the mythological stories as literally true. As seen. below, almost all the references to Purīņas, etc. are traceable to their origins. The author is always implioit, and never vituperative in his criticism, and makes an intelligent use of dilemma, not only to prove or disprove things but also to give a witty air to everything that is ridiouled. Khaņdapānā's cornering and outwitting her male accomplices is a brilliant example of this device. The use of such dilemmatic situations has given a logical tone (quite inevitable and essential in the work of an outstanding logician like Haribhadra) and balance to the narrationi Except for a few repetitions (elephant-pursuit, mating with Sun, Wind etc.), the story has the fullest variety with its strange, mysterious, aive-inspiring and terrible phantasies set in a realistic back-ground and provided with a rollicking humorous close. Some of the descriptions, short or long, for instance that of the cemetery, are quite epical in style and make-up. The story element in the frame-work is comparatively slight, but has gained a remarkable poise because of Khandapānā’s flashing victories over her partners and the banker whom she dupes by her superior intelligence and womanly wiles. The precocious genius of the author', obvious in this unique work, indeed, provides a delightful field for researches in literary developments; and it is hoped that the publication of this edition of Dhūrtākhyāna will inspire others to unearth still richer treasures that lie buried in the literature of -ancient India, 4, Sources of the Purānic Legends Throughout the Dhū., in order to confirm the fantastic tale narrated by one Dhūrta, other Dhūrtas have presented a series of Epic and Purāņic legends. It is necessary to study them, wherever possible, in comparison with 1 Most of the works of Haribhadra are yet to be studied critically. The following are the chiof sources where some points about his life, works and date are discussed. B. T. Sheth: Haribhadrasūri-caritram (in Sanskrit ), Benares 1917. Śri Kalyāņavijayaji: Introduction (in Sanskrit) to tho od. of Dharmasamgrahanih, Dovachandra L. P. Fund Series No. 42, Bombay 1918. Jinavijayaji: Haribhadrasūrīkā Samayanirnaya (in Hindi), Jaina Sahitya Saṁsodhaka, Vol. I, part 1, pp. 21-58, also his The Date of Haribhadrâsūri (in Sanskrit)', Poona 1919; his conclusion, based on sound proofs, is that Haribhadra should be assigned to A. D. 700-770. Becharadas Jivaraj: Introduction to his Jaina Darśana (in Gujarāti), Ahmodabad Samvat 1980. E. Jacobi: Introduction (in English) to the ed. of Samaräiccakahā, B. I., Calcutta 1926; Jacobi accepts 750 A. D. or later as the time of Haribhadra's literary activity; in his account of Haribhadra's life, he has scrutinised the traditional biographies and giyen a connected parration, 4 ·26 DHURTĂREYĀNA: the legends as preserved in present-day texts. Haribhadra is not very particular in mentioning his sources, specifying the work and its author. Usually he refers to them in general terms like Śruti, Purāņa etc. (I. 14, 31, 35, 53, 89; II. 27, 51; III. 20, 53, 88; IV. 15, 27; V. 11, 64); Bhārata? and Rāmāyaṇa, however, are repeatedly mentioned (I. 14, 31, 35, 41, 82, 85; II. 27, 62; III. 20, 93; IV. 14, 15, 19; V. 60, 119); and there are single references to Vişņupurāņa and Araṇya-parvan (of the Bhārata) and also to Vyāsa, the author of Bhārata (II. 27; II. 31; 1. 41). Once Arthaśāstra is casually mentioned (V. 1) but not as a source. In the following paragraphs are presented the Legends found in the Dhữ., their sources traced by us, and critical remarks on the same in some cases. 1. *1*. 37–38: Four VARNAS IN BRAHMAN'S Body, Rgveda X. 90. 12; Mahābhārata, Aranyaka-parvan (critical ed.), 187. 13. I. *2*. 39-40: HARA'S MALE ORGAN. Vāyupurāņa (Ānandāśrama ed., 1905), chap. 55. 23–28. Verse 26 mentions that they tried to measure its limits for one thousand years. 1. *3*. 41-51: BIRTH OF KIJAKAS (Bbārata of Vyāsa). - [?]. - Haribhadra specifically mentions the Bhārata of Vyasa as his source. According to Mbh., Virățaparvan (critical ed.), App. I, p. 313, passage No. 19, Kekaya, a Sūta king, had from his wife Mālavī one hundred and six sons of whom Kícaka was the most mighty and was appointed as the commander by the Virāța king. This is all that we learn about their origin; and in this context the legendary details noted by Haribhadra are not found. Kicaka does mean a hollow bamboo. I. *4*. 52: GANGĀ FOILED IN HARI's JaȚĂ. Rāmāyaṇa (Nirnayasāgara ed. 1921), Bālakāņda, 43. 9. Haribhadrą says vāsa-sahassaṁ, while in the Rāmā. we have samvatsara-ganan bahan. I. *5*. 53-7: BIRTA OF BRAHMAN. Mbh., Āranyaka-parvan (critical ed.), App. I, pp. 1084-5, passage No. 27, especially ll. 13–30. There is some verbal agreement with the Mbh. passage; but in this context it is not mentioned that Brahman came out with Daņda etc, and that the lotus was stuck, as noted by Haribhadra. According to the Vāyupurāņa, chap. 55. 14, Brahman is equipped with Kamaņdalu. I. *6*, 58-84: i) TILOTTAMĀ RUINS BRAHMAN'S AUSTERITIES”; ii) BIRTH OF DROŅĀQĀRYA; iii) BIRTH OF SYEDA- AND RAKTA-KUNDALIN; iv) KARŅA BORN THROUGH THE EAR (Bhārata). i) Mbh. Adi, (critical ed.) 201 ff, and Matsyapurāņa (Anandāśrama ed. 1907), Adhyā. 3. 31 f.; ii) Mbh. Adi. (critical ed.), *57. 89, 121. 3-5, 154. 1-5; iii) Padmapurāņa (Anandāśrama ed. 1894), Srstikhanda, Adhyä. 14; iv) [?]. - i) According to Adiparvan 201 ff., Višvakarman, at the instruction of Pitāmaha ( 203. 10-17), created Tilottamā, a veritable mine of jewels of beauty, for the destruction of Şunda and Upasunda. I Haribhadra uniformly mentions Bhārata and never Mahābhārata. 2 The legend is split up for referential convenience. A story, much similar to No. 1; is found in the Bșhat Kathākośa of Harişeņa (Bombay 1948), chap. 99.

·A OLITICAL STUDÝ 27 She ras called Tilottamí, because she was made from small portion of every kind of gem. Malīdeva developed four faces to look at hier as she went round (203. 23-25). According to the Matsyapurāņn, however, Bralıman created Satarūpã out of his body; and to look at her, he developed four faces (in four directions) with a fifth on tho hend. This temptation ruined his austerities. ii) Haribhadra attributes Drona's birth to Pasupati and Umā, but according to Mblr, it is attributed to Bliārndvaja and Glirtācī, the circumstances being similar. iii) Though the names noted by Haribhadra are not given, the Padmapurina narrates & story quite similar to this in the context of the earlier births of Arjuna and Korņa. Brahman produced a man from the perspiration of his forelcad. According to the Padma., Vişnu offered blood from liis arm. iv) Karna is considered to be the anéa of the Sun by whom he was generated from Kunti (Abh. Ādi., 57. 82, 61. 89); and his birth is described at length in the Ādi. 104. But I do not find any reference to his being born from the ear. The Mbh. mcptions, however, that bo was born with the Kavaca. 1. *7*. 85-88: HANUMAT Crosses TIE OBAN (Rimäynna). Ramūyana, Sundarakinda, Sarga 1, verses 27, 54, Sarga 2, verse 2, etc. The Rimāyoņa gives a graphic description liov Hanumat jumps (his long arms and the root tp being more than onco mentioned) across the ocean. The Sanskrit quotation put in the mouth of Hanumat I have not been able to spot in the Nirnayasagara cd, in this context. 1. *8*. 89-92: HARA RECEIVE3 Gargi Ox His Htad. Rāmāyana, Balnkända, Sargas 42, 43 (verse 8 f.); Mbl. Araṇyakı., 108. 9 f.; see also the rownrks on I. *4**.52 abovo. Ilbh, simply describes how Gangā was received by Hara; nnd there is no reference to lier vanity as in the Rimāyaṇa. II. *1*. 27-30: PRIMORDIAL EGG (Vişņupurana'). Vişnupurāņa, Wilson's Translation (London 186-4), Book I, chap. II, pp. 39-40; Mbh. Ādi. (critical ed.) 1.27f.; Natsynpurīna, 2. 32 ff.; Bralıwnpurāņa (Anandāśrama ed. 1895), 1. 40f. This is described almost in every Purana. 11. *2*. 31-39: The WIOLE UNIVERSE IN A Culd's Sromach (Aranyaparvon). Mbl., Aranyakaparvan, 186. The details closely agree with a few common worls cven. According to our text, it is the Sage that calls the Boy; but in the Mbh. tho Boy calls the Sago asking him to take shelter in bis stomach (vorges 88-9). The Mbh. says that Markaņdeya was in the stomach of that Boy only for varşīņām adhikari satan (verse 110); but according to Haribhadra divvari viisa-sahassani. The Boy is none other than Vişņu. Krşən, as it is clear from the names like Śrīvatsadbārin, Pitavāsā, Pundarikākşa etc. II. *3*, 40-41: KESAVA IN Dsvaki's WOXB. Bhagavata (Nirnayasügara ed.) 10.7. 34-36; also tho roforences on II. *2*. 31-39 above. When 1 Tho Sanskrit Toxt (vorsc No. 102) mcntions Bhirata also along with Vişnupuriņa, 2 Tho Sanskrit Toxt (vorso 106) montions Aranyapatha, n Sastra; but I fool no doubt that Hnríbhadra is reforring to a Parvan of that namo in tho Dibh, ·28 DHÕRTĀKHYANA: Yaśodā was feeding Kışņa, she happened to see the whole universe in his mouth which he opened while yawning. II. *4*. 42-50; BRAHMAN AND KES'ava. Compare Väyupurāņa, Adhyā. 24; see also the references on I. *5*, 53-7. A legend somewhat corresponding to Haribliadra's version is found in the Vāyu. Brahman once approached Nārāyaṇa who was sleeping on the great serpent in the ocean and who had produced a dignified lotus out of his navel for his sport. They do not recognise each other, and each one claims that he is the Ādikartā. First Vişņu enters the stomach of Brahman and sees the whole universe there, but could not ? reach the end even after one thousand years; so he comes out of his mouth. Then Brahman enters Vişnu's stomach and experiences the same. When Vişnu closed the outlets of his body, Brahman assumed a subtle form, came out through the lotus stalk, and took his seat on the lotus. There is some jealousy between the two; but it is quieted on Brahman being admitted as the putra of Vişņu (verses 57-53) born from his navel-lotus. II. *5*. 51-61: The Mighty Bow oF DRUPADA.- Compare Mbh., Ādi. (critical ed.) 174ff._-The Ādi. describes the bou as drąhani, anāyamyam (176. 9), devadattam (foot-note p. 716, No. 1809*), samhanopapannam (178. 15). Is it that Haribhadra's Mbh. text read 178. 13 as an adjective of kārmukam in verse 15? Then alone the bow can be possessed of Nāgas etc. According to the Mbh., Kişņa and Bhíma are present at the gathering but merely as spectators. Šiśupāla is humiliated, as noted by Haribhadra (Sasipālo being perhaps a misreading); but the passage concerned is found only is s (foot-note p. 725, No. 1828*) and not included in the critical text. II. *6*. 62-74: HILL-LIKE JATAYO (Rāmāyaṇa). Compare Rāmāyaṇa, Aranyakāņda, 50-53-The opposition of Jatāyu when Rāvaņa carried Sītā, their mutual fight, Jațāgu wounded by the sword of Rāvana : all these events are described in the Aranyakāņda. Further that dying Jațāyu gives all the details to Rāma, accompanied by Lakşmaņa (Sarga 67), and dies in their presence. They perform the last rites (Sarga 68). According to Haribhadra, Sītā blesses Jațãyu that he would get wings after meeting Rāma's messenger; Hanumat, in his search for Sitā, meets Jațãyu who gives him all the details about her and who gets back his wings after meeting him; but I see no proper context for these in the present text of the Rāmāyaṇa of Vālmīki. Jațãyu is, however, qualified in the Rāmāyaṇa as parvata-srägtībhah (50.2). The Mbh., Aranyaka. (critical ed.), 262–63, which gives this episode, describes Jațāyu thus: Jaçãyur giri-gocarah ( 262.41), grdhran nihatař parvatopaman ( 263.15), III. *1*. 21-25: RenukĀ Revived TO LIFE.—Mbh., Araṇyakaparvan (critical ed.) 116.That the trees respected her chastity is not specifically mentioned in the Mbh. The name of the king in the Mbl.is Citraratha and not Aśvāpahặta as given by Haribhadra. III. *2*. 26: CONSTITUTION OF JARĀSAJDHA,Mbl., Sabhāparvan (Madras 1932), Adhyāyas 19 (verses 54-55), 20 (verses 1-7). His name is explained thus: Jarayā sandhito yasmāj Jarāsaņdho bhavatvayam, ·À CRITICAL STUDY 29 III. *3*, 27-37: SUNDA AND NISUNDA DESTROYED BY TILOTTAMĀ.--Mbh., Ādi. (critical ed.), 201-4.--Upasunda of the Mbh. is called Nisunda by Haribhadra; perhaps it is a contamination with Nikumbha, the name of the father of Sunda and Upasunda. According to Mbh., Tilottamā was created by Višvakarman, at the instruction of Pitāmaha, by putting together all that was beautiful in the three worlds. She was like Lakşmi, and her body was a veritable mine of jewels (203. 12–17). Haribhadra, however, says that she was created by taking bits from gods. III. *4* 38-44: HANUMAT PIEųED TOGETHER.–Compare Rāmāyaṇa, Kişkindba-kānda, 66. 8-28, also Uttara-., 35-36.-Hanumat's life in his childhood is given in the Rāmāyaṇa according to which it is Indra that wounded hin, while he jumped at the Sun, on the left cbin whereby he came to be known as Hanumān (66. 24). The instruction of the mother that he should eat red fruits, her lamentation, smashing of his body by the Sun's kick, subsequent piecing together of the same, and the substitution of the chin : all these events, though referred to by Haribhadra, are not mentioned in the Rāmāyaṇa in the above contexts. III. *5*. 46-52; HANOMAT BRINGS WOUND-HEALING MEDICINE.- Rāmāyaṇa, Yuddha-kāņda, Sarga 101, also Sarga 74 (especially verse 70) and Sarga 50.-The details noted by Haribhadra are practically covered by the above contexts in the Rāmāyaṇa. III. *6*. 53-86: BIRTII OF MAHĀSENA... Compare Mbh., Āraṇyakaparvan (critical ed), 213-14; Brahmapurāņa, Adhyā., 128.7-23; Matsyapurāņa, chap. 158. 26.; Vāyupurīņa, Chap. 72.-According to the Mbh., Svābā, the daughter of Dakşa, satisfied the passion of Agni by assuming the forms of the six wives of Saptarsis (excepting Arundhati, whose form she could not assume). She received the semen in hand; and with a desire that she should not be seen, she flew taking the form of a Garudi. The semen was dropped in a golden pot six times, and therein was born Mahāsena with six heads etc. He is also called Rudra's son, Rudra being identified with Agni (218. 27f.) and Svāhā with Umã (220,9). According to the Brahman and the Matsya-purāņa, Agni assumes the form of a parrot and approaches Sambhū and Umā. Agni drops semen in the Kșttikās and Kārtika was thus born. Haribhadra plainly says devā gabbh'uvaghāyaḥ vicimtaṁti, but the Sanskrit and Gujarāti versions indicate that gods wanted from Śiva and Umã a son who would destroy Tarakāsura. Something like the legend which Haribhadra has in view is found in the Vāyupurāņa. The text of Vāyupurāņa admits a sad confusion of various myths about Mabāsona, but it clearly says that Indra did not want any issue to be born from Saṁkara and Umā; so he gent Agni to them.". The concluding details are slightly different. Seeing that the semen had fallen out of her body, Umā forced Agni to hold it in his stomach; he later sought the help of Gargā who delivered in a Himālayan valley; and a mighty son was born. I The relevant lines run thus: strzataiteileHTAUTTA hiilicat in: G EET II. ताभ्यां मैथुनसक्ताभ्यामपत्योद्भवमीरणा । तयोः सकाशमिन्द्रेण प्रेषितो हव्यवाहनः ॥ अनयो रतिविप्नं च त्वमाचर हुताशन । सर्वत्र गत. एव त्वं न दोपो विषते तदा।।

·30 DRŪRTĀKHYANA: 111. *7*, 87–88: SUN AND Moon EOLIPSEĎ BY Rānu's HEAD.--Mbh., Ādi. (critical ed.), 17. 4-8.-The corresponding story in the Mbh, runs thus: The Sun and Moon reported to Vişņu that Rāhu, under the guise of a god, was just drinking nēctar cliuined from the ocean. Vişņu immediately cut his head which beğan eclipsing the Sun and Moon with enmity towards them. III. *8*. 89-91: Vi$ŅU COVERS THE UNIŅERSE BY THREE STEPS.Mbhi, Aranyakaparvan (critical ed.), p. 1086, App. I, extract No. 27, lines 66-81. III. *9*. 92: HANUMAT CARRIES TAE Drona MOUNTAIN WITH ALL ITS VEGETATION (Rāmāyaṇa), Rāmāyaṇa, Yuddhakāņda, Sarga 101. 30-46, see also Sargas 50 and 74. III. *10*. 96=THE EARTH LITTED BY VAŘAHA. -Mbi., Aranyakapäivân (critical ed.), 187. 11; also Brahmapurāņa, chap. 213. 40-42. IV. *1*. 18: A DRUM FROM Māsa PLANT.-[?].-The details are too meägre to indicate the source. IV. *2*. 19-21: A RIVER OF ELEPHANT TOĦOR (Bhārata).[?]. This quotation cần bé trâced oñily with the aid of the Verse Index of Mbh. IV. *3*. 22–4: BHĪMA AND BAKA (Bhārata, according to the Sanskrit Text ) .Mbb., Adi. (critical ed.), 145–152.-The critical edition describes the demon's share of food at 148. 6; but more detailed descriptions of it are found in differeñit recensions of the Mbh.: see Adi (critical éd.), p. 942, påssage Nos. 91-92. Haribhadra's details are more than covered by themi. IV. *4*. 25=6: KUMBHAŽABNA'S MEAL.=Rāmāyaña, Yuddhakāņda, 60 (especially verses 32–33, 62-63, 91-92) ÎV*5*. 29: AGASTYA DRINKS TËÉ ÖdEAN.--Mbh., Aranyakapatvan (critical ed.), 101. 10; 102. 18f.; 103. 1=10. IV. *6*. 28–29: GAŇGĂ DRONË BY JAANU.--Råmåyana, Bālakāņda, 43. 34-38.-The exact period of one thousand ġears, noted by Haribhadra, is not mentioned in this context by the Rāmā. IV. *7*, 31-87: THE MIGÜTÝ GARUDA. Mbh. Adi. (critical ed.), 14-52. - Thèse chapters practically cover all the details noted by Haribhadra. There are, however, somë points of specific difference: The Mbh, notes only two eggs (14. 12) of Vinátā giving birth to Aruņa and Garuda, while Dhū. mentions one more egg which was impatiently opeñed first and which produced a scorpion. Secondly, it is the mother, according to Mbh., that tells Garuda the whereabouts of the nectar and that asks him to eat Nişādas (24. 2); but according to Haribhadra it is Kāśyapa, the father, that gives these instructions. Thirdly, the Mbh. does not connect the dropping of Vața tree with Lankā. Lastly, Vişņu is quite partial to Garuda almost from the beginning in the Mbh. (129. 12 f.). IV, *8** 88: GOVARDHANA MOUNTAIN LIFTED BY KRŞŅA. Brahmapurăŋa, chap. 188. 14f.; Bhāgavata (Nirņayasāgara ed.), X. 25. 19. IV. *9*. 89=80: MONKEYS BROUGHT MOUNTAINS FOR THE SETU. Rāmās yáña, Yuddhakanda, 22 (especially verses 50-60). 1 The Sanskrit Text does not include this legend, ·A CRITICAL STUDY 91 IV, *10*, 91-93: HANUMAT Roots oor TREES IN THE PARK. Rāmāyaņa, Sundarakānda, 41 (especially verses 10-21). V.**.11: BHIMA AND HANUMAT GENERATED BY WIND. - Mbh., Adi. (critical ed.), 57. 97, 61. 84; Rāmāyaṇa, Kişkindhākāņda, 66. 8–20. According to Rāmā. Hanumat's mother is called Añjanã and not Nilā. Or is it that Haribhadra is paraphrasing añjana by nila? V. *2*. 12–18: BIRTH OF VyĀSA. Mbh., Ādi. (critical ed.), 57. 55-74; 99-100; also the additional passage No. 37 on p. 895. According to the Mbh., Vidura is born from a maid servant (100.23), and there is no reference to any curse on the three by Vyāsa. V. *3*. 23: KUNTi's SON BY THE SUN. Mbh., Ādi., 57-82; see also - the references and remarks on 1. *6*. 58-84, para iv. V. *4*. 25-31: VOLUPTUOUS AGNI. [?]. According to the Mbh., Aranyaka (critical ed.), 213, Agni was passionate for the vives of Saptarşis; and with his mind upset with passion, he ran to the forest. It is Svāhā, the daughter of Dakşa, that satisfied his passion. V. *5*. 33-37: i) INDRA'S MISBEHAVIOUR WITH AHALYĀ, AND ii) His Son FROM KUNTī. i) Rāmāyaṇa, Balakāņda, 48. 15-28; Mbh., Anušāsana (Bombay ed.) 41, 21; also Brahmapurāņa Adhyā. 87. ii) Mbh., Ādi. (critical ed.) 57. 97, According to Rāmā., Indra misbehaves with 'Abalya, the wife of Gautama who curses him to lose his testicles. According to the Mbh., he has thousands of pores on his body as a result of the curse; and they were afterwards changed to eyes. According to the Dhū., he was handed over to passionate pupils, but I do not find any such details in the above contexts. The Brahntapurāņa, however, tells us that Indra became a cat, but was cursed by Gautama to have thousand pores ( sahasra-bhagavān) on his body. When he prayed for mercy, he was blessed to be Sahasrākşa. V, *6*. 59: See above I. *2*. 39-40. The natural inference is that there could be a pretty long tail of a mouse. V. *7*, 60-63: THE LONG TAỊl of HANOMAT (Rāmāyaṇa) .Rāmāyaṇa, Sundarakāņda, 59 (verses 5-8), 54. V.*8*. 64-69: i) GANDHĀRIVARA CŅANGED INTO KURABAKA ; ii) NAHUSA - 1 Here Haribhadra quotes rhyming coupleţ (No. 92) in Prākrit which he calls Khandao. Though I could spot tho necessary context, I do not find these lines in the Païmacariyo, 63.78f. 2 The Sanskrit and Gujarāti Texts bave Añjanā for Nilā in this context, see yereg No. 336 and p. 62, 1. 1. 3 Herişeņa gives, in his Bșhat Kathakośa, 83, a story corresponding to Haribhadra's story. Thorein Samtana, or Samtanu, has three sons, Citra, Vicitra and Citrāngai, who leave behind three widows, Ambā, Ambika and Bālikā (Ambālikā) from whom Vyasa generates Dhrtarăstra, Pāņdu and Vidura respeatively. Haribhadra's phrase bhāujjayā tinni vi presumes suoh a story; 800 also story No. 96 from the same. 4 The Sanskrit text gives the name Nahusa, porse 385; but the Gujarati one Naghusa, p. 64. Is it that kira 80 is a wrong improvement on the original nahuso, being misread as na hu so?

·32 DHURTĀKEYĀNA: BECOMES A Boa:-i) [?]; ii) Mbl., Aranyakaparvan (critical ed.), 175–178, also App. I, passages 19-20, pp. 1065f.mi) It is not clear whether Gaṁdhăripara refers to Dörtarāstra ; ii) The Mbh. text has undoubtedly grown, and the present text shows more than seven questions. As distinguished from the above legends, the sources of which we have tried to trace, there are some casual references in the Dhū. (I. 62–4; V. 114-18) to Purāṇic personalities and events. Some of them are mere names; so some additional information may be noted here from second-hand sources.' Haribhadra expresses (once through the mouth of Indra) that Mahāvīra alone is an exception; and that all other so-called great personalities have been victims of cupidity and womanly temptations (I. 64-4), or of passions in general (V. iii): Gautama hnd a wife Ahalyā by name; at times, whenever taken as identical with Dirghatamas, he is painted to be quite voluptuous.- Vasiştha had for his wives ūrjā, Arundhati etc.; and he had one hundred sons.-Parāśara, unmindful of place and time, fell in passionate love with Satyavatī, the fisher-girl.--Jamadagni demanded, from king Reņu, Reņukā in marriage; he had five sons from her; but he was a terribly suspicious husband.--- Kaśyapa had more than a dozen wives and a pretty large number of sons.- Agastya once realized that his ancestors could not be rescued without his begetting a son. Then be formed a girl out of the most graceful parts of different animals and passed her secretly into the palace of the king of Vidarbh«. When the child grew up, he demanded her in marriage; somehow the king 'consented; and she became his wife Lopāmudrā. To satisfy his wife, who had grown up in palace, he begged wealth from different kings.-Indra selected Indrāņi to be his wife because of her voluptuous attractions; he employed celestial nymphs to excite the passions of holy men; he is called parastra Kāma-cărin, a habitual adulterer; he tried to seduce Ruci, wife of Devasarnan; and his endevour to seduce Abalyā, wife of the sage Gautama; is. wellknown.-Hara's attachment for Umā, who occupies half of his body, is often mentioned in the Purāņa.-Vişnu has his wife in Lakşmi; and in his incarnation of. Krşna, he bad 16000 wives, apart from his sports with Gopis to whom he is so much attached (V. 112-13).--Candra has twenty-seven wives, of whom Rohiņi is the most favourite. He carried off Tārā, the wife of Bșhaspati, from whom he had a son Budha by name.- Vāyu generated Bhima from Kunti and Hanumat from Añjanā. The hundred daughters of Kušanābha would not 'comply with his licentious desires, so he made them crooked in physique; and thus their city came to be called Kanyā-kubja...Yama-Dharma had several wives as Hemålată etc. Dharma, one of the Prajāpātis, had married thirteen (or ten) of the daughters of Dakşa, and bad a numerous progeny. He generated Yudhisthira from Kuntī, 1 The following works are mainly used: A Classical Dictionary of India by J, Garret (Madras 1871) and its Supplement (Madras 1873); A Classical Dictionary of Hindu Mythology etc. by J. Dowson (London 1879); Vedic Mythology by A. A. Macdonell - (Strassburg 1897); Epic Mythology by E. W. Hopkins (Strassburg 1915); Index to .the Names in the Mahābhārata eto. by S. Sörenson (London 1904-25); Bhāratavarşiya caritrakośa by Chitrava (Poona 1932).

·A CRITÓAL STUDY 33 In conclusidn, Haribhadra refers to a series of legends, particularlĩ the births of Purāņic personages (V, 114–18), and summarily denounces them as unnatural and unworthy of any credence. Some of them, viz., the births of Brahman (I. 53-7), Tilottamā (I. 58–84; III. 27–37), Droņa (I. 60-61'), Şaņmukha (III. 53–86), and of Svedakundalin and Nara, i. e., Raktakuņdalin (I. 58–84) are already referred to in the earlier discussion; and we have noted the relevant sources above. Some particulars about the rest may be added here: There is a legend that (Pavana-?) Gaņapati originated from the scurf of Pārvati's body.-Urvasi was so named, because she was born from the thigh.--Nalakūbara and Maņigriva were excessively drunk and sporting in a nude condition in the river Ganges. When Nārada came there, the ladies clothed themselves; but these two remained naked. Nārada was offended, and cursed them to become trees for one hundred years. They were relieved by the contact of Krşņa who pulled the mortar, to which he was tied by his mother, through the interspace between the pair of Arjuna trees in which they were transformed.-Vasudeva and Devakī vere in the prison of Kamsa, and it is there that Devaki conceived Balarāma. But in the seventh month, through the mediation of Māyā, the embryo was transferred to the body of Rohiņi who was staying at Gokula. This Balarāma of the Yādava race is considered to be an aṁsa of þeşa.-Pārvatī is the daughter of Himālaya and Menā. The success of Haribhadra's performance depends primarily, if not entirely, on the intellectual integrity and fidelity with which he has presented the Purāņic legends that are being satirised. We can start prima facie that he would not dare to change the popular, mythological stories, at least their fundamentals, current in his locality and at his time; for, if he were to do so, he would be cutting the very ground under his feet, and his work would fall in the estimation of his contemporaries to whose gathering it has been already narrated at Citrakūța (V. 123). On the whole, we have been fairly successful in tracing the counterparts of the legends, quoted by Haribhadra, to their sources available today. Haribhadra is rot actually quoting in the very words of the original, but he is rewriting the legends in his words and mostly from memory. Naturally, we will have to make ample concession for omissions and minor variations in expression and presentation. In some cases, Haribhadra's legends, when studied in comparison with those in the present-day texts, show differences in details.' Their significance depends upon their position in the story and on their relative bearing for the purpose of denunciation. Some divergences are of minor significance: for instance, the names of the parents of Droņa (I. *6*); whether the Sage called the Boy or vice versa (II. *2*); whether Reņukā's chastity was respected' by plants (III. *1*); whether Upasunda or Nisunda iš the name (III. *3*); whether Vinatā laid two eggs or three (IV. *7*); whether Yudhişthira asked the boa seven questions or more (V.. *8*); etc. Such differences do not affect the chief idea that is selected as the target for the satirical shaft. There are other differences of major significance : for instance, 5 ·34 DEŪRTĀKEPĀNA : Whether, according to the Purāņic legend, Bicakas were accommodated in and born from bamboo-hollows (I. *3*); whether the lotus was caught stuck at Vişņu's navel (I. *5*); whether Karna 'was born through the ear (I. *6*); whether Drupada's bow is described in the epic to contain Nägas etc. (II. *5*): whether Hanumat climbed the mountain-like Jaţāyu (II, *6*); etc. If these events have no basis in the Purāņic stories, the very edge of Haribhadra's .criticism is blunted; and his denunciation of Purāņic legends becomes impertinent. Before we raise the question, whether Haribhadra has really taken liberty with some of the legends, we have to remember that our epics and Purāṇas have not come down to us exactly in the same form in which they were current at the time of Haribhadra. Their texts liave been subjected to SQ many vicissitudes in different localities and for centuries together that the authenticity of every episode, nay of every passage, is to be judged on its own merits. This is fully demonstrated by the critical edition of the Mahābhārata. The condition of the text-tradition of the Purūņas is much worse, They present such an indiscriminate fusion of text-tradition and such a bewildering medley of myths that the wits of a text-critic would be completely stupned. Very good results have been achieved by the study of Mbh. Mss.; and the late lamented Dr. V. S. Sukthankar has brilliantly sketched the pros and cons of the text-variation in the Mbh, in his following observations"; "All the difficulties in the explanation of this phenomenal variation vanish, however, as soon as we assume that the epic was handed down from bard to bard originally by word of mouth, as is clearly implied by tradition. That would explain, without any strain or violence, the existence of the mass of variants, of differences in sequence and of additions and omissions. If the text has been preserved, for any .considerable period of time, only in memory and handed down by word of mouth, those are just the changes that could not possibly be avoided. It is evident that no great care would be lavished on the text by these custodians the tradition to guard it against corruption and elaboration, 01' against arbitrary emendation and normalization: to reproduce the received text, which was not guarded by canonical authority or religious sanction, with any degree of precision would be neither attempted by the bards nor required of them. Whenever and wherever the text was then written down--and it was probably written down independently in different epochs and under different circumstances--these transmissions by word of mouth must have contaminated the written text and innumerable variations in it. The assumption of some such complicated derangement, beyond the normal vicissitudes of transmission, is necessary to account for the abnormal discrepancies and strange vagaries of the Mahābhārata manuscript tradition. In other words, we are compelled to assume that even in its early phases the Mahābhārata textual tradition must have been not uniform and simple, "but multiple and polygenous.” In another context Dr. V. S. Sukthånkar 'has observed thus with regard to citations; and what is true about 1 Tho Ādiparyan, Poona 1933, Prolegomena, p. 79.

·A CRITICAL STUDY 35 them nearly holds good with regard to legends and their contents?: Then in the case of citations we must allow for failures of memory, and the quotation was never compared with the original. Moreover we must never forget that probably from time immemorial there have existed local versions of the Mahabharata. The citations made even by very old writers were from these local versions. A citation by a writer of the eighth century.or' even the sixth century proves: nothing for the Ur-Mahābhārata, that ideal but impossible desideratum; though the citation is far older than our manuscripts, it is evidence only for the text of the local Mahābhārata in the eighth, respectively in the sixth century, note withstanding that the differences between the various recensions and versions of the Mahābbārata must diminish as we go back further and further." No doubt there must have been Mss, of the epics, and Purāņas (HII. 53) in the days of Haribhadra, but generally the narratives were heard from the mouth of rhapsodists. That they were handed down by word of mouth, as suggested by Sukthankar, is to a very great extent confirmed by the fact that, whenever Haribhadra appeals to the authority of Purāṇas etc., he uses almost uniformly terms like suvvai, suan, etc. (I. 35, 41; II. 27, 31, 61; III, 27, 38, 53, 65, 93; IV. 19, 27; V. 11, 33, 37, 60, 64; 112, 114; etc.). It is not unlikely, therefore, that some discrepancies in the details, whether minor or major, might go back to the traditional narration which was recited round about Citrakūta at the time of Haribhadra; and we can hardly hope to trace the same necessarily in the present-day texts. It is equally possible, in some cases Where Haribhadra's statements show deviation from the sources, that he is criticising the legends which passed as such according to the tradition from which he got them. One cannot be dogmatic on one or the other explanation, because the sources, so far tapped, are comparatively limited. Further, when legends are quoted from memory, contamination, confusion and variation in details are inevitable. The very fact that most of the legends or their nearest counterparts, we have been able to trace to their sources clearly indicates that Haribhadra did not want to put forth imaginary legends and then to condemn them. Though it is quite plain, it may be noted that the sources recorded by us do not indicate that all those works are necessarily older than Haribhadra, but it only means that those legends belong to a period earlier than that of Haribhadra. He mentions only three works by name, Bhārata, Rāmāyaṇa and Vişņupurāņa; and all other sources are our suggestions. At times there is no agreement even among the Purāņic legends. For instance, according to one version, Agni was sent by gods to Siya and Umā for a mighty son who can destroy Tārakāsura; while, according to another version, though less popular, he was sent by Indra to prevent Umã from conceiving a child. Haribhadra narrates clearly the latter version, though the Sanskrit' and Gujarāti versions of the Dhū. read there, wrongly of course, the popular legend. The legend given by Haribhadra has its place in the present-day Vāyupurāņa, as noted above. It is interesting to note that, in some cases 1 Prolegomond p. 20, ·36 DHURTĀKHYANA: (I. *5*;-II. *5*; IV. *3*), the details of the legends are more specifically traced in the additional passages recorded in the foot-notes and Appendis of the critical edition of the Mbh. That only means, the recension of the Mbh, which reached Haribhadra's ears was more inflated than our critical text which is constituted according to well-established and judiciously evolved canons of text criticism based on the available Mss. Some of the legends quoted by Haribhadra appear to have been pieced together from different sources, even with mutual contamination (I. *6*; III. *3*). It is creditable to Haribhadra that the number of such cases is quite į small. This is inevitable in those days when one had to depend mainly on memory, which was a storehouse of all traditional lore, and not on books, as sve do today, Among the legends, the sources of which Haribhadra has clearly inentioned, some are found in the present-day texts with substantial agreement in details (1. *7*; II. *1*, *2*; III. *9* V.*7*); but in three cases (I. *3*, *6*; II. *6*), though the sources are given as Bhārata and Rāmāyaṇa, we do not find any passages in the present-day texts to support Haribhadra. That Karna was born from Kunti's ear is a common story, quite popular even to this day, though not found in the Mbl.; and it is not surprising, if it was current in the days of Haribhadra too. First, karna means the ear, and popular etymology would certainly weave out such a story; secondly, there is as well a psychological motive, namely, by Karņa's birth through the ear Kunti's virginity remains intact, his generation by Sūrya being after all miraculous, nay supernatural. Though Mbh. makes no mention of such a legend, I think, the birth of Kicakas from kicakas or bamboo-hollows is similarly based on popular etymology; such a legend might have been current in the days of Haribhadra; and it is quite in tune with a host of legends in the epics and Purāṇas with which the miraculous germination of the semen into human beings' is a regular apparatus for the generation of the great men of the past about whose birth nothing exciting was specially known to the chronicler'. Coming to the episode of Jațāyu, the epics do mention the mountain-like shape of Jațāyu; and thereby Haribhadra's purpose is served. But the details of the story cannot be fitted in the present mould of Vālmīki's Rāmāyana. Haribhadra is quoting a' Sanskrit verse in that context; and it would indicate that he has some definite source before him. My observations on the sources of Haribhadra's legends, I am quite aware, are tentative; and I hope that those scholars, who have better library facilities at their disposal and who have a closer study of the Purāņas, would try to shed more light on this topic. 5. Sanskrit and Gujarāti Dhūrtākhyānas The Sanskrit version of the Dhūrtākhyāna, included in this edition, ; 1 The Sanskrit and Gujarati Versions do not give this quotation.

·A CRITICAL STUDY 37 is extracted from the Tattvakaumudi' which is a Vivaraṇa or Vitti by Sanghatilaka on the Samyaktvasaptatikā”, attributed to Haribhadras himself. The prasasti of the Vștti* gives a good bit of information about Sanghatilaka and his predecessors in the ascetic line. It opens with the glorification of Candragaccha to which belonged the following teachers: Vardhamāna, Jineśvara, Abhayadeva I (rangan navångi-mahāvrtti-Stambhana-Pārsvanātha.jinarāt-mūrti-prakāsaikakrt the author of the commentaries on the nine Angas, [ who became a Sūri in Samvat 1088 or 1031 A. D. ])", Jinavallabha, Jinasekhara, Padmacandra, Vijayacandra, Abhayadeva II (from whom started the Rudrapallīya-gaccah) Devabhadra, Prabhānanda, Śrīcandra & Vimalacandra, Gunasekhara and lastly Sanghatilaka, the author of Tattvakaumudi. Sanghatilaka had his vidyā-guru in Jinaprabha whose erudition had pleased, Sāhi Mahammada at Dhilli. He composed the Vrtti at the request of Devendra who was an anuja of Somatilaka, an eminent pupil of Sanghatilaka himself. It was composed at Sārasvatapattana (Pāțaņa ?)(and finished) during Dipotsava (i. e., October-November) in the year 1422 (Srimad-Vikrama-vatsare dvi nayandmbhodhi-kşapākrt prame) of the Vikrama era, i. e.,-57 = 1365 A, D. This Sanskrit Dhūrtākhyāna is neither a Cbāyā nor a literal and studious metrical rendering or paraphrase of the Prākrit original, though it is solely based on it. Sanghatilaka, there is not the least doubt, has the Prākrit text of Haribhadra before him; he is trying to present its contents, in simple Sanskrit verses, with sufficient closeness and strictly adhering to the same 1 This is published by the Devachandra Lālabhãi Jaina Pustakoddhāra Fund, No. 35, Bombay 1916. This copy reached my hands rather late, so some details I have noted in the foot-notes. 2 This Sk. Dhūrtākhyāna forms a part of the commentary on verse No. 12 which runs thus: RTETTE HAS Taqauti yote itap alaoan aur ye të 11 83 11. The story is introduced vith this remark: ENCHASTEHT à afegerat haaracayderen: : aria, foto. At the close there are 28 verses more than what is printed here; they have nothing to do with Dhũ. proper. They tell us that Vaiśramana, by hearing all this from Susthita, developed firm Samyaktya. He accepted the vows of a householder. His wife also accepted ratna-traya-dharma. Even when his wife pas troubled by a Vyantari, Vaiśramana's faith in Jina was unshaken. In due course he attained liboration. The concluding portion runs thus: FH TUTET चारु चरितं श्रुत्वा श्रुतिप्रीणक, मा रामायणभारतश्रुतिभवैक्यैर्विचाराक्षमैः। मालिन्यं नयतातिनिर्मलतमं सद्दर्शनं पावनं, ta profaat foarte raai afor: gfett: 11 84411 [upat ] a sferasiatique à stupi II. This edition of the commentary does not give any chapter headings or endings. Sanghatilaka does not appear to have mentioned either Haribhadra or the name of the work, Dhürtākhyāna. 3 Jaina Granthävali, p. 191. 4 Peterson : Reports I, pp. 92-4; Reports III, Index of Authors, p. 124; also the Prasasti in the above edition p. 237. 5 Peterson: Reports IV, p. iv. 6 Peterson : Reports IV, Index of Authors, pp. 37-8. 7 This king is apparently Muhammad Tughluq (1325-1351 A, D.) of Delhi. For a detailed biography of Jinaprabhasūri, see the Intro. by Nahta to the Vidhimārgaprapā, ed. Jinavijayaji, Bombay 1941, ·38 DHURTĀKHYANA: sequence of narration; and lie attempts to include most of the ideas front the original, at times in identical expressions (Pk. I. 76, Sk. 66 etc.). He is more after narrating the story with as feir secondary details as possible. Whenever there are lengthy descriptions in the Prākrit text, he either suni. marises them or adds his own with a bit of independence. It may be that even metrical exigencies have frustrated his attempts to be more close and literal in his rendering. Sometimes he expresses the original with remarkable compactness (verses 82, 103, etc.) and in a few cases with elegance and beauty (125, etc.). He shows that he is fairly acquainted with the details of Purāņic mythology: the proper names are freely substituted by other synonyms (Svāmin = Skanda, Mahāsena=Şaņmukha, etc.); once an additional source, Bhārata (102) is rightly added; and sometimes are added supplementary details, such as, the names Dhūmorņā and Nahuşa (verses 351, 385) and the birth of Kārtikeya for the destruction of Tārakāsura (204 f.). Sometimes his references to the sources are not quite to the point (169) and in one place (106) it is a bit obscure. Perhaps a verse between Nos. 867 and 87 is missing. Possibly in his zeal of summarising the story, Sanghatilaka skips over certain portions of the Prākrit text, viz., I. 30-4, V. 115 f. The contents of some verses, for instance, III. 83, V. 80, are not fully covered: the latter, it may be noted presents some difficulties of interpretation. The legend of Varālia lifting the earth (III. *10*) is missed by him, somewhere between verses 236-38. As to the quotations in the original, it appears that the author wants to present his text purely in Sanskrit: some of the Prākrit quotations (II. 50, III. 67) are nicely rendered into Sanskrit ( 125, 215 ); some of those in Sanskrit are duly reproduced; but it is difficult to say why some (II. 73, IV. 92, V. 4, 5, 103) are skipped over without any trace. More than once Sanghatilaka not only shows difference in ideas but also adds new ideas, when compared with the Prākrit original (see for instance: Nos. 210, 23d, 1596, 161d, 199d, 2046, 239d, 242d, 243d, 316ab, 409d, 416d, etc.). Some of these are apt similes, quite creditable to any poet. There are many places where one can easily take exception to Sanghatilaka's rendering of the original: lhasiya-celaṁ (I. 60)=dūşita-vāsasam ( 52 seam (I. 74)= seşam (64); Sea-kundali năma* (I. 75 ) = Sitakundali-nāmā (65); rzamiñrço Jinavarimdaṁ (II. 24)=n;patin natvă (99)*; phuttar du-thāgajāyam. II. 29)=trividhatām agamat (104); etc. His statement that the progeny of Gaurī and Samkara was required for destroying. Tāraka (203-4), 1 On comparing with the ed. of the commentary, I find an additional verse which runs thus : तस्य मध्ये महाकायः सच्छायो वटपादपः। कमलाख्यो महायक्षस्तन्मूलमधितिष्ठति ।। [८६११ ।।. 2 The Gujarāti text reads S'vetakundalī nāmi. 3 In this particular onse, as required by the context, Sanghatilaka appears to have had before him a reading like namiūņa naravarimdam, because Jina is not at all introduced in the earlier part of the story. The presiding deity is a Yakşa, The Gujarāti text also says: rājānē pranami, ·A CRITICAL STUDY 39 sthough quite in agreement with a Purāņic tradition, is contradictory to the explicit statement of Haribhadra (III, 55) who follows a slightly different tradition". On account of its being a part of the commentary, the opening and concluding portions of the Sanskrit Dhūrtākhyāna do'not give it an appearance of a self-sufficient unit. More than once, it comes to our help in clearly understanding the Prākrit text of Haribhadra'. The Dhūrtākhyāna in Old-Gujarātī, included in this edition, mentions at its close that it was written (lişitaṁ) or copied by Pt. Lakşmīkīrti, the pupil of Ratnasundaragaṇi of the Jinamāņikya-śākhā of the Kharatara-gaccha at Udaipura in Samvat 1758 (-57 = 1701 A. D.), Kārtika Sukla, 12, Saturday, The word lişitan should ordinarily mean 'copied'; so this proof is not enough to infer that Lakşmikīrti is the author of this Gujarāti work, In fact, we do not know the name of its author; and all that we can say about him is this much; he flourished earlier than 1701 A. D.; he had realised that the Dhūrtākhyāna was an effective attack against the Purāņic religion and the Purāņas; and he wrote the tales, from the Dhūrtākhyāna of Haribhadra, in the loka-bhāṣā, that they might be intelligible to laymen (bālavabodharūpāḥ kathah). The author's primary aim is to narrate the stories included by Haribhadra in his Dhû. He closely follows the Prākrit text, and mainly concentrates his attention on narrating the stories, ignoring the mosaic descriptions of Haribhadra and spicy similes of Sanghatilaka. At times his rendering is quite literal. To make the narration effective, he amplifies the original by additional remarks (p. 49, Il. 19, 22-3; p. 60, 11. 5-6; p. 64, ll. 21-23; etc.). Some verses in the Prākrit (III. 83, V. 80) are not duly covered, and some details (V, 115f.) are disposed off summarily. Partly agreeing with Sanghatilaka, some quotations are not included (II. 73, IV. 92, V, 4, 5, 18, 103). Somehow I. 87*1 is quoted with some different readings. There is not the least doubt that the author is mainly following the Prākrit text: his Gujarāti rendering, as a rule and throughout the work, agrees more with Prākrit original than with the Sanskrit version of Sanghatilaka ; two quotations (II. 50, III. 67) which are rendered into Sanskrit by Sanghatilaka, are quoted in Prākrit, as in the original, by our author (pp. 54, 57); and one legend, III. *10*, omitted by the Sk. text, is duly given by him (p. 58). Though the Prākrit text is mainly and closely followed, there is sufficierit, proof to indicate that he has consulted the Sanskrit text of Sanghatilaka. Many points and remarks, which are not found in the Prākrit but are' present in 1 See III, *6* above, 2 In continuation of what my friend Dr. A. M, Ghatage has said (Now Indian Antiquary, I, 5, August 1938), I might record here that Saighatilaka uses the form mutkalāpya (334, 394), gerundive from the root mutkalāp; and it stands once for aucchiūna, 'having taken leave' (V, 9), and once for pucchiun, 'having takon permission' (V. 74) in the original Prākrit.

·40 DEŪRTAKHYANA: the Sanskrit text, are seen in this Gujarati version. At I. 35 Haribhadra hås Bhārahe purāne a; Sanghatilaka has in the corresponding passage (29.) S'ri-Rāmāyana-Bhārate; and the Guja. test has Bhārata Rāmāyaṇādika.granthe (p. 50, l. 24). This is perhaps the only reference, in the first two chapters, indicating explicitly the influence of the Sk. test. From the third chap, onards Te see more of this influence, and even some phrases here and there remind us of the Sk, test: Pk. dhāüvvāya-piscena (III. 1), Sk. dhātuvādådyair vyasanaiḥ (150), Guj. dhītuvādādika nyasanai (p. 55); Pk. 10 specific number, Sk. stenaḥ pañca satimitāḥ (159), Guj. pārca sai caura (p. 56); etc?, Then in describing the origin of Skanda (p. 57) to destroy Tārakāsura, the Gujarāti Tersion closely follows the Sk. text, so also in supplying the pames of Dhūmorņā Nahuşa, etc. Thus the writer of the Guj. Dhūtākhyāna has used Sanghatilaka's york here and there. The author claims that these stories are being written in loka-bhăşă which means the popular language (current, say roughly, in Northern Gujarāta, sometime before 1701 A. D.) as distinguished from the literary languages like Sanskrit, Prākrit and eren Apabhranía. The author, it is clear, is well-versed in Pākrit and Sanskrit; and inevitably the large sprinkling of Sanskrit words, seen in these stories, is due more to the author's command orer Sk. vocabulary than to the actual usage of the contemporary loka-bhāşă. This inference is quite natural when we look at the percentage of pure Sanskrit words in any modern Indian language as used by a Šāstrin, or even an educated man, and an illiterate villager. Loan words are an unsafe eridence in understanding the essential grammatic structure of any loka-bhāṣā, because they can be easily grafted ang here; and it is all the more true in the case of religious books whose topics trere usually described in Sanskrit terms. So the loka-bhāṣā, or Old-Gujarāti, in which our author wrote could not hare contained so many Sk. words; and we should study. its nature by taking into account declensional forms, verbal formations, particles etc. An exhaustive study of the language cannot bë attempted here; but I would simply note & few formations which are interesting to a student of Apabhranía and post-Apabhraí a stages especially in Rajasthāna and Gujarăta. Nominal forms: joyana, thāna 'a place', tarasī'thirst', pāyaka la foot-soldier', be striu, vhojāio (Pk, bhāüjjāyā), māchini 'a fisher woman', rītā phala 'red fruits'. Pronominal fornis: tur, mujha, hur (also hure) etc. Particles: jima, pizza 'also, but', v.l. pani(p. 50, 7. 11, foot-note 13), ma, hethai, hethi, v.l., nethun. Verbal forms: apanā, kahau, chai, joun, jovaž, dājhato, paīthun, paisă, parani, paranai, biha, bhāgo, mūo, mokalajyo, lāgo, sakai, hunto, etc. 1 Compare Sanskrit rerses 231, 236, 262 with the corresponding Gujarati portions. 2 It is interesting to compare these forms with those recorded in tho Index of A Stady of the Gujarāti Language by T. N. Dare, London 1935. The prose commentary in Old Gujarāti (on the Upadeśamālī) on Thich Dr. Dave's study is based is called Bālārabodha; and it may be noted that the Gajarati version of the Dhū, also bears the same name.

·Å ORTTICAL STUDY 41 The above illustrations are picked up at random, and there is no pretension to an exhaustive study. Apart from the large number of Sanskrit loan words, this loka-bhāşă shows many words used in Prākrits; and some of the particles are the same as those in Apabhramśa. The pronouns and verbal formations of the Apabh. stage have undergone a great deal of change which is natural and unavoidable in the evolution of spoken languages. Some changes are just a matter of shifting pronunciation : kahaü>kahau, dajjhanto >dājhato, mokkalijjaii >mokalajyo, sakkaï>sakai, etc. Rajasthānī and Gujarāti are more lucky than any other modern Indian language because of their rich .heritage of earlier stages of the language; and a careful study of the texts, from century to century, would certainly demonstrate the evolution of these languages through Prākrit, Apabhraňša and post-Apabh. stages of the Middle Indo-Aryan; The Sanskrit and Gujarāti Dhūrtākhyānas cannot be judged as original contributions like their Prākrit counterpart; they definitely indicate, however, that the performance of Haribhadra did appeal to subsequent generations; and, as they stand today, they are useful aids to understand and check the Prākrit text of Haribhadra, 6. Dhūrtākhyāna and Dharma-parīksā We come across a pretty large number works called Dharma-parikşā (Dp.)". Most of them are not critically examined as yet. It is Amitagati's Dp. that has been exhaustively studied', and it can be accepted as a representative of Dp. texts for all practical purposes. Vșttavilāsa, Padmasāgara and others have mechanically followed Amitagatis Dp. By the discovery of Harişeņa's Dp. (Saṁvat 1044,-56 = A. D. 988), which was written 26 years earlier than that of Amitagati (Samvat 1070, -56 = A. D. 1014), it is clear now that Amitagati is not the creator of the plot of Dp. Amitagati tells us that he composed his work in two months®: no doubt, he is a gifted didactic poet with a flowing Sanskrit style; but he does not mention bie predecessors. Harişeņa, however, frankly says that the Dp. which was formerly composed by Jayarāma in Gāthā metre is now composed by him in Paddhadiyā metre. Unfortunately Jayarāma's Dp. has not come to light so far. Harişeņa's Dp. is in Apabbramsa; there is no conclusive evidence to establish that Amitagati solely followed Harişeņa; the plot of the story, adopted by both Harişeņa and Amitagati, is remarkably identical; what Harişeņa says would indicate that almost all his material was present in Jayarāma's Dp.; and Amitagati's Sanskrit expréssion betrays Prākritisms in narrative portions. All these facts go to indicate that Jayarāma's ; I See my paper "Harişena's Dharma-parikşā in Apabhraíśa' in the Silver Jubilee Number, Annals of the B0, R. I., vol. XXIII, pp. 592-608. 2 N. Mironov: Die Dharma-parikşā des Amitagati, Leipzig 1903. 3 The Sanskrit text with Hindi translation has been published by Pannala] Bakaliwal, Bombay 1901; another edition giving the Marāthi translation of Pt. Bahubali Sharma has appeared lately, Sangli 1931. One feels the necessity of a critical edition of Amitagati's text. 6 ·42 DAŬRTĀKHYĀNA: work was in Gāthā metre, the language being Sauraseni or. Mābārāştri; and for the present we might presume that the plot of Dp. owes its birth to Jayarāma. Comparing the works of Harişeņa and Amitagati one finds that, so far as the the events of the plot and their. sequence are concerned, both of them are in close agreement. This indicates that Amitagati has not taken much liberty with the structure of the plot. Harişeņa's text is not available in print; so I give below the analysis of the narrative structuret of Amitagati's Dp. which would enable us to compare and contrast the two works, Dhū, and Dp. In Jambūdvīpa, on the southern range of Vijayārdha, in the town named Vaijayantī, there lived a Vidyadhara king Jitaśatru and his queen Vāyuvegā who had a son Manovega, endowed with faith in Jina's doctrines. His friend Pavanavega, prince of Priyāpuri, had no such faith; and he was much worried on that account. Once returning from his visit to Jina-temples, his vimāna stopped at Ujjainī, in Mālava; and in its northern park there tas an omniscient monk, Jinamati, on whom he waited with reverence. Jinamati expounded to the audience the proportion of pleasure and pain in saṁsāra with the explanation of madhu-bindu-drstānta and the consequences of religious and irreligious life. Manovega asked Jinamati whether his friend Pavanavega would possess samyaktvc; and he got a reply that he could : enlighten his friend by taking him to Pāļaliputra. Pavanavega was anxious to meet his friend Manovega whom he met on the way to the joy of both. Manovega told him how he visited various Jaina holy places and came to Pāțaliputra, a prosperous centre of Brahmanic ritual and learning. Papanavega expresses his impatience to visit Pāțaliputra, and next morning both of then reached there and got down in the park. I. Both of them, though decked with ornaments, assumed the form of faggot-grass-sellers. It was a surprising sight to one and all who began to speculate about them. They reached the Brahma-śālā, bet the drum, and sat on the golden seat. At this challenge, Brāhmaṇas rushed forth for dispute. They wondered at their splendour and grace, and almost mistook them for gods. On being pointedly questioned, Manovega, requesting them not to be irritated, told them that all that they did was out of mere curiosity and that they were mere grass-selling boys whose prototypes were found in Bhārata stories. One Brāhmaṇa asked: 'How can there be grass-faggotsellers decorated with jewels ? If such cases are found in the Rāmāyaṇa 1 Mironow follows the rule divide et impera' and presents the summaries of various stories separately. The method is admirable and quite suited for studying the stories. But the analysis of disjoined stories does not clearly bring out the effect of entire work, especially of the fantastic tales and the bearing of subsequent legends on their points. Just to bring out this aspect of Dp. clearly, I have added here a bit detailed summary. Those who want more particulars about individual stories may either consult the original Sk, text or Mironop's dissertation, ·A CRITICAL STUDY 43 ; · and Bhārata, we would like to hear them.' Manovega said that he would explain everything, if there are any thoughtful (vicāraka) among them ; otherwise his fate would be like that of Madhukarę who received 16 strokes for telling the truth about the heaps of pepper and grains in different parts of the country. The leader assured him that they were all thoughtful Brāhmaņas. Further Manovega told them that he feared to speak, if any of them belonged to the following ten types of men (about whom ten stories are narrated): 1) rakta, 'a passionate husband duped by his younger wife; 2) dvişta, who wants his son to take revenge on his enemy by using his dead body; 3) müdha, a silly priest outwitted by his unchaste wife and pupil; 4) vyudgrāhin, a blind block-head prince; 5) pitta-dūşita, a bilious fellow mistaking sweet as sour; 6) cuta, a vreckless king who pulled out the mango tree; 7) ksira, a foolish Tomara chief who illtreated a milch cow; 8) aguru, an ignoramus who could not understand the value of aguru plantation; 9) candana, a washerman incapable of recognising sandal; and 10) bālisa: Four fools, once upon a time, saluted a Jaina saint, endowed with various religious and ascetic virtues, who uttered the blessing dharma-vrddhi'. They began to quarrel as to whom it was meant for; and when they asked the monk, he told them that it was meant for him who was decided to be the most foolish by the wise people of the town after hearing their biographies. 10a) Vişamekşaņa narrated thus : 'One day I was sleeping with my two wives on both sides. Just for joke, I placed the lamp on my forehead. A mischerous rat pulled the burning wick, and one of my eyes was scorched. Afraid of disturbing my wives, I allowed my eye to be burnt.' 106) Kuņțahamsagati spoke thus: ‘Ķkşi and Kharī are my most ugly wives; their mutual jealous abuse and quarrel made me lose both my legs; and being afraid of them, I tolerated all this.' 10c) Boța (or Boda) said thus: !I had been to my father-in-law. At night, I had a bet with my wife that one who speaks first should give a rich feast. A thief entered the bouse and collected all the treasure. He began stripping my wife of her clothes on the body. I kept quiet. She began to abuse me at the loss of wealth and at her insult. I at once told her that she lost the game by speaking first, and she should give the feast now.' 10d) Gallasphoţika told his tale thus: 'I had gone to the house of my father-in-law. Out of bashfulness and seeing some hedious sight, I did not take my meals. As time passed, I was overpowered by hunger.. I was just gulping a handful of fine rice kept in a basket below the cot when my wife came there, and I could not swallow them, My mouth was full to the brim; I could not speak; and my cheeks grew hard. There was a great row, and different explanations were offered about шу disease. A skilful physician diagnosed my trouble, calling it tandulīya ailment; he quietly bored my cheeks and took out rice particles. Thus I made myself an object of ridicule.' After hearing these tales, the Brāhmaṇas assured Manovega that none from them belonged to any of the ten types and that he should answer their question. Manovega spoke thus: Vişņu is a mighty divinity, full of glory, grace and power; then how is it that he stayed ·44 DAURTĀKHĀYNA : i as a cowherd-boy at Gokula sporting in various ways, that he became a messenger of Pāņdayas and a charioteer of Arjuna, that he begged at Bali's door, and that be suffered from Sītā's separation ? If that divine Vişņu could do mean acts, what is wrong in our selling grass and faggots? The Brāhmaṇas felt disillusioned; and they could see how god Vişņu was exposed to so many blemishes and inconsistencies, and how Purāņas were full of contradictions. II. Second time Manovega became a rough hunter, and his friend, a cat without ears, put in a pot. They met Brāhmaṇas as before, and told them how the cat had the power of warding off rats at miles' distance and that it was for sale. Brāhmaṇas realized its utility and were ready to buy it at the quoted price. On examination, however, it was found that it was devoid of ears which, Manovega explained, were eaten by ferocious rats one night, Brāhmaṇas laughed at his daring contradiction. Manovega refused to admiti that the single flaw of not having ears spoiled all other virtues of the cat. The Brāhmaṇas assured him that they were not 'Frogs in the Well but they questioned him straight: 'How can this flaw of the cat be tolerated ?' Manovega then narrated the legend of passionate Agni (or of Yama and Chāyā): The ascetic Mandapakausika feared that he might lose heaven for want of progeny, so he married & widow from whom he had a beautiful daughter Chāyā by name. While going on piligrimage, he just thought to what god he should entrust his daughter who would not be able to stand the strain of journey. He began scrutinizing the acts and character of different gods: īśvara is extremely passionate; Hari is not satisfied with 16 thousand Gopīs; Brahwan was mad after Tilottamā and lost his head, and once he generated Jāmbava from a bear; and Indra misbehaved with Abalyā. All these gods are victims of cupid. So he kept Chāyā with Yama who too, as days passed, fell in love with her and always carried her in his stomach. Agni was jealous of Yama's prize. One day when Yama had taken her out on the bank of Ganges, Agni mated with her. Just at that moment Yama came there. She swallowed Agni, and Yama swallowed her. Agni was missing to the distress of all. At last Vāyu managed to expose both Chāyā and Agni. Agoi tried to conceal himself when pursued by Yama. If Agni can still be a god with all this blemish, my cat's virtues can remain intact without ears.' Brāhmaṇas admitted that Purāṇas were inconsistent. Manovega further pointed out the blemishes of Samkara, Vişnu, Brahman, Indra, Yania, Agni, Sun, etc. III. Third time Manovega assumed the form of a nude Jaina -monk; and accompained by-Pavanavega, he met Brāhmaṇas as before. They assured him that they were not like that king of Campā who illtreated his truth-speaking minister, and requested him to narrate how he became a monk etc. Manovega spoke thus : My father is Munidatta, a śrāvaka from Śrīpura ; and he entrusted me to an ascetic for study. Once I was sent out with the Kamandalu to bring water, but I sat playing with it on the road. Having learnt from other pupils that the teacher was angry, I ran towards the town. On the way a.mountain-like elephant ·À CRITICAL STUDY 45 rushed against me. Helpless and terrified I entered into the Kamandalu which was placed on the branch of bhiņda; the elephant also rushed into it, and began tearing my clothes with its trunk. I ran out through the spout; the elephant also followed me; but with its tail stuck there, it fell on the ground. I reached a Jaina temple, and not getting ctothes I accepted this traditional form of a Jaina, monk.' The Brāhmaṇas laughed at him as a fantastic liér telling impossibilities.. When they assured him to abandon such scriptures as contained these details, he narrated to them the following episodes: Arjuna brought the Nāgaloka through an arrow-hole; Agastya drank the whole ocean, and his Kamandalu containing the universe was put on the branch of an atasi plant; and Brahman's hair was caught at Vişnu's navel when the former came out of latter's stomach after seeing there the universe wbich was once missing. If: these legends are true, it is quite possible that the elephant could pass through the Kamandaluhole, be accommodated in the Kamandalu, and have it's tail stuck in the spout. The Brāhmaṇas were thus silenced; and they were further instructed by him on the faults of divinities and on the true nature of God. IV. Fourth time Manovega became a Tāpasa, and accompanied by his friend, met the Brāhmaṇas as before. On condition that they are quite considerate, he narrated his tale thus : 'At the time of my mother's marriage there was a confusion created by an elephant. She rushed out with the bridegroom at whose touch she fell in a swoon, but he ran away. It was discovered that she was pregnant due to bis toueh. Hearing of a 12 years' famine from Tāpasas, I remained in the womb all the while and came out when the famine was over. As soon as I was born, I took a pot and demanded food. It was considered ominous; and I had to leave home and become a Tāpasa like this. My mother was righlty married again, as though she tried to follow Draupadi's example. I came here on my religious tour.' The Brāhmaṇas said that he was a first-rate lier talking impossible things; they admitted that they were open to correction, if such details were found in their Scriptures. Manovega, to confirm his experience, narrated the following legends : Bhagiratha was conceived at women's mutual contact; Gandhārī became pregnant by embracing a jackfruit tree; Abhimanyu understood cakra-vyūhā while he was in the womb; Mandodarī conceived at the contact of her father's somen, had her foetus restrained in the womb for seven thousand years, and delivered Indrajit after being married to Rāvaņa; Vyāsa accepted renunciation immediately after his birth, and his mother remained still a virgin ; Kunti remained a kanyā even after begetting a son from the Sun; and Candramati was still a kanyà after Nāgaketu's birth and was married to Uddalaka. '. If these Purāṇic legends are true, there is nothing incredible in my mother conceiving me at her beloveďš touch, in my hearing about the famine from the womb, in my remaining there for twelve years, in my becoming an ascetic soon after my birth, and in my mother becoming again a kanya after delivering me.' Manovega further enlightened Pavanavega and all others there by narrating the true tales about Karpa, Vyāsa Pāņdavas, etc. He illustrated to them how people mechanically and thoughtlessly follow others, as in that story of the Copper Pot.

·46 DAÖRTĀKHYANA: ; V. Fifth time Manovega, along with Paranavega, became a Buddhist monk (rakta-pata); and on being assured by Brāhmaṇas that they were thoughtful, he narrated his wonderful experience: "We are devotees of Buddhist monks. Once with sticks in our hands we were appointed by them to guard their clothes spread in sun shine. Two terrific jackals came there, and we mounted the Stūpå with fear; they, however, lifted it up, and flew away speedily. When they dropped us with a view to devour us, there arrived Bhillas with dogs;. and the jackals ran away. As we were in an unknown country, we easily became Buddhist monks.' Brāhmaṇas wondered at his astonishing lies; but he reminded them of the following legend: According to the Rāmāyaṇa, each monkey lifted five mountains. If this is true, two jackals can easily lift a Stūpa. VI. At last Manovega and Pavanavega became Svetāmbara monks (sveta-bhikṣu) and met the Brābmaņas who asked them why they became monks and who was their guru. Manovega continued in reply: 'Once our father Aruņaśrika sent us into the forest to graze the sheep, because the shepherd had to attend his father who was down with fever. I requested by companion to tend the sheep, so that in the meanwhile I might eat some kapittha fruits. The desire for fruits was very strong, but the tree was too tall. I went near, cut my head, and threw it on the tree requesting it to eat the fruits; as it ate fruits on the tree, my stomach was getting full below; and when I was satisfied, the head came down and joined the body as before. I looked for my brother, but found him asleep and all the sheep lost. We feared that our father would beat us; so We went away to a distant territory and accepted this comfortable garb.' Manovega further confirmed to the Brāhmaṇas the truth of his experience by narrating the following legends: Cutting his nine heads Rāvaņa offered them to Sambhū, and these were again joined to his body; Dadhimukha's head could get itself joined with another's trunk; parts of Angada's body were joined by Hanumat; Jarāsaṁdha's body was constituted of different parts; Skanda's person was made up of six portions; and when the priests are fed, the ancestors are satisfied. If all this, narrated in Brahmanic scriptures, is true, there is nothing improbable in my own head joining the body, and in my stomach being filled when my mouth eats kapittha fruits.' The Brāhmaṇas were discomfited, and had no replies to give. Manovega esplained to Pavanavega various other flays in the religion and scriptures of Brāhmaṇas; he expounded to him how the heretical creeds originated; and he also propounded Jaina principles and practices at length. Pavanavega came to possess samyaktva and duly accepted the vows of a Śrāvaka. Both Manovega and Pavanavega led a happy life of religious householders. The Purāņa-like beginning, the religio-didactic discourse in the form of madhu-bindu-drstānta, the abnormal proportion of folk-tales introduced by way of illustration, the different names of characters, immediate purpose of converting Pavavavega to Jainism by his pious friend Manovega, constant repetition of moral teachings and religious prescriptions, casual and side attacks on gods ·A CRITICAL STUDY and: holy men, and above all the general frame-work of the story make Dp. much different from Dhů. But if we go a bit deeper and study Dp. more analytically and scrutinisingly, the inner kernel of Dp., though heavily superimposed with good many accessories and details, remarkably corresponds with that of Dhū. The mode of presentation is somewhat different, but the purpose is the same. Dhū. is a satiric attack on the Purāņic legends referring to deities and holy personalities; and Dp., as indicated even by its name, is out to scrutinize the credentials of other religions by criticising their deities and mythology, of course for a specified and immediate aim of converting Pavanavega. Haribhadra's concluding suggestion (V. 122) that the study of Dhũ. leads to darsänd-suddhi has been fully developed later?: Dp. actually converts Pavanavega who comes to possess samyaktva; and the narration of the Dhū.- story, according to Sanghatilaka, makes Vaiśramaņa-śreşthin a pious believer (su-srāddha) with firm faith in Jina. What is implicit, artistic and detached in the Dhūrtākhyāna becomes outspoken, religio-didactic and propagandistic in the Dharmaparikşā. In Dhū. the five Dhūrtas narrate tales of fantastic personal experience, and some points from them are confirmed to be reliable by other Dhūrtas after quoting parallel legends from Purāņas. In Dp. Manovega himself, being a Vidyādbara, assumes six different forms; and then he either presents an inconsistent situation or narrates an improbable tale of personal experience. When his inconsistencies are exposed by the learned gathering of Brāhmaṇas, he silences them by quoting similar episodes from their Purāņas, Besides this fundamental similitude between Dhū, and Dp., there are closely corresponding motifs in the fantastic autobiographical tales; and some of the confirmatory legends are common. Müladeva and the Jaina monk tell nearly the same episode of Kamaņqalu and Elephant? Immediatly after their birth, Khandapānās son walked away taking leave of his mother; and Tāpasa demanded food and accepted renunciation. Saśa lifted up the elephant-hide-bag full of oil; and the two jackals, in the Buddhist monk's tale, lift up a Stūpa, Elāşādha's head, cut off by the thieves, eats badara fruits on the tree; and the Svetāmbara monk throws his head on the tree in order to eat kapittha fruits. Legends like Brahman's lotus or hair sticking at Vişnu's navel, Vyāsa's birth, Monkeys lifting mountains, and the physical make up of Jarāsamdha and Şaņmukha are quoted in both Dhū. and Dp. to confirm almost common motifs. Though not in identical contexts there are many details and legends common to both Dhū. and Dp.: loose morals of gods (Dhữ. 1. 60 f.; Dp. XI. 21 f.); Brahman and Tilottamā (Dhū. I. 58–84; Dp. XI. 29 f.); 1 Though the Dhū. does not mention any such event, the Prabhāvakacarita of Prabbā candra (4, D. 1277) records that Haribhadra diverted that layman Kārpāsika from partiality for the Bhārata and Itibāsas by telling him the five stories of rogues' (kitava-kathānaka-pañcakt), and von him over to the Jaina faith (verses TX. 207-12). Prabhācandra quotes V. 120 thus: pi tu tapos a stat futá THARAU Ell; and to explain this verse Haribhadra is said to have composed the Dhūrtākbyāna. 2 Two adjectives of the elephant are almost common to Dhū. and Dp.

·48 DHURTĀRHYĀNA : Indra and Ahalyā (Dhū. V. 33-36; Dp. XI. 61 f.); Agni's mating with Yáma's beloved" (Dhū. V, 26–30; Dp. XI. especially 82 f.); Agastya drinking the ocean (Dhū. IV. 27; Dp. XIII. 18 f.); Kuntī's sons from Sūrya etc. (Dhū, I. 82 f.; V. 11, 23, 37; Dp. XIV. 91, XV. 11); the male organ of Śiva (Dhū. I. 39-4, V. 59; Dp. XIII. 80)*; etc. The hungry Dhūrtas narrating their experiences and confirming the same with Purāņic legends during a rainy week, with their dinner depending on the decision of their discussion, present a back-ground (in Dhū.) which is much dissimilar to that depicted in Dp. in which a learned gathering of Brāhmaṇas of Pataliputra is visited on six successive days by Manovega (with his friend Pavanavega) who, modestly avoiding debate with Brāhmaṇas even after he beats the drum and sits on the golden seat, narrates fantastic tales and himself confirms the same with Purāņic legends, when challenged about the veracity of his statements. In Dhū. it is the autobiographical experience that forms the back-bone of the story, the points of which are confirmed by Purāņic legends; and so it is in the last four stories, i, e., III-VI, of the Dharma-parīkņā.: The first two contexts in Dp., i. e., I and II, present not an inconsistent, and improbable story, but an incredible situation presented to the eye: those who have ornaments on their body cannot be grass-faggot-sellers, and a cat which is claimed to scare away rats at miles' distance by its presence cannot have its ears eaten by rats. The first situation is justified by the example of Vişņu; and the second by saying that a single flaw of the cat can be tolerated or ignored as in the case of god Agni. The Dhū. las no Brahmanic audience explicitly before it, while in Dp. Manovega is actually made to encounter the Brāhmaṇas in their own citadel and to outwit them by openly pointing out and criticising: inconsistent elements in the Purāņic mythology. The episode of the Buddhist monk in-Dp. (No. V) is not quite successful, because it affords opportunity to satirize only one legend from the Rāmāyaṇa. Jayarāma's Dp. is not available to us, and Harişeņa’s Dp.. is still; in Mss. If we are to be guided by Amitagati's work, we find that he attacks vehemently the Purāņic deities, even when they do not figure in the legends satirised; here and there he adds certain Purāņic stories, as they ought to be and as they are accepted by Jaina tradition; now and then he offers pithy maxims of worldly. wisdom and sections of didactic teaching; he loses no opportunity to. denounce.worldly pleasures and prescribe religious discourses; and he not-only criticises Purāņic religion but adds also substantial details on Jaina mythology, dogmatics and ethics. These are some of the specialities of the 'Dp. text as it came to be shaped by Amitagati. i 1 The legend in Dhū, is shortor; and we do not find there the name of Chāyā and her association with Mandapakausika, given in Dp. 2 The town of Ujjaini with its northern park is introduced in both Dhū. (I. 2–3) and Dp. (I, 58, 64), though in different contexts, :

·A CRITICAL STUDY 49 The points of similarity, already noted above, do indicate that Jayarāma must have used the Dhūrtākhyāna of Haribhadra or some subsequent recension of it. The agreement is of a fundamental character and cannot be brushed aside as accidental or incidental. The illustrative sub-stories and the tales of four fools, included in Dp., show that some other popular stories have been intelligently used. Haribhadra by his satirical genius of a very high order merely smashed the structure of Purāņic mythology, but the authors of Dp. have gone a few steps ahead that they tried to erect instead a superstructure of Jaina religious preaching. The artistic mould of Dhū. is missed; but a form of effective propaganda has been evolved, and it became much popular in subsequent centuries as indicated by the number of Dp. texts in different languages?. It is quite natural that Amitagati, or even his predecessors, utilised different and additional Purāņic legends for the same purpose. The Dp. texts are stamped with a definite . religious bias: perhaps that prohibited them from admitting a character like Khandapānā, and on that account some of the fantastic tales are toned down, in some cases being followed by a few Purāņic legends. It is interesting to note that sometimes Amitagati, though he is a full-fledged propagandist, writes in a half-serious, mocking mood, even when he introduces a Digambara monk (Dp. XII, 88 f.). That is a befitting tone for a satirical writer, The Dhūrtākhyāna of Haribhadra, we have seen, is a unique satire; and its successors like the Dharma-parīkņā are a fine specimen of Indian literature which is both interesting and instructive. The caustic prick, which such works might have given to the zealous followers of Purāņic religion, has not much effect on the dispassionate student of Indian literature: for him every novel aspect adds to the wealth of the great literary heritage of the past. 7. Prākrit Dialect and Style of Dhūrtākhyāna The Prākrit text of Dhūrtākhyāna, presented in this edition, is based only on two ss.; and still one is faced with difficulties, here and there, in construing and interpreting it satisfactorily. It is, therefore, far from being final; and any attempt to prepare an exhaustive grammar of it is out of question at present. It is intended here just to note a few salient features of the Prākrit dialect of Dhū., as it stands in this edition. It has been a recognised convention with the editors of Ardhamāgadhi and Jaina Māhārāştrī texts to use almost uniformly initial n and non-initial ņ; 1 My friend Prof. D. L. Narasimhachar, Mysore, draws my attention to one more Dp. (in addition to those which I have mentioned in my paper on Harişeņa's Dp.) in Kannada by Candrasāgara Varņi. He has seen a m., and has kindly sent some extracts to me. We learn the following details from them: The Dp. of. Vrttavilāsa, the pupil of Rāva!a Yatiśvara, could be understood only by the learned; so the Śrāvakas of Beļuguļa requested Cârukirti Paņditācārya to get propered a rendering of it in modern Kannada (Kannada-vyākhyānadalli mādisi kodiemibaclāgi). This then, at the instance of Carukirti, came to be composed by Candrasāgara who offers salutation to both Cârukirti and [Lakşmisena ] Svāmi of Kolhapur. It is written in simple Kannada, mostly in prose. Following Vịttavilāsa's Dp. it has ten chapters. It is said to be written in Saka 1770 (+78=1848 A, D.), Ananda Samvatsara. 7 ·50 DHĒRTĀKHYĀNA: Homagandra's rale (VIII. i. 228-9) is optional; and Dhū. shoys definite partiality for ?, whether initial or non-initial. Perhaps following the us..B, which conforms to the more strict rule of Hemacandra-, j-sruti is not introduced after vowels other than a or ; but the text shows many exceptional cases, for instance: kurdiya I. 58, dažja III. 48, dluggažjā V. 92, dharijā I. 91; mujaha IV. 71, suyaṁ II, 51, haņuýāi III, 44. It appears that Ms. A represents a more correct situation, namely, to put y-sruti along with the udvytta vowel, a or ā, irrespective of the preceding vowel; and Jacobi also uniformly follows this rule in his ed. of the Samarāiccakahā of Haribhadra. In the absence of separate Nāgarī orthographical symbols for č. and 8, as distinguished from those for e and 0, we find that i and u are ensily substituted for Ở and ở before conjuncts etc., where e and o are to be pronounced shorta: The point at issue is complicated by the fact that beside the writing of i and u for ě and 0, we must also admit, in some cases, the change of these short vowels to į and u. General principles like the weakening at the end, the original Sanskrit formation, and analogy would establish some system and decidė a few points. Sometimes this gives quite a deceptive appearance to certain nominal and verbal forms etc.: ekata! eva>ěkkatto ccia>ikkattu (also ekatto =čkkatto?) ccia IV.73; ettio >ittio I. 38; kundiāě I. 40 but givãi I. 84 and Nilai V. 11; Kuřtie and Kurtii V. 11, 37; gotra>götta>gutta V. 39; cakrah iva>cakko vva>cakku vua IV. 5; kşetra >chetta>chitta IV. 1-2; yogya>jogga>jugga V. 78; donni>dunni I. 81; pēcchar>picchan II. 5, 9; potta>putta II. 44; Věřti>birti I. 11; samūho tti > samūhu tti III. 57; $resthi>sčţthi>sițțhi V.94; šň cciya>su cciya I. 94, V. 113; höjja>hujja I. 59, 88; etc. Now and then we come across certain forms which show a change in the quantity of vowel : -ī of the Present 3rd p. sing. III. 97, IV. 6 (cf. Samarā. p. 249, 1. 18; p. 276, 1. 6); uahi IV. 30; jia IV. 35; māria IV. 47; laya I. 3; ummi of the Loc. sing. I. 4, 23, 36, 51, II, 34, IV. 37, 88, V. 14, 78, 112 (usually at the close of a pāda; cf. Samarā. p. 80, l. 12; p. 652, last line); Vi V. 17, 32 (also Paüma., 17. 12); suc III. 54; etc. All these are due to exegencies of metre rather than being special grammatical forms. In this category may be included araņī for aranyas II. 31, tesi for tesim I. 6, kadū for kadąī IV. 35, etc.; also bandhassă for bandhassa in Samarā.; p. 652, 1. 17. There are many forms which show that a short vowel followed by. an anusvāra and the corresponding long vowel get mutually exchanged; in some cases the text itself preserves both the forms: chammāsa (metrically 1 It has to be noted that Hemacandra himself knew cases which went against his rule; and it is probable that he is following some grammatical tradition, while the practice even in his own days was to write it in all places irrespective of the preceding vowel. 2 Pischel: Grammatic der Prākrit-Sprachen (Strassburg 1900), $84. References to Pischel have the sections of this grammar in view. 3 For the change of y to i, compare a(6)bhyantara >abbhintara, ma(d)dhyama > majjhima.

·À CRITICAL STUDİ 51 required) I. 52, chammāsarir I. 32, chanmāsā I. 28, 89; dhārań, dhārā I. 28–9; rukkhatthā IV. 37 (also Paümacariya kāranatthā 5. 87); vahattha IV. 27,80; sakka III. 20; Sia for Siaṁ II. 67 (Paüma. jattā kāūnce 5. 86); nivvui for nivvuin V. 51 (see Paüma. uppatli 1. 38, nivvui 5. 124, rai 6. 240); vilavamāni V. 100; sitthi for siţthin V. 99; bhaniū III. 20. The Abl, sing. of mas, and neu. in -añ, noted by Alsdorf? in the Vasudevahiņdi, appears to me a similar case in which -aṁ and -c are being interchanged. The Paümacariya gives plenty of such cases: I have noted only a few. This exchange has not resulted from any defective writing. Both of them have the same metrical value and phonetic quantity, and they mutually alternate as a purely phonetic variant. This interchange is not sporadic just affecting a few forms of our text. It appears to have been a regular phenomenon which has left its influence on the different aspects of Middle Indo-Aryan". Once te accept it, many strange words and forms (besides those noted above) get easily explained, for instance, sanrakkhana & sārakkhand, simhx & siha, maṁsa & mäsc; in Pāli vāgisa & voorgīsa, sanātana & sanaṁtana; etc. Probably this has arisen out of uncertain pronunciation of a short vowel followed by an anusvārci. Intervocalic g is not only retained sometime: jage IV. 43; räge IV. 46; sägara III. 75, also sūyara IV, 27, but li also is softened to g: egāgină IV. 31; kamalāgara V. 53; etc. Intervocalic d is retained in some cases: udara III. 85; udahi IV. 89; tillodā IV, 21, also tilloa IV. 7. Instances like tenayagarena V. 67, divas'avasāne IV. 9, Bhārah'avabo yāra-käle I. 82 illustrate Jacobi's rule of dropping of the final a of the first svord when followed by a even when in turn followed by a short syllable. As typical Saṁdhis we might note asti +- eşd=atthesa IV, 14, flusnātā >uunhāyā> unhāyā V. 8. Some of the proper names show some phonetic changes : Agastya = Agam tthi I. 63, IV. 27, the Sanskrit verse regularly reads Agastin 265; Ahalya = Ähillä V. 33, Mārkandeya = Makkanda II. 31, Pārāsura I. 63, V. 13 (note the v.l.), Rānance* II, 62, 68, 71 and rarely Rāvana III, 93, Vasiştha= Visittha I. 63. Some words change their bases: kamandala I. 32-3, beside koman. ďalu I. 21-3; Bambhāna V. 116 (also Paüma. 5. 122); maņasā I. 50; Khandavāņai for Khandavānā IV. 14. A few words stand without the 1 See bis paper The Vasudevahiņdi, a specimen of Archaic Jaina-Mābārāştri', Bulletin of the School of O. Studies, vol. VIII, parts 2 & 3, 2 Consult also Pischel's Grammatik. $$ 75, 114, 181 and 339. Dr. A. M. Ghatage bas discussed this in his paper 'Linguistic Nature of Prakrit Languages: read at the 11th All-India Oriental Conference, Hyderabad, He regards it as a case of extension of the original alternance arising from casos where it is due to normal causes, 3 Sanatkumāracaritam (München 1921), Intro. p. 6. BVCL 28716 Jacobi: Bhavisattakoha (München 1918) Intro. p. 60*, line 1, 891.2 S618-19 ·52 DHURTĀKHYANA: termination of the subject or object: gammāgamna IV. 85, gaya-kaccharco IV, 61, .sambhana IV, 81, hiahia IV, 85 (for similar cases see Pauma. 1. 6, 36 etc.). The form Agatthinan is Inst. sing.; such forms are already noted by Pischel (5 379) in Ardhamāgadhi; and plenty of them are found in the Prügiacariya 12, 113, 13. 10, 15. 20, 16. 32 etc. A forni like Agatthing would be quite regular in Apabhramśa. Uvvasiya? V. 115 is Gen. sing. (for such forms cf. Tiloyapannatti 1. 241, 2, 208, etc., also 4. 42, the termination for Gen. and Loc. being the same). Loc, sing. kucchinumi II. 41, also kucchie II, 38. Inst. sing. of asmad is mc III. 3, V. 21, 32; perhaps mě is represented by mi at V. 32, second line. Looking at the use of mi at II. 2 and IV. 2, 4, one finds that it is serving the purpose of both aham (through Inst. sing. me, with p. p. p. as the predicate) and asmi (through the forms amhi, mhi, ammi, ami). Hemacandra is quite aware of such forms; and Pischel has square-bracketed them in the absence of authentic usage. Lately Alsdorf' has noted such cases from the Vasudevahindi; and it will be seen that the forms of asmad have affected analogically those of yuşmad. At IV. 24 tam stands for tvam. Instr. sing. is tc I. 87, also tumc.- Of the verbal forms we may note a few. Present 1st p. sing. : paribhamami IV. 3, V. 51, also paribhamāmi III. 1; 3rd p. sing. : tappaï I, 55, 59, perhaps from the passive base (also Paüma. 9. 55). Imp. 2nd p. sing de V.78; in the light of the available material, its stages of evolution can be shown thus: dehi dchi>de-dehi, naturally then de can stand for dchi. Our text gives a form chehi II. 36 (v.l. che chi, perhaps a scribal improvement on echi); and the Paümacariya gives some such forms: hana hana 69. 112, chehi 44. 53, c-chi 8. 174, thā-thāhi 45. 10. The form sunijjasu I. 53 (cf. Paima. 38. 46 khancijāsu) started perhaps with the passive augment but here in the active sense". The lengthening of i in bhanihāno V. 3 has parallels in the. Paümacariya : vaccīkāmo V. 190, bhavikāmi 118. 63, etc. ahesi IV: 33 is to be traced back to Aorist *abhavişīt ( Pischel 516 and Hema. VIII iii. 164). pecchań II. 5, 9, is apparently used in the sense of the Present Ist p. sing. At III. 15 chinace is used as the base. -un or tun is the well-known termination of the Infinitive; bub many forms in this text are used with the Gerundive sense : oyarium IV. 2, kaum IV. 50, gartuṁ I, 66, III. 40, 43, chinnium III. 15, ?raniuń II. 9, sāmattheum III. 9, 28, 56 (cf. Paüma. 1. 10, 2. 60, 5. 38, etc.), The Gerundives with -ittu and •ūņa are available in this text, see I. 71, V. 43, 48, 87, 102. The form piñdevi III. 18 is Gerundive, quite usual in Apabhraíśa; and parallels ara found in the Paüma. 11. 99, 41. 63, 43. 48. There is one usage of the Infinitive paribh26- : 1 Such forms are found also in the Vasudovaliņdi, as noted by Alsdorf in his paper referred to above, 2 See his paper referred to above. 3 A. M. Ghatage: Repetition in Prākrit Syntax, New Indian Antiquary, vol. II, 1. p. 55. See also Homacandra's Grammar VIII, iii, 177-8.

·À CRITICAL STUDY 53 ttum-je I. 45 which deserves special attention. je is used as a proclitic here. Such forms are found in the Paümacariya also ghéttuñ.je 1. 14, hamtum-je 53. 54, rāuň-jc 118. 62. According to Hemacandra (VIII. ii. 217) this je is merely an expletive for păda-pūrane." At III. 58 and V, 111 jattend and loeņa are used in the sense of Loc., so also santhiehin & -attehi either stand for Loc., or even Gen. Similar instances are found in the Ācāränga as well. It is interesting to note that Apabh. has a common termination -him in the Instr. and Loc. pl. Loc. for Inst.: vālaggaṁte I. 21, 53 (cf. Paüm. 8. 42, 94); Loc. for Abl.: pãesu II. 45, bārāsu I. 37, īrisu I. 37 (but ürühiñ II. 46*). - rāma rāmena I. 7, IV. 7, is just a repetitions. Parallels for it are found in the Mahābhārata (Virāța 2. 1), Rāmāyaṇa and Paümacariya 2. 8, 21. In the Paüma. (41. 46) and Vasudeva-hiņdi (p. 12) nána is suffixed to the proper name, Aggikeu-ramo, Jambu- nāmo; and these are later on again followed by ramena. One feels from giri vua II. 34, linda vua V. 120 that perhaps vva is being used for vat. The dialect used by Haribhadra has much common with that of Paümacariya; and some of the traits have definite stamp of antiquity in the evolution of Prākrits. In view of its inheritance of certain Ardhamāgadhi characteristics and its close affinity with the idiom of Paümacariya, we may call it Jaina Mābārāștrī, following the terminology of Jacobi and Pischel, The style of Dhūrtākhyāna, on the whole, is simple and fluent, and quite suited to the conversational tone in which the rogues are carrying on their learned vrangling. Haribhadra follows here the epic model, and is addressing an audience of mediocre education and not a learned gathering. No artificial attempt is made to embellish the language with poetic ornaments. The author's mastery over canonical language has unconsciously introduced expressions like sannihia-pāļihero, sannddhabaddha-kavayā etc. (I1.6, 10) which remind us of Ardhamāgadhī phrases. In descriptions, however, the normal style has not been maintained: long compounds are easily introduced in describing the rainy season (I. 8 f.), Ganges (I. 25 f.), Tilottamā (I. 62 f., II, 29 f.), etc. The description of the cemetary (V. 82f.), though quite dignified as a piece of composition, is not only out of place and proportion, but also conspicuously pedantic in its construction in this small work. The first four fantastic tales are remarkably racy in their style, and the handling of.expression is quite in keeping with the presentation of events. * | Some illustrations are already noted from the Paṇhāvāgaraņžin; and Dr. Sen has observed thus: "The infinitive with je, which occurs twice (ginhium-je p. 122, ginheum-je p. 113a), occurs in the canon not earlier than in some late gāthā-prakirnaka." A critical Introduotion to the Paphāvāgarañain, Würzburg 1936, p. 13. See also Das Mahānisihasutta by W. Schubring, Berlin 1918, p. 92. 2 Jacobi: Some Ancient Jaina Works, Modern Review, pp. 574-77, December 1914; also his Bhavisattakaha, p. 60 of the Intro. Ghatage: Instrumental and Locative in Ardha-Māgadhi, Indian Historical Quarterly, vol. XIII, NO. 1, 1931, 3 See the paper Repetition in Prākrit Byntax', p. 50, zoted above.

·54 DHORTAKHYANA: My most sincere thanks I offer to Achārya Jinavijayaji, the learned Editor of the Dhūrtākhyāna in Prākrit, Sanskrit and Gujarāti, who kindly requested me to associate myself with his edition by contributing a critical Essay. I had realized the importance of this work a couple of years: back; and I gladly welcomed this opportunity of studying the Dhūrtākhyāna which is a remarkable satire in Indian literature. My thanks are also due to Dr. R. N. Dandekar, Poona; Dr. S. K. De, Dacca; Dr. A. M. Ghatage, Kolhapur; and Mr. K. D. Pednekar, M.A., Kolhapur, who helped me with some books, references and suggestions. Rajaram College, Kolhapur: 25-10-19.43. A, N, UPADHYE ·INDEX OF 'A CRITICAL STUDY'. This Index includes informative references to important names of authors and works, as well as to a few topics, occurring in The Dhūrtākhyāna: A Critical Study'. It is just a supplement to the Index of names, added at the end of this volume, which registers all the proper nouns mentioned in the Dhūrtākhyāna of Haribhadra and referred to in the Critical Study. The references here are to the pages of the Study. Abhayadeva, 37. Dhūrtākhyāna (Sanskrit) 36f.; the author etc. of Agni, voluptuous character of 31. 37; compared with Pk. Dhū. 37; text of 38. Ahalyā, Indra's behaviour with 31. Dhurtākhyāna (Gujarāti), age of the Ms. of Akhyāna, 16. 35; compared with Pk, and Sk. texts 39; Amitagati, 41. on the language of 40. Aşādhabhūti, 23. Dhūrtasamāgama, 20. Avantisundarikathă, 23. Droņa, birth of 26, 33, Balarama, transference of the embryo of 33. Drupada, bow of 28. Bāņa, 23. Epics, nature of 12 f.; Haribhadra's attack Bhāra, satire in 19 f. against 13; textual vicissitudes of 34 f. Bharataka-dvatrimsikā, 18. Ganapati, origin of 33. Bhima, Baka killed by 30; birth of 31. Gangā, foiled in Hara's hair 26, 27. Boccacio, 24. Garuda, the mighty one 30, Brahman, varnas from 26; birth of 26, 28, 33. Govardhana, Kršņa lifts 30. Candragaccha, 37. Gunasekhara, 37. Canterbury Tales, 23, 24, Hanumat, ocean crossed by 27; his body pieced Caturbhāņi, 19. together 29; medicino brought by 29; trees Chaucer, 23, 24. rooted out by 31; birth and tail of 31. Damodaragupta, 18. Hara, male organ of 26. Dandin, a satirist 17. Harisena, 41. Darpadalana, 18. Haribhadra, epics attacked by 13; & logician Dasakumāracarita, satire in 17. and a witty critic 13; inventive skill of Daśavaikālikasūtra, 14, 23. 14; his fascination for humorous and satirical Decameron, 24. tales 14; a story-teller 15; corrupt asceticism Dovabhadra, 37. and blind belief in the society attacked by 21; Devadattā, 23. a logician and a rationalist 21; bibliography Devendra, 23, 37. on the works otc, of 25 foot-note; intelle- Dharmapariksā, 1, various texts of 41 ; summary ctual integrity of 35. of the contents of 42 f.; Dhū, compared and Hāsyacūļāmaņi, 19. contrasted with 46 f. Ilāputra, 23. Dhürtākhyāna (Prākrit) acquaintance with, Mss. Indra, Ahalyā seduced by 31; 32. and the Pk. text of 1 f.; contents of 2 f.; Jablana, 19, purpose, technique and form of 12 f.; a Jahnu, Gangå gulped by 30. parody or & satire 20 f.' a literary piece 22; Jarāsandha, constitution of 28. characters in 23; a masterpiece of construction Jaţāgū, shape of 28, 24; sources of the legends in 33f; legend 9 Jayarāma, 41. divergences found in 33 f.; Sanghatilaka's Ss. Jinaprabha, 37. version of 36 f.; Gujarati rendering of 39 f.; Jinasekhara, 37. Dharmapariksa compared and contrasted Jinayallabha, 37. with 46 f.; Prākrit dialect of 49 f.; style of 53. Jinośvara, 37, ·56 DHURTĀKHYANA; Kādambari, 23. Ronukā, rovival of 28. Kalāvilāsa, 18, 23. Rudrapalliya-gaccha, 37, Kandariya, 23. Sāli Malammnda, 37. Karan, birth of 26. Samayamatska, 18. Kathāsaritsāgara, 23. Sauyaktva-saptatikā, 37. Keśava, Dovaki's womb containing 27; 28. Sanghntilnka, 37. ' Khandavāņā, character of 23. Şaņmukha, birth of 33. Kicakas, the birth of 26. Särasvatapattana, 37. Kşemendra, satirical works of 18 f.; 22, 23, Kumbhakarna, meal of 30. Sarrajna, Mbh,criticised by 13. Śaśa, 19, 23. Kunti, sons from 31, Satiro, in Indian literaturo 16 f.; works Kuttinimata, 18. containing olowouts of 17 f.; in. Bhana and Latakamelaka, 20. Prahasana 19 f. Mahasena, birth of and two stories about 29, Somatilnka, 37. Mahendravikrama, 20. Śricandrr, 37. Mattavilāsa, 20, Srngāratilaka, 19. Mșcchakatikam, 17. Sredakundalin, birth of 26. Mukundānanda, 19. Mūladova, 19; various names of and roforouces Tilottamă, Brahman temptod by 26; Sunda Tattvakaumudi, 37. to 23, Nalakūbara, release of 33. otc, destroyod by 29; birth of 33. Nilakantha Dikşita, 19. Urrasi, birth of 33, Niśithacūrpi, 23. Varäha, earth liftod by 30. Pädatāditaka, 19. Vardhamana, 37. Padmacandra, 37. Vatsarāja, 19. Padmaprābhrtaka, 19, 23, Vijayacapdra, 37. Padmasāgara, 41. Vilramāditya, 23. Părvati, birth of 33. Vimalacrudra, 37. Prabhānanda, 37. Vişņu, Bali outwitted by 30. Prahasana, satiro in 20 f. Voltairo, 23. Rālu, sun and moon eclipsed by 30. Vrttavilāsa, 41. Raktaknpdalin, birth of 26. Yama-dharma, 32, ·श्रीमद्हरिभद्रसूरिरचितं 9-4 ख्या न म्। [प्रास्ताविकम् ] १ or ४ 10 ६ नमिऊण जिणवरिंदे तिअसेसरवंदिए धुअकिलेसे । विउसजणबोहणत्थं धुत्तक्खाणं पवक्खामि ॥ ललिअसमिद्धजणवया अस्थि पुरी सुरपुरि' विसेसंती। उज्जुअजणाहिवासा उजेणी णाम णामेणं ॥ २६ तीसे उत्तरपासे णाणाविहकुसुमगुम्मलयगहणं । महुअरिगणोवगीअं उजाणं णंदणसरिच्छं । तत्थुजाणगिहम्मी णाणाविहरूवकम्मणिज्जुत्ता। धुत्ताण सयाणेगा समागया कहवि हिंडंता ॥ मायाणिअडिपहाणा अकजणिचुजुआ णिरणुकंपा । थीवालवुहवीसत्यघाइणो वंचणिकपरा ॥ धूवंजणजोगेहि अ ओसोअणि-थंभणीहिं विजाहिं । सर-वन्नभेयकुसला तेसि पहू पंचिमे कमसो॥ मूलसिरि कंडरीओ एलाँसाढो संसो अ खंडवों । इकिकस्स य तेसिं धुत्ताणं पंच-पंचसया ॥ धुत्तीणं पंचसया खंडवणाए अ णवरि परिवारो। सव्वाण वि ताण पहू मूलसिरी लोविक्खाओ। वदृइ अ ताण कालो जलयसमुच्छन्नसूर-ससिमग्गो। इंदधणुविजुगजिअजलयरमुहलो वरिसयालो॥ सत्तादुद्दिणम्मि अ समंतओ भरिअवप्पकृवसरे । कयचिक्खिल्लचिलिफिलदुस्संचारासु रच्छासुं॥ एआरिसम्मि काले ते धुत्ता सीअवद्दलाभिया । भुक्खत्ता विति तहिं-'को अम्हं दिज भत्तं' ति ११ अह भणइ मूलदेवो-'जं जेण सुअंच समणुभूअं वा। सो तं कहेउ सव्वं मिलिआणेआण धुत्ताणं ॥ १२ 25 जो तं न पत्तिइजा असचवयणं ति तेण सव्वेसि । धुत्ताण समुइआणं दायव्वं भत्तपाणं ति ॥ 1 B सुरपुरवरिं। 2 B लोग। 3 B °मुहरो। 4 B व 15 Aण ।. 6 A धुत्ताणं ।.. ७ ८ 20 .

·१४ हरिभद्रसूरिकृतं धूर्ताख्यानम् । जो पुण पुराण-भारह-रामायण-सुइ-समुत्थ'वयणेहिं । तं वयण समत्थित्ता महायणं पत्तिआविज ॥ सो धुत्ताण अहिवई महामई अत्थि सत्वणिम्माओ। मा देउ किंचि कस्स वि-' इअ भणिए मूलदेवेण ॥ ते सव्वे विअ भणिया-'इअ होउ सुसोहणं तए भणिअं'। किंतु तुमं पढमं चिअ कहेहि जं ते समणुभूअं ॥ १५ 5 १६ [१. अथ मूलदेवकथितं कथानकम् ।] १७ 10 १९ 15 २० २१ २२ २ अह भणइ मूलदेवों-'जं अणुभूअं मए तरुणभावे । तं णिसुणेह अवहिआ कहिजमाणं सुजुत्तीए॥ तरुणत्तणम्मि अयं इच्छिअसुहसंपयं अहिलसंतो। धाराधरणहाए सामिगिहं पत्थिओ सुइरं ॥ छत्तकमंडलुहत्थो पंथं वाहेमि गहिअपच्छयणो । मत्तं पव्वयमित्तं पिच्छामि अ गयवरं इंतं ॥ मेहमिव गुलगुलिंतं पभिण्णकरडामुहं महामत्तं । दृट्ठण वणगइंदं भएण वेवंतगत्तो हं॥ अत्ताणो अ असरणो कत्थ निलुकामि हं ति चिंतंतो। तो सहसा य अइगओ कमंडलु मरणभयभीओ॥ अह सो वि मत्तहत्थी ऊसविअकरो सरोसरत्तच्छो । मज्झाणुमग्गलग्गो कमंडलुं अइगओ सिग्धं ॥ तो हं भयसंभंतो समंतओ विदु पलोअंतो। हत्थिं कमंडलुम्मी वामोहेऊण छम्मासं ॥ गीवाह णिग्गओ हं हत्थी वि ममाणुमग्गओ णिन्तो। लग्गो वालग्गंते कुंडिअगीवाइ छिद्दम्मि ॥ अहमवि अ णवरि पुरओ गंगं पिच्छामि रंगिरतरंग । फेणणिअरहहासं वणगयदंतक्खयतडग्गं ।। उम्मीसहस्सपउरं झस-मयर-ग्गाह-कुम्मपरियरियं । जुवइहिअय व्वगाहं उअहि व्व सुदूरपरपारं ॥ पहमन्नं अलहंतो तो हं इसुवेअवाहिणि सिग्छ । बाहाहिं समुत्तिण्णो गोपयमिव भारहिं विउलं ॥ तो सामिगिहं गंतुं छुह-तण्हापरिसहेहिं सहमाणो। छम्मासा सीसेणं धरेमि धारा धरठाए । 1 B °समत्य। 2 A पभणिया ते। 3 A मूलदेओ। 20 २३ २४ २५ 25 ६ २७ 30 २८ ·२९ १. मूलदेवोक्तं कथानकम् । धारेऊण य धारं पयओ अहिवंदिऊण महसेणं । संपत्तो उजणिं तुम्भेहिं समं च मिलिओ हं।। तो जइ सचं एअं तो मे हेऊहिं पत्तिआवेह । अह मण्णह' अलिअं तं धुत्ताणं देह तो भत्तं ॥ अह भणइ कंडरीओ-'को भणिही तुममसच्चवयणं ति। भारह-पुराण-रामायणाणि पुरिसो विआणतो'। परिभणइ मूलदेवो-'सो हत्थी कुंडिआई कह माओ। कह भमिओ छम्मासं कमंडले तम्मि वणहत्थी॥ 'सुहुमच्छिद्देण कमंडलाओं कह णिग्गओ अहं सो अ। णिग्गंतो वणहत्थी वालग्गंते कहं लग्गो ॥ कह गंगा उत्तिण्णा वाहाहिं मए सुदूरपरपारा । कह छम्मासं धरिआ भुक्खिअतिसिएणुदयधारा? ॥ ॥ धूर्ताख्याने मूलदेवेनोक्तं कथानकमेकम् ॥ ३३ ॥ 15 ३५ ३७ 20 [अथ कण्डरीकोक्तं मूलदेवकथानकोत्तरम् 1] अह भणइ कंडरीओ-जं सुम्मइ भारहे पुराणे अ। तं जइ सव्वं सचं तो सच्चं तुज्झ वि य वयणं । हत्थी कमंडलुम्मी अहं पि माओ कहं तिज भणसि । इत्थ दिआइपसिद्धं वयणं सुण पच्चयणिमित्तं ॥ भाणस्स मुहाओ विप्पा, खत्तियजणो अ वाहासु । ऊरूसु णिग्गया किर वइसा, सुद्दा य पाएसु॥ बंभाणस्स सरीरे जइ माओ इत्तिओ जणसमूहो । तो कह कमंडलुम्मी ण मासि तं वणगयसमग्गो । अण्णं च बंभ-विण्हू उ8 च अहो अबेवि धावंता। अंतं जस्स ण पत्ता वाससहस्सेण दिव्वेण ।। लिंगं महप्पमाणं कह मायं तस्सुमासरीरम्मि । एवं जइ कुंडिआऍ हत्थी माओ त्ति को दोसो।। अण्णं च इमं सुव्वद रिसिणा वासेण भारहेऽभिहिों। जह वेणुपव्वमझे कीअगभाइअसयं जायं ।। कीओ वंसो भण्णइ तहिं जाया कीअग त्ति भण्णंति । कह तेसिं उप्पत्ती विराडरायग्गमहिसीए । 25 *२*४० ४१ ४२७ 1 B मंण्णह। 2 B कुंडीआइ। 3 B सुहुमि। 4 B सुदूरतरपारा । 5 B पुराणमि। 6 A. बी वयणं। 7 B अहे य दोवि । 8 B भणियं।

·४४ 10 15 ५० हरिभद्रसूरिकृत धूर्ताख्यानम् । तीए वि णत्थि पुत्तो तो सा रिसिआसमम्मि रिसिमिकं । आराहिउँ पयत्ता तेण वि सो साहिओ चरुओ॥ ४३ भणिआ तेण य रिसिणा एअं चरुअंतुर्म कुडंगम्मि । मुंजाहि पहिट्ठमणा होही ते तत्थ पुत्तसयं ॥ सा तं परिभुत्तुं जे वंसकुडंगम्मि तो गया सगिहं। कस्सइ कालस्स तहिं गग्गलिणामो रिसिवरु त्ति ॥ ४५ वंसीजालपविट्ठो चरइ तवं णवरि तत्थ पउमसरे । अच्छरसा पहायंती रिसिणा दिट्ठा विगयवस्था । ४६ खुहियस्स सुक्कबिंदुं पडिअं णालीइ कीअगो पढमो। णवणायसहस्सबलो संजाओ पढमविंदुम्मि ॥ ४७ जह जह णिज्झाइ मुणी अच्छरसं पवररूवलावण्णं । तह तह खिरइ अ बीअं जायं तहिं कीअगाण सयं ॥ वंसीणालीऔं रिसी णिक्खिविलंणिययमालयं पत्तो। सु चिय वंसकुडंगो राया रक्खावए णिचं ॥ संजायसव्वगत्ता गहिआ देवीइ तुट्ठमणसाए । तं तीए पुत्तसयं भण्णइ णालीसमुप्पन्नं ॥ जइ वंससमुप्पन्नं भायसयं कीअगाण माइ तहिं । तो कह कमंडलुम्मी ण मासि तं वणगयसमग्गो ॥ ३ *५१ वाससहस्सं गंगा जडासु वामोहिआ जइ हरेणं । छम्मासं कुंडिआए विमोहिओं वणगओ सच्चं ॥ *४*५२ लग्गो वालग्गते हत्थी अयं च णिग्गओ कह णु । जं भणसि तं सुणिजन पुराणसुइआगयं वयणं ।। ५३ विण्हू जगस्स कत्ता सो किर एगण्णवम्मि लोगम्मि । आगासभूमिमारूअतसथावरजलण रहियम्मि ॥ णढणरासुरतिरिए ताराससिसूरविरहिआलोए। तप्पड तवं अणंतो जलसयणगओ अचिंतप्पा ॥ ५५ तस्स किर पंकयत्थो बंभो णाहीइ पउमगम्भाओ। दंडकमंडलुहत्थो विणिग्गओ पंकयं लग्गं ॥ ५६ एवं कमंडलुगीवाइ णिग्गओ जइ तुमं गयसमं पि । हत्थी वालग्गंते लग्गो तो इत्थ किमजुत्तं ॥ * ५ *५७ जं पि अ भणसि गुणागर कुंडियगीवाइ णिग्गओ किमहं । भारहपसिमित्थ वि वयणं सुण पचयणिमित्तं ॥ ५८ दिव्वं वाससहस्सं बंभाणो तप्पई तवं रणे । तो खुहिआ तिअसगणा भणंति कह हुन्ज से विग्छ । 20 25 30 है 1B य तेण। 2 A विमोहओ। 8 A जण। 4 B सयणग्गओ। 5 B एव ।

·६० ६१ 6 ६२ ६३ ६४ 10 ६५ 15 १. मूलदेवोक्तं कथानकम् । तो भणइ सुरवरिंदो थीलोलो पसुबई विवाहम्मि। अग्गीकम्मणिउत्तो दह्ण उमं ल्हसियचेलं ॥ खुहिओ वीअनिसरगं करेइ विहुणइ णियंसणं ताहे । पडिअंबीअंकलसे दोणायरिओ समुप्पन्नो ॥ एरिसिअहत्थिआहिं एसो खुभिज' स्वकलिआहिं । को इत्थीहिं न खुहिओ मुत्तूण जिणं महावीरं ॥ गोअम-विसिह-पारासुरो अ जमयग्गि-कासवो-गत्थी। अयं च सुराहिवई हरो हरी तिहुअणवरिहा ॥ अण्णे वि एवमाई तवसत्तणिही जयम्मि विक्खाया। वम्महबाणाभिया इत्थीहिं कराविआ आणं ॥ ता गंतूणं सिग्धं तिलुत्तमा उत्तमा सुरवहूणं । खोहेउ तवविसिटुं इटेण पिआमहं विहिणा ॥ तो सा संगयवेसा तिअसाहिववयणगहिअसंदेसा । गंतुं विभुस्स पुरओ दिव्वं पदं पयासेइ ॥ जहणुव्वहणभमिरया उच्छालिअहारमंथरुच्छोहा । घणमसिणंसिअधणहरसुकं पुअपेलव'दुगुल्ला ललिअपणयंगलट्ठी सकडक्खुन्भेअभुअलयाजुअला । रेहइ पणचमाणा पवणेरियचंपयलय व्व ॥ द₹ण णचमाणं बंभा एगिंदिओ व्व संवुत्तो। णिज्झाइ अणिमिसच्छो सेसिंदिअमुकवावारो॥ णाऊण तस्स भावं तो सा संगयमणोहरसुवेसा। विविहाहरणविहूसा दक्षिणपासे ठिया विहुणों ॥ तो तं अपिच्छमाणो बंभाणो भणसि मणसिजाभिहओ। तं दहण सतण्हो करेइ वीअं तओ वयणं ॥ इत्तोऽवरेण तइयं चउत्थं कुणइ उत्तरेणं सो। उहुं उप्पहआए पंचमवयणं उवरिहत्तं ॥ तो तस्स पमत्तस्स य तिलत्तमागयमणस्स रुदेणं । तं वयणं पंचमयं णहेण उक्ह्युटि सहसा ॥ तो बंभा' परिकुविओ दाहिणहत्थप्पएसिणीए उ । उव्वद्देइ णिलाडे असरिसरोसुट्टिों सेअं॥ तत्थुप्पन्नो सेए बलवंतो सेअकुंडली नाम । बंभेणाणत्तेणं उक्खित्तो संकरो तेणं ॥ ६७ ६८ ६९० ७० ७१ 23 ७२ ७३ ७४ 1 Bखुभिज। 2 A पुआपलव 1 3 A चपय 1 4 B यंभो। 5 B विभूसा । 6 B विहिणो। 7 B बंभो। 8 A णिलाडो।

·७६ ७७ ७८ ७९ ८० 10 15 हरिभद्रसूरिकृतं धूर्ताख्यानम् । तो सो भयसंभंतो णासंतो वयरिआसमे पत्तो। तत्थ हरी णियमत्थो भिक्खं देहि त्ति संलत्तो॥ ता तेण तक्खणं चिअ मुकसिरा अप्पणो णिलाडम्मि । बंभाणसिरकवालं रुद्देण समुदि हिडे । वाससहस्सेण वि तं ण भरिजइ तीइ रुहिरधाराए । तं रुहिरमंगुलीए पसुवइणा डोहिअं णवरि ॥ बंभाणसिरकवाले केसवरुहिरंगुलीइ रुदस्स । तो रत्तकुंडलिणरो तिण्हं संजोगओ जाओ। सो रुद्देणाणत्तो पजुज्झिओ सेअकुंडलीइ समं । जुज्झताणं 'ताणं वाससहस्सं अइतं ॥ तो गिहिऊण दुन्नि सव्वेहि वि सुरवरेहिं मिलिएहिं । दिण्णो सक्कस्स णरो सूरस्स समप्पिओ वीओ। ८१ भणिआ भारहकाले भारहजुज्झस्स कारणहाए । भारहवयारकाले उवणिजह मणुअलोयम्मि ॥ ८२ तो काले संपत्ते सूरो कुंतीइ रूवउम्मत्तो। कयसंजोओ तीए कुच्छीइ जणेइ तं गम्भं ।। ८३ सण्णद्धवद्धकवओ कुंतीकण्णण णिग्गओ कण्णो। तो किं तुमं ण णीसरिसि कुंडीगीवाइ मूलसिरी ॥ * ६ * ८४ गंगा अणोरपारा कहमुत्तिण्ण त्ति भणसि मे जंतु । इत्थ वि पच्चयजणणं सुणेहि रामायणे वित्तं ॥ सीआपउत्तिहेउं पवणसुओ राहवेण आणत्तो। लंकापुरि अइगओ वाहाहिं महोअहिं तरि । ८६ दिवाए सीआए पिअपडिवत्तिं सुणित्तु तुट्टाए । भणिओ कह ते उअही तिण्णो हणुअंत सो भणइ ॥ ८७ भवति चात्र श्लोकः- तव प्रसादात् तव च प्रसादाद् भर्तुश्च ते देवि तव प्रसादात् । साधूनते (1) येन पितुः प्रसादात् तीणों मया गोष्पदवत् समुद्रः ॥ १॥ जइ तेण समुत्तिपणो तिरिएण महोअही दुरुत्तारो। तो किं तए णरुत्तम ण हुन्ज गंगा समुत्तिण्णा ॥ *७*८८ जं भणसि कह णु धारा छम्मासा धारिया सिरेण मए । इत्थ वि मे सुण हे दिआइसुइआगयं वयणं । लोगहिअट्टाए किर गंगा अभत्थिया सुरवरेहिं । अवयरसु मणुअलोअं सग्गाओ भणइ सा ताहे ॥ 18सिरिकवालं। 2 A समुडिअं। 3 B ता। 4 A तुम नर णीसरसि। 6 B°त्तिना। 20 ८५ 16 5B गंगां।

·२. कण्डरीकोक्तं कथानकम् । ७ को मं धरि सक्को निवडंति भणइ पसुवई अयं । धारेमि तओ पडिया धरिया सीसेण पसुवइणा ॥ ९१ दिव्वं वाससहस्सं जइ धरिया जण्हवी उमावइणा । तो कह न धरेसि तुमं छम्मासं सिरेणुदयधारा ॥ *८*९२ उत्तमपुरिसो सि तुमं विण्णाणागमगुणेहिं संपुण्णो'। णिग्गयजसो महप्पा विक्खाओ जीवलोअम्मि ॥ ९३ [ एवं ] कण्डरीकेनोक्तं मूलदेवं प्रति प्रत्युत्तरकथानकाष्टकम् । ॥ इति धूर्ताख्याने प्रथमाख्यानकम् ॥ [२. अथ कण्डरीककथितं कथानकम् ।] , 10 or ३ 20 अइसइओ मूलसिरी कंडरिअं भणइ-'सु(भ)णसु इत्ताहे। जं दिटें जं च सुअं अणुहूयं जं च ते इहई ॥ अह भणइ कंडरीओ-'अविणयपुण्णो मि आसि बालत्ते । अम्मापिइदुइंतो रोसेण घराउ णिक्खंतो।। परिहिंडंतो अ अहं पत्तो देसंतसंठिअंगामं । गो-महिस-अजा-एलय-खर-करहसमाउलं मुइयं ॥ आरामुजाणवणेहिं सोहियं कुसुमफलसमिद्धेहिं । अयलापुरिसारिच्छं बहुघरसयसंकुलं रम्मं ॥ तस्स बहुमज्झदेसे पिच्छं वडपायवं मणभिरामं । मेहणिउरंबभूअं सउणसहस्साण आवासं ॥ तस्स य हिढे जक्खो कमलदलक्खो गुणेहिं परिकिण्णो । सण्णिहिअपाडिहेरो देह वरं सो वरत्थीणं ॥ जक्खस्स तस्स जत्ता वइ बहुजणसमाउला मुइया । तत्थेइ जणो मुइओ धूवबलीपुप्फहत्थगओ ॥ पहायपसाहियजिमिओं सव्वालंकारभूसियसरीरो। णाणाविहवत्थधरो चंदणपरिवण्णणविलित्तो॥ तो हं सकोउहल्लो उवागओ तं महायणसमूहं । जक्खस्स कमे णमिउं रममाणे घोडहे पिच्छं ॥ सण्णद्धवद्धकवया गहिआउहपहरणा य अइबहुला । कलयलरवं करिता पडिया चोरा'णवरि तत्थ ।। तो सो सबालवुड्डो सइथिओ जणवओ सपसुवग्गो। अह घोडएहिं सहिओ वालुकं अइगओ सव्वो॥ ७ ८25 or १० 30 ११ 1 B संपण्णो। 2 B °लोगमि । 3 A °कथानकाष्टकमिदम् । 4 B मूलसिरिं कंडरीओ। 5 A. तिमिओ। 6 A. रविं। 7 A चोराणुवरि। 8 B घोडाएहिं ।

·१२ १३ का १४ १५ 10 १६ १७ हरिभद्रसूरिकृतं धूर्ताख्यानम् । तत्थ वि ते घोडहए रमंतपिच्छाजणे अ मुइअमणे । चोरा वि पडिणिअत्ता णहो गामो त्ति जंपंता ।। णवरि तहिं पसुवग्गो चरमाणो आगओ सुवीसत्थो । इकाइ पसूइ तओ ओइलिअं चिन्भडं सहसा ॥ सा अयगरेण घत्था सो वि अ ढिंकीइ' णवरि ओइलिओ। सा तत्थेव णिलीणा तुंगे वडपायवे विउले ॥ तस्स अहे खंधारो णवरि ठिओ राइणो अ मत्तगओ। डिंकीपाए जमिओ वडपारोहु त्ति काऊण ॥ आउंचिअम्मि पाए कड्डिजइ गयवरो गुलगुलिंतो। तो रवइ मिण्ठवग्गो केणावि गओ समुक्खित्तो । सोऊण ताण सदं संपत्ता सहवेहिणो जोहा । इसुचावगहिअहत्था कलयलरावं करेमाणा ॥ छिपणा य तीइ पंखा से सीसं हथिएहिं दक्खेहिं । सा विलवंती पडिआ पव्वयसिहर व्व महिबढे । फालाविआ य रण्णा पुढे दिट्ठो अ अयगरों विउलो। सगडस्स ईदरो विव खोडी विव महिअले पडिआ ॥ अह भणइ परवरिंदो फालिजउ एस अयगरो विउलो। एयस्स वि मा मज्झे माणुसतिरिअंच हुजाहि ॥ अह फालिअम्मि उअरे दिट्ठा सा छालिआ महाकाया । तीए वि उअरमज्झे रमणिज्जं चिन्भडं दिटुं॥ ही ही अहो महलं ति चिन्भडं जाव जंपए राया। तो घोडया वि रमिङ णवरि ठिया उज्जवंसकरा ॥ णिग्गंतुं च पवत्तो वालुकाओ तओ जणसमूहो । जह सलभाण य सेणा रेप्फबिलाओ विणिक्खमइ । णमिऊण जिणवरिंदं तो सो सचउप्पओ जणो सव्वो। णियणियठाणाई गओ अहं पि पत्तो इमं णयरिं॥ एअं मे अणुभूअं पञ्चक्खमिहेव माणुसे लोए। जो मे ण पत्तिआयइ धुत्ताणं देउ सो भुत्तिः॥ ॥ कण्डरीकेनोक्तं कथानकमिदम् ॥ १८ 15 १९ २० 20 २१ २२ . २३ 25 २४ २५ 30 [अथ एलाषाढोक्तं कण्डरीककथानकोत्तरम् ।। अह भणइ एलसाढो-'पत्तिजामो ण किंचि संदेहो'। पडिभणइ कंडरीओ-गामो कह चिन्भडे माओ? ॥ 1 A ढिंकीरिए। 2 B छिण्णाइ। 3 B हत्थीएहिं । 4 A रता। 5 B अइगरो। 6 A छैलिआ। 7A. सो चउप्पभो। २६ 8Aन ।

·6 २९ 15 २. कण्डरीककथितं कथानकम् । पडिभणइं एलसाढो पुराण-भारह-सुईदिद्वत्थो । किं तुह विण्हुपुराणं कण्णसुइपहं न पत्तं ते ॥ २७ पुर्दिव आसि जगमिणं पंचमहाभूअवजिअं गहिरं । एगण्णवं जलेणं महप्पमाणं तहिं अंडं ॥ २८ वीईपरंपरेणं घोलंतं अच्छिउँ सुचिरकालं । फु दुभागजायं अद्धं भूमीइ संवुत्तं ॥ तत्थ सुरासुरणायरमणुअचउप्पयमयं जयं सव्वं । जइ मायं ता गामो कह णु ण माइज वालुंके ॥ *१* ३० अण्णं च इमं सुव्वई' अरणीपव्वम्मि धम्मपुत्तस्स । कहिअं सुअमणुभूअं मकंडेणं च अण्णजए॥ ३१॥ सो किल जुगंतसमए उदएणेगणवीकए लोए । वीईपरंपरेणं घोलिंतो उदयमज्झम्मि ॥ ३२ पिच्छइ गयतसथावरपणट्ठसुरणरतिरिक्खजोणीअं। एगण्णवं जगमिणं पंचमहाभूअपन्भर्से ।। ३३ एवंविहे जगम्मी पिच्छइ ‘णग्गोहपायवं अह सो। मंदरगिरि व्व तुंगं महासमुदं व वित्थिपणं ॥ खंधम्मि तस्स सयणं अच्छइ तहिं वालओ मणभिरामो। संपुण्णसरीरुदओ मिउमद्दवकुंचिअसुदेसो॥ ३५ हत्थो पसारिओ से रिसिणा एहेहि वच्छ ! भणिओ अ । खंधे ममं विलग्गसु मा मरिहिसि उदयवाहीए । तेण य घिउँ हत्थो ओइलिओ सो रिसी तओ तस्स । पिच्छइ उअरम्मि जयं ससेलवणकाणणं सव्वं ॥ ३७ दिव्वं वाससहस्सं कुच्छीए सो रिसी परिभमंतो। अंतं न चेव पत्तो विणिग्गओ रिसिंवरो तत्तो॥ ३८ जइ दारयस्स उअरे ससुरासुरमाणुसं जयं मायं । तो चिभडम्मि गामो कहणु ण माइज कंडरिअ!॥ *२*९ ढिंकोअरे अयगरो तस्स पसूई अ चिन्भडं उअरे । तत्थ वि य जणसमूहो कहमाओ भणसि सुणसु इमं ॥ मुट्ठीगिज्झसुमज्झाइ केसवो देवईइ कुच्छिम्मि । वुत्तो तस्स य उअरे ससेलवणकाणणा पुहई । * ३ *४१६ अह भणइ कंडरीओ चिन्भडपसुअयगराइमज्झम्मि । अच्छंतो कह ण मओं एअं मे पत्तिआवेह ॥ ४२ ३६ ३० 25 ४०. 1 B सव्वं । 2 A °पुव्वम्मि। 3 B जोणियं । 4 B णिग्गोह°। 5 A एहेएहि । 6 B-मूओ। धू०२ ·४४ हरिभद्रसूरिकृतं धूर्ताख्यानम् । भणइ अ एलासाढो तद्दिअसं चेअ णिग्गओ तं सि। पुहई कह 'ण विवजऍ वसुदेवसुअस्स पुट्टत्था ॥ पुढे किसि-वाणिजं संगामा बहुविहा य आरंभा। आवाह-विवाहा "वि अ उस्सव-पसवा य वहति ॥ कह पुण हविज एअं जयं तु उअरे वि जस्स जं वुत्थं । घंभाण केसवाणं पुट्विं किर भंडणं आसि ॥ कत्ता अहं ति बंभा भणइ जओ वयण-वाह-ऊरूहि । पाएसु अणिक्खंतं चाउव्वणं जगमिणं ति॥ पडिभणइ तं अणंतो बंभाणं सपरिहासवयणेहिं । तं सि मम चेडरूवं ण जुजए एरिसं वुत्तुं ॥ अन्भा-भूमि कउट्टे पव्वयदाढे समुद्दजीहाले । पविसेहि मज्झ उअरे जा पिच्छ सविन्भमं पुहई ॥ मह चेव समुप्पण्णो जलसयणे णाहिणिग्गए पउमे। घंभाण! तं ण सोहसि गुरुपुरओ इत्ति वुत्तुं ॥ ४५ ४६ ४ 10 ४७ ४८ ४९ अवि य- 15 ५१ 20 . ५२ ५३ 25 जस्स पभावेणुम्मिल्लिया तं चेव कह कयग्घाई। कुमुआ. अत्तसंभाविआ चंदं उवहसंति ॥ *४*५० अह भणइ कंडरीओ पोराणसुईसु कत्ध य सुयं ते। ढिंकी महप्पमाणा जस्सुअरे इत्तियं मायं ॥ परिभणइ एलसाढो दोवइदेवीसयंवरे पत्ता । जह किर धणुं पविट्ठा सहिहरणागा य अग्गी य॥ दुपयणरिंदस्स धणुं सुमहल्लं देवयापरिग्गहियं । जो आरुहिओ विधइ वामे अच्छिम्मि सूअरियं ॥ जिजइ कलासु कुसला किर कण्णा तस्स दोवई सोउं । रायाणो तं धणुहं आरुहिउं तो समाढत्ता ॥ ५४ ण चयंति आरुहेडं अह ससिपालो महाबलो ताहे । संधेऊण पयत्तो णवरि धणुं तं अयत्तेणं ॥ ५५ तो कण्हेणं ताहे गरुलो णागा गया य संखा य । चकं णंगलमुसलं मंदरमेरू अ पक्खित्ता ॥ ५६ संधेइ तो वि जाहे ता ससिसूरग्गिउदहिसेला य । पक्खित्ता सव्व चिय वसुहा अह धणुहरे तम्मि ॥ ५७ अद्धंगुलमित्ते किर असंधिए केसवेण ठाणं सो। पाएण वि मोअविलं ताहे पडिओ सहधणू णं ॥ 1Aणे । 2 A निवाहोचि । 3 B जयं त उयरे । 4 B वुत्तं । 5 B भूसिमि । 6 A °कउडे । 7.B°काघाई। 8 B महाबले तीहे। 9 A वाणं । 30 ·२. कण्डरीककथितं कथानकम् । ११ ५९ ६० ६५ 15 पत्थेण य तं गहियं अह अइभारेण ण सहई धरणी। भीमस्स तओ हत्थे आरुहिअ तं पयत्तेण ॥ कण्णविदिन्नण सरेण विधिउं अजुणेण तं राहं । लद्धा दोवइकण्णा वीरपडागं हरंतेण ॥ जइ तं 'महल्लधणु णागग्गिगया य अइगया जत्थ । तो कह ण होइ ढिंकी महई जत्थित्तियं मायं ॥ *५*६१ रामायणे वि सुव्वइ सीआहरणे जडाउगिद्ध त्ति । पंखाउहो महप्पा जुज्झेणं रामणस्स ठिओ॥ ६२. तेण वि से रुटेणं चंदाहासेण लूडिआ पंखा । तो लअपंखो पडिओ मंदरसिहरु व्व महिवढे ॥ ६३ ॥ सीआए सो भणिओ सीलवईणं सईण तेएणं । दह्रण रामदूअं होहिंति पुणो वि ते पंखा ॥ कस्स य कालस्स तओ हणुअंतो राहवेण आणत्तो। सीआपउत्तिहे हिंडतो आगओ तहियं ॥ चिंतेइ य हणुअंतो अहो गिरी एस उण्णओतीव । इत्थारुहिऊण अहं पुलएमि समंतओ वसुहं । संलत्तो अ खगेणं कोऽसि तुम एरिसेण वेसेण । सो भणइ रामदूओ अहं ति सीआ(अं?) गवेसामि ॥ ६७ भणिओ जडाउणा सो रामवहू रामणेण विलवंती। तेलुकडामरेणं लंकापुरपट्टणं णीआ॥ मा भमसु अरण्णाई सीआदेवीह मग्गणवाए। दहरहसुअस्स सिग्धं गंतूण पिअंणिवेएहि ॥ अहमवि सीअट्टाए जुझंतो णिसिअराहिवेणेव । असिणा दुवे वि पंखे छित्तूण अजंगमो मुक्को॥ अह भणइ वाउपुत्तो जं सि ठिओ रामणस्स जुज्झेण । जं वा वि अम्ह कहि होहि त्ति तुम पि पिअभागी॥ ७१ सोऊण दूअवयणं तो से जाया पुणण्णवा पंखा । आयासेणुप्पइओ गओ अ सग्गं णिरुवसगं ॥ ७२ भवति चात्र श्लोकः- आख्यास्यति खगः खर्गे पितुर्दशरथस्य मे। एकस्त्रीपरिपाल्येऽपि न रामः शक्तुमर्हति ।। ७३ मंदरसिहरागारो जइ आसि जडाउ खहयरो गिद्धो। ता कह ण होइ ढिंकी कंडरिअ! महप्पमाणाओ॥ *६*७४ 1 B मल्लथ 12 A मेहई। 3 A एरिसंमि। 4 A. होहि वि उमं । 5 B गुप्पेओ। : ६८० ६९ ७०" 25 " ·'१२ हरिभद्रसूरिकृतं धूर्ताख्यानम् । एलासाढेणेवं कंडरिओ जंपिओ भणइ ताहे । एलासाढ ! इयाणिं कहेहिं जं ते समणुभूअं ॥ एलाषाढेनोक्तं कण्डरीकं प्रति प्रत्युत्तरकथानकषटमिदम् । ७५ ॥ इति धूर्ताख्याने द्वितीयमाख्यानम् ॥ [३. अथ एलाषाढकथितं कथानकम् ।] 3 १ 10 ५ 15 w अह भणइ एलसाढो अहयं तरुणत्तणे दविणवुद्धी । धाउव्वायपिसाएण भामिओ परिभमामि जगं ॥ इत्थ बिलं इत्थ रसो एसो सो पचओ जहिं धाऊ । एवं लक्खगएणं णडिजमाणो परिभमामि ॥ लद्धो अ आगमो मे जह पुवदिसाइ जोअणसहस्से । णवरं गंतूण गिरिं सहस्सवेही रसो तहियं ।। जोअणवित्थिपणाए सिलाइ तं रसविलं समुच्छण्णं । उक्खिविऊण सिलं सो चित्तव्यो कणयकंडाओ। आसापासणिवद्धो जोअणसइएहिं तो कमेहिं अहं । गंतूण गिरिपएसे उक्खिविअ सिलं रसं गहिउँ । परिदकिऊण य बिलं सिलाइ तो आगयं इमं भवणं । तो जाओ मे विभओ'धणयसरिच्छो रसपसाया । अह पणइणिपरिकिण्णो थुव्वंतो तह य भागहसएहिं । वरतरुणिसंपउत्तेहिं णाडएहिं च गिजंतो॥ अच्छामि विलसमाणो अच्छरसा परिगओ धणवइ व्व । तालायर-माहण-भिक्खुआण दाणं पयच्छामि ॥ तो धणयविहवसरिसं णाऊण ममं विणिग्गयजसोहं । चोरा सामत्थेउं रत्तिं पडिआ मम गिहम्मि ॥ सण्णद्धवद्धपढेहिं तेहिं गहिआउहप्पहारेहिं । कयसीहणायबोलेहिं वेढियं मज्झ वरभवणं ॥ पर(रि)संचियस्स अत्थस्स कारणे मरणमाग तेहिं । सभुअबलजिअमत्थं ण देमि हरि विचिंतेउं ॥ सहसा य उडिओ हं धणुअं चित्तूण सरसहस्सं च । तो भंडणमाढत्तं चोराण महंतभीसणयं । ७ 20 ८ 25 १० ११ १२ 1Bधणसयसरिच्छो। ३ ·१३ १४ १५ ३. एलापाढकथितं कथानकम् । सत्तट्टदसदुवालस अह]यं इक्केण सरपहारेणं । जत्तो वलामि तत्तो पेसेमि जमालयं चोरे ॥ तो चोराण सयं मे मुहुत्तमित्तेण घाइयं तहियं । यसेसा सयराहं पडिआ मज्झोवरिं सव्वे ॥ तो मं खंडाखंडि काउं लीसं च छिपिणउं मज्झ । बयरीए ठविऊणं मुसिऊण घरं गया चोरा॥ सरुहिर-सकुंडलं चिय सीसं मे बयरितरुवरारूढं । वीसत्थमणुव्विग्गं खायइ बोरे कसकसस्स ॥ तं सीसं सूरुदए दिलु लोएण बयरिउवरिस्मि । बयराइं खायंतं एस सजीओ त्ति काऊण ॥ मज्झं अंगोवंगा जणेण पिंडेवि मेलिआ तुरिअं। जाओ पुणो वि तोऽहं णिरुवयसरीरलायण्णो ॥ एयं मे अणुभूअं सयमेव इमम्मि माणुसे लोए । जो पुण ण पत्तिअइ मं धुत्ताणं देउ सो भुत्तिं ॥ ॥ एलाषाढेनोक्तं कथानकमिदम् ॥ १६ १७ 10 १८ १९ 15 [अथ शशोक्तं एलाषाढकथानकसमाधानम् ।] भणइ ससो सम्भूअं कह सका भाणिऊ() अलिअमेअं। जं पोराणसुईए भारह-रामायणे आयं ॥ २० जमयग्गी आसि रिसी पत्ती तस्सासि रेणुआ णामं । तीए सीलवईए णमंति कुलुसथिए रुक्खा ।। २१० दिट्ठो अणाइ राया अस्सावहिओ मणोअ से खुहिओं। ण णमंति तओ रुक्खा ताहे जमयरिंगणा रामो॥ रुटेण समाणत्तो सीसं छिंदाहि दुसीलाए। तेण वि सीसं छिपणं झड ति पिउवयणकारेण ॥ २३ भणइ तओ जमयग्गी वरतु वरं पुत्त ! जो तुहं इहो। सो भणइ मज्झ माया पुणो वि जीवंतिआ होउ ॥ इय होउ त्ति पणिए जाया सा तक्खणेण सज्जीवा । जइ सन्भूअं एअं तुमं पि जीवोसि तं सच्चं ॥ *१* २५ राया वि जरासंधो समरपरकमपयावविक्खाओ। सो संधिओ जराए रायसहस्साहिवो जाओ। *२* २६ 30 अण्णं च इमं सुव्वई सुंद-णिसुंदा सहोअरा सूरा । बलवीरिअसंपण्णा सुरलोअभयं जणेमाणा ॥ 2 B हयसंसा। 3. B तिस्सासि । 4 B दुटु । 5 A पिउवयणं कारीणं; B°वयणकारीणं । 6 B भणिए। 7 B °पयाविवक्खाओ। 8 B सव्वइ । ! 25 1 Bअप्पं ।

·.. २९ १० ३० 10 15 १४ हरिभद्रसूरिकृतं धूर्ताख्यानम् । सामत्थेतु सुरेहिं तिलोत्तमा तेसि वहणिमित्तं तु । णिम्मविया तिलमित्तं इकिकसुरस्स चित्तूणं ।। २८ अंगोवंगसुअंगयलावण्णगुणागरा अणोवम्मा । कमलागरवत्थव्वा लच्छि व्च सयं समुत्तिण्णा ॥ विणओणामियगत्ता सरसामलविकयकमलदलणयणा । णमिऊण सुरसमूहं महुरुल्लावा समुल्लवह ॥ जं कायव्वं तं आणवेह देवेहिं जंपिअं इणमो । सुंद-णिसुंदा सुरसत्थकंटया ते समुद्धरतु ॥ ३१ इअ होउ त्ति अ भणिउं तिलुत्तमा गिण्हिडं सुराणत्तिं । पत्ता खणेण य तहिं सुंद-णिसुंदा तुरा जत्थ ॥ ३२ हारद्धहारकेऊरभूसिआ जणमणस्स कभूआ। विथड्डण्णयथणवद्या दो वि जणे ते पलोभेइ ॥ ३३ तो ते मयणवसगया तीइ कए जुज्झिउं अह पवत्ता। णिहणं च गया दुण्णि वि' परुप्परं सत्थधाएहिं । भवति चात्र श्लोकः स्त्रीणां कृते प्रातृयुगस्य भेदः संबन्धिभेदे स्त्रिय एव मूलम् । अप्राप्तकामा बहवो नरेन्द्रा नारीभिरुच्छेदितराजवंशाः ॥ ३५ अच्छरसा जइ एवं तिलुत्तमा णिम्मिआ सुरगणेहिं । तो कह तुज्झ वि अंगा लाइज्जंता न लग्गिजा ॥ अण्णाणंगावयवा जइ लग्गा संमिलिस्सिआ संतो। तो ससरीरावयवा भणसु तुहं किं न लग्गंति ॥ *३ * ३७ सुव्वइ य पवणतणओ बालत्ते अंजण त्ति णामेणं । जणणि पुच्छइ अम्मो को मे छुहियस्स आहारो ।। ३८ रत्ताई वणफलाई आहारो तुज्झ तेण अह सूरो(२१)। गहिउं समुहि तो तेणावि तलप्पहारेणं ॥ सयसिकरो कओ सो जणणी से दट्टु तं पइण्णंगं । भत्तुसयासे गंतुं विलवह सोगाउरा कलुणं । ४० दटुं निअयकलत्तं रोअंति बहुविहाई कंदति । दह्ण य हणुअंतं पुत्तं परलोअसंकेत ॥ ४१ तो पवणो परिकुचिओ पायाले पविसिउं ठिओ ताहे। ससुरासुरं जगमिणं पवणणिरोहेण आदण्णं ॥ गंतुं च तत्थ दिट्ठो पसाहओ सुरवरेहिं सो पवणो । अंगाई तस्सुअस्स वि संधाए कओं सजीओ ॥ ४३ 20 25 ४२ 1 B तिलुत्तमा। 2 A दुण्णनि । 3 B °हंशाः। 4 B °सुरासरं । 5B संघाएउं। 6 B सजीवा । .0 ·-- ४४ 5 ३. एलाषाढकथितं कथानकम् । १५ इका य तस्स हणुया ण य दिट्ठा सुरवरेहिं सव्वेहिं । हणुयाइ एस अण्णो हणुअंतो तो कओं णामं ॥ जइ सचं पवणसुओ खंडाखंडिकओ वि संमिलिओ। तो कह सका वुत्तुं तुज्झ अउव्वं वयणमेअं॥ *४*४५ दुसरहतणयकहाए सीआदेवीइ हरणसंबंधे। से संधावेउं लंकादीवं गए रासे ॥ दसमुह-रामवलाणं दुण्ह वि भडवाययं वहंताणं । संगामम्मि पलग्गे हण हण सदाउले घोरे ॥ ४७. मंदोअरिदइयभडकडेहिं णेगाई वाणरसयाई । असिपरसु अद्धचंदप्पहारच्छिणंगमंगाई ॥ ४८10 सत्तीपहरणिरुद्धे महीअलि पडिअम्मि लक्खणकुमारे । रामे सोगाभिहए विलवंते पवणतणएण ॥ ४९ गंतुं दोणगिरीओ उवणीआ ओसही जलंतीओ। निस्सल्लु त्ति पभावा झडि त्ति सत्ती वि णिस्सरिया ॥ ५० जे णिसिअरकुझुग्घाएहिं समरम्मि अभिहया पवया । संछिण्णभिण्णगत्ता ते वि अ सव्वे समासत्था ॥ ५१ विवइण्णसरीरा वि आ जइ सव्वें वानरा समुज्जीआ। खंडसहस्सो कओ एलसाढ ! तो जीवसि तुम पि ॥ *५*५२ अण्णं च जणपगासा णिहिआ सुअपुत्थएसु वहुएसु। किं वा तुम्हेहि इमाण सुआ महसेणउप्पत्ती ।। हिमसेलगुहगयाइं दो वि महामेहुणं णिसेवंति। दिव्वं वाससहस्सं गिरिसुअ ससिभूसणो चेव ।। ५४ तं सोऊण पउत्तिं देवा किर तिहुअणम्मि आदण्णा । सव्वायरेण मिलिउं गन्भुवघायं विचिंतंति ॥. सुइरं सामत्थेउं तिहुअणउज्जोअकारओ जलणो। महुरक्खरवयणपयंपिएहिं भणिओ सुरगणेहिं ।। इक्कस्स वि ता कीरइ कजं अभत्थिएहिं जिअलोए । किं पुण महाणुभावो जं जंपइ सुरसमूहु त्ति । जस्स य कएण सव्वे देवा चिंतोवहिं समोइण्णा। तस्स य जत्तेण तुमं हुअवह ! इको समत्थोऽसि ।। पविसित्तु गुहाविवरे हरपुरओ अप्पयं पयंसेमु । तो तुह कयाइ विलिओ मेहुणतत्तिं विसज्जिज्जा ॥ 1B सेअं। 2 A °पुरसु.B. परुस। 3 B सच्चं। 4 B जीवसिओ। 5 B गम्भवग्घायं । 6 B जीयलोए। 7 B गहाविवरे । ५३ ३० ५५ 25 ५८॥

·६० ६१ 5 ६२ ६३ 10 ६४ ६५ 16 हरिभद्रसूरिकृतं धूर्ताख्यानम् । वेसाणरेण भणिों को धावइ अभिमुहं मुहुत्तं पि । इहरा वि उमावइणो किं पुण एयारिसे भावे ॥ णरसिरकवालमालाउलस्स खटुंगवग्गहत्थस्स । जस्स रई पेअवणे को तस्स जणो समल्लिअइ ॥ जो दारुवणे रिसिआसमस्मि विणिसणों पलायंतो। वहिओ उडुअलिंगो को तं विवुहो “समालवइ ॥ किं बहुणा जणमज्झे जो णचइ उद्धिएण लिंगेणं । बलवंतो वजहरो तस्स वि णिस्संसयं भाइ ॥ जह कह वि सूलपाणी कुप्पा हिमगिरिगुहापविट्ठस्स । को जाणइ किं मे होहिइ त्ति मा संकडे छुहह ॥ इत्थंतरे अ भणिओ सप्पणयं पहुअलोअणेणेवं । सव्वसुराणं वयणं हुअवह ! इणमो णिसामेहि ॥ मा भाहि उसावइणो हुअवह ! जेणेरिसो उमासत्तो । गयतुरयपुरिसदमणो किं च इमो आगमो ण सुओ॥ हत्थी दम्मइ संवच्छरेण मासेण दम्मइ तुरंगो । महिला पुण किर पुरिसं दमेइ इक्केण दिवसेणं ॥ जं भणइ उमादेवी करेइ तं पसुबई अकज पि । किं वा देहाणुगयं उमं वहंतो ण दिहो ते ॥ मुंचसु आसंकमिणं रुद्दो रुट्ठो वि ते सरीरस्स । ण करेइ कि पि पीडं पव्वइचित्तावरक्खाए । इअ होउ त्ति अ जलणो गंतुं हिमवंतगिरिगुहं विउलं । पिच्छइ तिउरंतयरं रइकजसमुग्गयमईणं ॥ अन्भासत्थं दटुं महदेवो उहिओ समारूढो। हुँ हुँ उमाइ भणिओ उद्धृयलिंगोणलं भणइ ॥ उड्ढ णिअंचिअ वयणं पिब रेअंमा करेहि विक्खेवं । रुद्देण हुअवहो घडघडस्स तो पाइओ रे ॥ उअरगएण य रेएण सो पलित्तग्गिणा व डझंतो। मुअमरणो संभंतो कहकह वि महोअहिं पत्तो॥ दाऊणमंगुलिं हुअवहेण उग्गालिओ जले रेओ। उग्गालिअम्मि रेए ताहे जलणो समासत्थो । तप्पभिई चिअ सुम्मइ जणसुइवायागयं इमं वयणं । रेअपभावा किर सागरम्मि रयणाण उप्पत्ती ॥ ६७ ६८ 20 ६९ ७० ७१ 25 ७२ ७३ 30 ७४ ७५ 22 इहुरावि। 3 B दारवणे । 4 B विणिअंसमो। 1A अभिमुहो। 6B पलत्त। 5 B विवहो समुल्लवइ ।

·७८ ७९ ८०० IS ३. एलाषाढकथितं कथानकम् । लवणजलाओ अग्गी णीलुप्पलसुरहिकमलगंधहूं । सरमेगं गंतुं जो रेअविसेसं समुग्गिलइ ॥ ७६ ज भण्णइ कित्ति सह उअंति फुडविअडपायडं ताओ। छकिर अच्छरसाओ तं पउमसरं समोइण्णा ॥ ता मजिउमाढत्ता तम्मि सरे णयणमणभिरामम्मि । मजंतीणं जोणीसु ताण बीअं अणुपविलु ॥ पउमसरे मजित्ता पुणरवि ता जोइसालयं पत्ता। पइदिवसं चिअ तासिं छह वि परिवहुए उअरं ॥ कालंतरेण केण य समयं चिअ ता तहिं पसूआओ। इक्किकमुत्तिमंग 'बाहरुसरीरकंडाई॥ ता ता वि विम्हियमणा दंसंति परुप्परिकमिकरस । पिच्छसु अच्छेरमिणं लोगम्मि अभूअपुव्वं तु ॥ ८१ बाहूरू अ सरीरं सीसाणि अणिअय-णिअयठाणेसु। • . लग्गाई तक्खण चिय महसेणो छम्मुहो जाओ। कोमारवंभयारी णिच्छइ मणसावि जुवइसंजो। सव्वजणम्मि पगासो दक्षिणदेसे ठिओ रणे ।। चउसु अ दिसासु जहिअंधावइ लोगो भवंतरदिसट्टा। सीसेण य छम्मासं धरेइ धारंबरहाए । जइ महसेणंगाई 'पिहुगभविणिग्गयाइं लग्गाई। तो तुज्झ न लग्गिजा ताई किसेगुदरवत्थाई ॥ *६*८५० छिण्णा णासा कण्णो अ लग्गए लोअविइअमेअंपि । 'परमाणुपमाणओ पगंपिऔं [य] लग्गसि तुमं पि ॥ तो भणइ एलसाढो पुरिसो कह छिण्णएण सीसेणं । भुक्खत्तो बयराइं खाएउं सक्कए कह णु ॥ भणइ ससो राहू किर सीसच्छिण्णो जयम्मि सुइवाओ। तह विअ गयणे हिंडइ आभंसइ चंद-सूरे अ॥ अह भणइ एलसाढो कह गम्मइ तं विगिढमद्धाणं । कह वावि जोअणसयं कमेहिं अकमइ भूमीए ॥ पडिभणइ ससो जपणे वलिस्स. विण्हू दिआइवेसेण । तिणि कमे जाइत्ता हरइ ससेलं वसुमई सो... जइ सव्वा वि वसुमई.तिपिण ण पुण्णा कमे महुमहस्स। को दोसो जइ तुझं इक्कमो जोअणसयं तु ॥ *.८*९१ ८६ ८७ 25 *७*८८ ८९ 1B बाहर। 2 B णियणिअय। 3A पिह । 6A भई। 4 B परमाण। 5 B भुक्खुत्तो मोयराई। - ·. हरिभद्रसूरिकृतं धूर्ताख्यानम् । पुणरवि एलासाढो भणइ सिला सा मए अइमहल्ला । कह उक्खित्ता गरुआ एवं मे पत्तिआवेहि ॥ भणइ ससो किं ण सुअं तुमए रामायणे कहिजतं । रामस्स रावणस्त य संगामे वट्टमाणस्मि ॥ ९३ लक्खणकुमारपडणे हणुएण दोणपव्वओ तुंगो। ओसहिमगंतेणं समूलडालो समुक्खित्तो ।। ९४ महइसिलासंघाओ सेलो जड़ वाणरेण उक्खित्तो। जोअणपमाणमित्तं उक्खिवसि सिलं न संदेहो । ९*९५ लोए वि पयरइ सुई वहुंती मेइणी महुमहेणं । काउं वराहरूवं ससेलवणकाणणा धरिया ॥ जइ तेण समुक्खित्ता ण णजई कत्थई ठिएणं ति। उक्खिवसि' ता तुमं पि अ धरणिअलत्थो सिला दो वि॥ . एलासाढो जाहे ससेण अइसंधिओ भणइ ताहे। जं ते सुअमणुभूअं कहेहि सव्वं अपरिसेसं ।। *१०*९८ ससेनोक्तं एलासाढं प्रति प्रत्युत्तरकथानकदशकम् । 10 ९६ . 15 ॥ इति धूर्ताख्याने तृतीयमाख्यानकम् ॥ [४. अथ शशोक्तं स्वकीयं कथानकम् ।] 20... अह भणइ ससो अयं णिअयं छित्तं गओ सरयकाले। गामाओ दूरत्वं तं छित्तं गिरिवरासन्ने ॥ छित्तम्मि अ अच्छंतो तत्तो पव्वयवराओं ओयरि। उच्छित्तो मि गएणं पव्वयमित्तेण मत्तेण ॥ • : थरथरथरंतगत्तो हाहा गहिओ भएण चिंतंतो। विवलाइउमचयंतो परिभममि तहिं तहिं चेव ॥ भीउव्विग्गेण मए दिट्ठो तिलपायवो अइमहल्लो। तत्थ विलग्गो मि अहं वणगयभयवेविरसरीरो॥ पत्तो असो वणगओ आरुसिओ तिलदुमं समंतेणं । परिभमइ गुलगुलिंतो कुलालचक्कु व्व आइटो॥ तेण भमंतेण य सो चालिजंतो तिले दवदवस्स। वासासु जलहरो इव जलणिवहं मुंचई घोरं ।। 25 ५ 1A उक्सिविति। 2A पचयराउ। 3 B°चक व्य ।

·४. शशोक्तं स्वकीयं कथानकम् । ७ ८ 5. तिलचक्केण व्व तिला ते सव्वे पीलिआ गयवरेणं । तत्थ पवूढा सरिआ तिल्लोआ णाम णामेणं ॥ खुत्तो अ वणगओ सो खलचलणीए अतिल्लपकम्मि । आरडिऊण य विरसं भुक्खिअ-तिसिओ मओ हत्थी॥ गयभयसंतत्तमणो अहयं पुण-जायओं त्ति मण्णंतो। कहकह वि तिलदुमाओ दिवसऽवसाणे समोइण्णो । कुसिओ दिअंच काउं भरिओ तिल्लस्स सो मए हत्थी। ताहे दस तिल्लघडे पाउं भक्खेमि खलभारं ॥ तिल्लस्स सुपडिपुण्णं तं दिइअंगिहि गओ गाम । गामवहिं तं दिइयं पायवसाहाइ णिक्खिविडं ॥ णिअयं भवणमइगओ पुत्तं पेसेमि तिल्लदिइअस्स । जाहे उ ण पावेई रुक्खं पाडित्तु तो गिण्हे ॥ एअं मे अणुभूअं सयमेव इमम्मि माणुसे लोए। जो ण उ पत्तिअइ महं सो देउ महायणे भत्तं ॥ ॥ ससेनोक्तं कथानकमिदम् ॥ ११ ॥ १२ १३ 16. [अथ खण्डापानोक्तं शशकथितकथानकसमाधानम् ।] १४ :: 4. सव्वकलापत्ता भणइ ससं खंडवाणई धुत्ती। अत्थेस आगमो मे भारह-रामायणे अ सुओ। खंडा ससेण भणिआ भारह-रामायणे पुराणे वा । एआरिसाइं अ सहेऊआई भण कत्थ भणिआई ॥ १५० कह तिलदुमो महल्लो तिल्लाण य कह महाणई बूढा। कह पीआ य दसघडा कह खलभारो भए खइओ । १६ खंडाए ससो भणिओं सचं तं लोअवाहिरो तं सि । किं कइयाइ सुओ ते बालो वि जणो पयंपतो॥ १७ जह किर' पाडलिपुत्तो(त्ते ?) णिम्मविआ मासपायवो(वा?) भेरी। 25 तो किं सो तिलरुक्खो महप्पमाणो ण हुजाहि ॥ *१* १८ सुव्वद अ भारहम्मि वि गयाण पुण इत्थ दाणसलिलेणं । महई गई पवत्ता हयगयरहवाहिणी घोरा ॥ १९ उक्तञ्च-तेषां कटतटभृष्टैर्गजानां मदविन्दुभिः । प्रावर्तत नदी घोरा हस्त्यश्वरथवाहिनी ॥ २०३० 1.A..समाइण्णो। 2 A विएहिउं। 3 B देइ । 4 A. पत्तह। - 5 A तिल्लोणय। 6 A सुबं तं । 7 B किरि। 8 A सा।

·S 10 हरिभद्रसूरिकृतं धूर्ताख्यानम् । जइ गयमयसलिलेणं हयगयरवाहिणी गई विउला । सरिआ तथा पवत्ता तो तिल्लोदा कह ण होइ ।। *२* २१ रजाउ धाडिएणं सुव्वइ लोअस्मि भीमसेणेणं । गंतूण इकचकं घोरो बगरक्खसो वहिओ॥ २२ भत्तं तंदुलकुंभं महिसं तह मजघडसहस्सं च । जं तस्स भत्तपाणं उवणीअं तेण तं भुत्तं ॥ २३ जइ बगरक्खसभत्तं भुत्तं भीमेण तो किमेगेणं । भारेण वि तं जिमिओ भारसयं किं' ण भक्खेसि ॥ *३* २४ सुब्वइ अ कुंभयण्णो सुत्तविउद्धडिओ णिअयकालं । सो पिअइ घडसहस्सं खायइ णेगे णरसए अ॥ २५ जइ पिअइ कुंभयण्णो सुत्तविउद्धडिओ घडसहस्सं । दसहिं घडएहिं किं सस! किं पण्णासं ण पीआ ते ॥ *४*२६ अण्णं च इमं सुव्वइ पुराणसुइणिग्गयं इमं वयणं । असुराण जह वहत्था अगस्थिणा सायरो पीओ॥ *५ * २७ सग्गाओ अवइण्णा गंगा हरजडविणिग्गया संती । जण्हुरिसिआसमपयं मज्झेण उवागया णवरं ।। २८ पीआ य तेण रिसिणा वाससहस्सं च भामिआ उअरे। तो जण्हुएण मुक्का किर भण्णइ जण्हवी तेणं ॥ जह उहि अगत्थीणं पीआ गंगा य जण्हुरिसिणा य । तो जइ दस तिल्लघडा पीआ य तए किमच्छेरं ॥ भणइ ससो सो दिइओ सुमहंतो कह मए समुक्खित्तो। अह उक्खित्तो कह पुण णीओ एगागिणा गामं ॥ ३१ उच्चप्फलिअंदाउं हसिऊणं खंडवाणई भणइ गूणं सस ! ण कयाइ वि सुओ तुमे गरुलवित्तंतो।। ३२ कासवरिसिपत्तीओ कड्ड विणया अहेसि तीअस्मि । दोहिं वि ताहिं सवत्तीहि किं पि किल पणिअयं छिप्पं । जा पणिअयम्मि जिप्पइ तीए दासत्तणं च कायव्वं । जावजीवाइ चिय अहवा दायव्वयं अमयं ॥ विणया जिअ कड्डए करेइ दासत्तणं सवत्तीए । कडू वि सावत्तीवेहएण विणयं विमाणेइ ॥ विणया किर गुरुभारा दासत्ते परमदुक्खिआ जाया । तत्थेव सा पसूआ तीसे अंडत्तयं जायं ॥ ३६. २९ 20 ॥ ३५ 1A किष्ण। 2 B किरि। 3 A वासत्ते।

·४. शशोक्तं स्वकीयं कथानकम् । 16 दासत्तणमुक्खट्टा'भिंदइ तत्थेगमंडयं विणया। तत्थ किल अंडयम्मी जाया विच्छू असंपुण्णा ॥ दुम्मणमणा य विणया परितप्पइ अंडयं विणलु मे। अण्णह चिंतेमि अहं तं पि अ मे अण्णहा होइ । ३८ मुचिज पराहीणत्तणस्स अह णाम दासणामस्स । कह वि दुरासाइ मए अंडं भिण्णथिए भिण्णं ॥ अद्धिइ लद्धाए विलविऊण आसाणिबद्धहिअयाए। कइहि वि दिवसेहिं तओ पुणो वि बिइअंडयं भिण्णं ॥ विइअंडम्मि अणूरू जाओ किल सो वि मायरं भणइ । अम्मो तुम्हेहि इमं किमकाले अंडयं भिण्णं ॥ ४१७ जो ते मणोरहो चिंतिउ त्ति सो पूरिओ मए इंतो। इण्हिं अयंगमो किं करेमि अहयं पराहीणो ॥ ४२ एअंपि ताव तइअं परिरक्खसु अंडयं पयत्तेण । जो कोवि इत्थ होही सो दुक्खविमुक्खओ तुम्हं ।। रहसारही अणूरू ठविओ सूरेण जो जगे अरुणो। सयमेव य विणयाए कमेण तइअंडयं भिण्णं ॥ अहिकुलभयसंजणणों जणवयविम्हावणो महा घोरो। विणयामणपरिओसो जाओ अ महावलो गरुडो॥ बालत्ते रममाणो णागे कड्डसुए विहाडे । पइदिवसं कडूए विणया खिसिज्जए एवं ॥ विणयाइ दासिआए पुत्तेणं गरुडएण सोमाला । मारिअ अहिपोअलया चंचूचलणप्पहारेहिं ॥ एआरिसाइं विणया सोऊणमभिक्खणं च रोवंती। पुच्छिज्जइ गरुडेणं रोअसि किं कारणं अम्मे ।। पुत्तय जीअणिमित्तं पत्ता दासत्तणं सवत्तीए । रत्तिं दिवा य दुहिआ करेमि आणत्तिअं तीसे ॥ ४९ कहमुचिजसि अम्मे !, अमएणं, तं च जाणइ पिआ ते। कत्थ पिआ, बदरीआसमम्मि, गरुडो गओ तहि ॥ बदरासमम्मि गंतुं गरुडो पाएमु णिवडिओ पिउणो । विलिंदिएण' तेण वि फासेणुवलक्खिओ पुत्तो । ५१० गरुडेण जंपिअं भुक्खिओ मि, भणि च कासवेणेवं । बारसजोअणहत्थी तत्तुल्लो कच्छओ बीओ ॥ ५२ । 1 A. °मुट्ठक्खवा । 2 B अणाम । 3 B °वम्हावणो। 4 B अम्हे। 5 B आणत्ती। 6 B गुत्तं । 7 B दिएणं। ४५ ४६० ४८ 25 - 44 ·. ५४ ५५ 10 ५८ ५९ 15 हरिभद्रसूरिकृतं धूख्यिानम् । अमरिसभुअंगवसओ जुज्झति महासरे महाकाया। रत्तिं दिवा य दुषिण वि सरसंखोभं करेमाणा ॥ भक्खेहि ते तुमं गच्छिऊण, मा पुत्त ! भुक्खिओ अच्छः । गंतूण इक्कमिकेण तेण ते दोवि परिभुत्ता ॥ तत्तो अ पडिणिअत्तो पिच्छइ वडपायवं महाविडयं । पलयमहामेहं पि व 'ससउणकोलाहलं विउलं ॥ चउमुहवीअविणिग्गयाण बालखिल्लाण तस्स हिडम्मि । उग्गं तप्पंति तवं रिसीणमबुद्दकोडीओ ॥ सो तत्थ समल्लीणो भग्गो वडपायवो कडकडतो। मा होही रिसिवज्झा चंचू वडपायवं गुविलं' ॥ तो सहसा उक्खिविउं छाएमाणु व्व णयलं सव्वं । किण्णरगरुडणरामरविम्यमउलं जणेमाणो ॥ सागरजलपक्खित्ते बहुविहवणसंडमंडिओद्देसे । दीवम्मि सुवित्थिपणे सुंचइ वडपायवं गरुडो॥ वडदुमलंकणिमित्तं लंकादीउ त्ति तो कयं णामं । दससीसस्सावासो आसि जहिं णिसिअरपइस्स ।। हिमवंते गयकच्छव भक्खेउं सो गओ पिउसयासं। भणइ अ ताय ! ण धाओ भक्खेहि तओ णिसाएँ त्ति ॥ भक्खेऊण णिसाए अमयपवत्तिं पपुच्छिउं पिअरं । अमयं पुत्त ! कहेमो वोलेडं णरयपायाले ॥ धगधगधगंतहुअवपज्जलिआवेढि समतेणं । रक्खिजह सव्वसुरासुरेहिं सययं असयकुंडं ॥ को पुण तस्स उवाओ अमयत्थी कासवंगओ अयं । अस्थि उवाओ जह धिप्पइ त्ति अइदुकरो सो उ॥ सप्पिमहोदहिसलिलाइएण संतप्पिएऽणले धणि। गहणं हुज ण हुन्ज व गहिए वि उवद्दवाऽणेगा। कासवरिसिवयणेणं गंतुं गरुडेणं दोवि संपयया । पंखाणि अ घयमहुपाणिएण संतपिओ अग्गी ॥ तित्तेण हुअवहेण य अमयसयासं पवेसिओ गरुडो। गहिअंच णेण अमयं देवेहिं विकिल समुग्घुटुं॥ अमयं कुंडत्थं चिअ विहगेणेगेण णीअमुक्खिविडं। सोऊणमिणं वयणं खुहियं लनुरासुरं भुवणं ॥ ६० ६१ 20 ६२ ६३ ६४ 25 ६५ ६६ 30 ६७ ६८ : 1.B रिसीण। 2 B विजलं। 3 A सुविलं । 4 B सुन्वित्थिण्णे । 5 B पवित्ति। 6 A. एय। 7 B वेटिअं। 8 B अहियं । 9 B ओवाओ। 10 A समुग्घटं । 3 ·२३ ७० 6 ७१ ७३ 10 ७४ 15 ४. शशोक्त स्वकीयं कथानकम् । जो जन्तु च्चिय देवो सहसाऽमयमवहडं णिसामेइ । सो अहरफुरंतुट्ठो' तत्तु चिअ मग्गिओ लग्गो॥ मुग्गर-मुसंढि-पहिस-गयकणगप्परसु-भिंडिमालेहिं । हल-मुसल-लउड-वलयासूलाउहपहरणसमग्गो॥. कलयलरवो सुराणं पूरेइ णहंगणं णिरवसेसं । हण, छिंद, भिंद, गिण्हह, मा मुयह रसायलगयं पि ॥ ओलग्गिओ अ गरुडो समंतओ देवसयसहस्सेहिं । परिवेढिओ अ भणिओ अमयाहारी हओसि त्ति ॥ इकत्तु चिअ भुवणं एकत्तो कासवंगओ पक्खी। कायरमणकंपणयं तेहिं अ ससरं समारद्धं ॥ सुरगणसयं सहस्सं लक्खं कोडि पि चउसु वि दिसासु । पेसेइ जमसयासं गरुडो पक्खप्पहारेहिं ॥ विणयसुअस्स सुराण य गयणयले वट्टए महाघोरं। जुझं अमयस्स कए विस्हावणयं तिहुअणस्स ॥ तो सो देवसमूहो गरुडेणिक्केण रणमुहावडिओ। हयविय दीणवयणो खणेण भग्गो णिराणंदो ॥ देवे अ पराहुत्ते दडं पलयग्गिजालसमसरिसं । तो कुलिसं सहसपलोअणेण गरुडोवरिं मुकं ॥ कुलिसं गरुडसरीरे पञ्चुप्फुडि सिलायले चेव । इंदो भणइ अणंतं सहोअरं गरुडभयभीओ। तो तह वजाभियं ससुरासुरसमरपचयणिमित्तं । गरुडेण चंचुआए सयमेवुप्पाडियं पिच्छं ॥ विण्हू विअ पन्जलिओ बारसरवितेअसप्पभं चर्क। चित्तुं गरुडवहत्था अणुधावइ मग्गओ कुविओ ॥ भीउव्विग्गससंभम हाहा किमिति गग्गिरुल्लावा। रिसिगहसणिच्छराई गंतुमणंतं पयंपंति ।। भो भो सव्वगओ विअ पभू अ ससुरासुरस्स लोअस्स । तह वि तुमं णीओ इव सयणस्सुवरि णिराविक्खो॥ गरुडो अ सहयरो ते पडिसाहर 'वणदोवस कोवं । मा मूढो मिच्छो इव पहरसु नियएसु गत्तेसु ॥ रिसिगहवयणं सोउं इमं तु चकाउहो वि चिंतेइ । कोहाइएण पिच्छसु मए सहाओ हओ हुँतो॥ ७६ ৩৩ ७८20 ७९ ८० 15 - ८२ ८३ ३० ८४ 4 A. विहए। 5 B पराउत्ते । "I B°फुडतुहो। 2 B °पिट्ठस। 3 B विम्हाविणयं । 6 A सयणुस्सु। 7 B वणदेवो ।

·८६ 5 18 ८९ हरिभद्रसूरिकृतं धूर्ताख्यानम् ।। णाणी सत्वत्थविआणओ वि कोहग्गिजालसंतत्तो। गम्मागम्म हिआहिअ कजाकजं 'ण लक्खे ॥ गरुडस्स अणंतस्स य जाया संधीज्झओ को गरुडो। अमयं दाउं विणया मोअइ दासत्तणाउ त्ति ॥ जह गय-कच्छभ-वडदुम गरुडेणुप्पाडिआ य णीआ य । तो उक्खिवसि सस ! तयं तुमं पिदइयं सुबद्धं पि॥ *७* ८७ सत्ताहबद्दलम्मी धरिओ गोवद्धणो महुमहेणं । ता कह ण धरेसि तुमं गयदीयं तिल्लपरिपुण्णं ॥ *८*८८ सेऊवंधे विय वाणरेहिं गाइं जोअणाइं गिरी। उक्खिणिउं उचि(वि)द्धा पक्खित्ता उदहिमज्झम्मि । तो जइ पुत्तेण तुहं रुक्खो उम्मूलिओ महाविडवो। दीअमपावितेणं तो भणसु तहिं किमच्छेरं ॥ १९ ९* ९० वणवाडिअ भंगे वि अ हणुअंतो महिरहे महाविडवे । उक्खणइ अयत्तेणं जत्थ इमो खंधओ भणिओ॥ ९१ खज्जूरी मारुइणो अ कम्महया पलासवग्गंते । सीसेण उत्तरंती अ कं महया पलासवगं ते ।। ९२ जइ ते महंतरुक्खा तिरिक्खजोणीगएण हणुएण । उम्मूलिआ समूला तुह पुत्तो किं ण उक्खणइ ॥ ९३ अइसइओ भणइ ससो खंडावाणीइ तत्थ धुत्तीए । खंडं भणइ इआणिं कहेहि जं तं समणुभूअं ॥ * १० *९४ खंडवाणाउक्तं ससकं प्रति प्रत्युत्तरकथानकदशकम् । 15 20 ॥ इति धूर्ताख्याने चतुर्थमाख्यानकम् ॥ [५. अथ खण्डपानाकथितं खानुभूतं कथानकम् ।] 25 अह भणइ खंडवाणा विहसंती अत्थसत्थणिम्माया। बुद्धीइ अहिअबुद्धी धुत्ते तुल्लेउं वयणमिणं ॥ ओलग्गिअ त्ति अम्हेहि भणह जइ अंजलिं करिअ सीसे । उवसप्पह जइ असमं तो भत्तं देमि सव्वेसिं॥ तो ते भणति धुत्ता अम्हं सव्वं जगं तुलेमाणा। कह एव दीणवयणं तुज्झ सयासे भणीहामो ॥ 1 'M' नास्ति A1 2A दुइयं । 3 B उक्खिणइ । क ·२५ ४ ५ ५. खण्डपानाकथितं खानुभूतं कथानकम् । अहवा-अवि उर्ल्ड चिअ फुटृति माणिणो ण वि सहति अवमाणं । अस्थमणम्मि वि रविणो किरणा उढ चिअ फुरंति ॥ पवणु चिअ आहारो वंकं चंक्रमिअं अपरिभूख्। सव्वजगुव्वेअकरं अहो सुजीअं भुअंगाणं ॥ ईसि हसिऊण तो सा खंडावाणा भणेइ भो सुणह । अक्खाणयं अणलियं जं अणुभूअं मए चेव ॥ आसि अहं तरुणत्ते जुव्वणलायण्णवण्णगुणकलिया। रूवेण अणण्णसमा जणमणनयणूसवन्भूआ॥ णवरि अ कयाइ अहयं उपहाया मंडवे सुहपसुत्ता। उवभुत्ता पवणेणं ख्वगुणुम्मत्तहिअएणं ॥ जाओ तेण सुओ मे ताहे चिय जायमित्तओ तो सो। आउच्छिऊण य ममं कत्तो वि गओ अह खणेणं ॥ तो भणह किं ण सचं जइ वाएणं हविज पुत्तु 'त्ति । तो पत्थि का वि रंडा अपुत्तिया जीवलोअम्मि ॥ ७ ८10 १० 8 15 ११ १२ 20 [अथ मूलदेवादिधूर्तकृतं खण्डपानाकथानकसमर्थनम् ।] सं भणइ मूलदेवो सुव्वइ लोअस्सुईसु पवणेणं । कुंतीइ भीमसेणो जाओ णीलाइ हणुअंतो॥ पारासरेण वासों मच्छिणिजणिओ पसूअओं चेव । कजे सरिजसु त्ति अ जणणि भणिऊण अवकतो । जाया अक्खयजोणी जोअणगंधा अ रिसिपभावणं । संतणुणा तीइ सुओ विचित्तविरिओ त्ति संजणिओ॥ असुए मयम्मि तम्मी जोअणगंधाइ सुमरिओं वासो। संपत्तो अखणेणं जणणिसयासे रिसिवरो सो॥ भणिओ अह माऊए पुत्त ! अपुत्ता ण वुहुए वंसो। ता तह करेहि वच्छय ! जह होइ कुलस्स संताणो ॥ तेणुद्धरिओ वंसो पंडणरिंदो जयम्मि विक्खाओ। धयरहो अ णरवई विदुरो य महामई जणिओ॥ भाउजाया तिपिण वि भुत्तूणं देइ तिण्ह वी सावं । अकयं तु ओहयासो वासो रिसिधम्मपन्भट्ठो॥ १४ १५ १६ १७ 1 B लायण्णरूवगुणकलिया। 2 B गुणम्मत्त । 3 A मित्तउं। 4 B पुत्त ति। 5.B पारा. सुरेण । 6 B मच्छणि। 7 B पसूवउच्चव । 8 B अवकंठो। धू.४ ·5 २० 10 हरिभद्रसूरिकृतं धूर्ताख्यानम् । भवति चात्र श्लोकः- आहारे चैव योनौ च वीजकर्मणि यः शुचिः । तस्य कृच्छ्रागतस्यापि न पापे रमते मतिः ॥ १८ जइ 'सचं पवणसुओ भीम-हणू" णवर पट्टिओ वासो। उअरविणिग्गयमत्तो तो सचं तुज्झ वी वयणं ॥ *१-२* १९ पुणरवि खंडावाणा भणइ सही आसि मज्झुमा देवी। तीए मंतो दिपणो ससुरासुरलोअआगरिसो॥ आगरिसिओ रवी मे जोइसचकाहिओ अहिअतेओ। तेण वि मे बलजुत्तो जाओ पुत्तो महासत्तो॥ २१ छासीइसहस्साइं दहइ रवी मेइणिं समंतेणं । कह तेण ण दड्डाहं रइकजसमागया संती ।। २२ अह भणइ कंडरीओ कुंती जइ हुँत दबसूरेणं । तो डझंता सि तुमं सचं तं णत्थि संदेहो । *३* २३ खंडा भणइ पुणो मे जलणो आगरिसिओ सुरवराणं । जोवयणं तेण वि मे पुत्तो जाओ जुइमहंतो॥ २४ दूरत्थो डहइ रवी अग्गी अंगेहिं फरिसिओ डहइ । कह तेण ण दहाहं जलणेण समागया संती ॥ २५ भणइ अ एलासाटो जमपत्ती हुअवहेण किर भुत्ता। अग्गीहुणणणिमित्तं जलणगिह अइगया संती* ।। २६ असमत्तसुरयकजो जलणो जा अइगओ जमो ताहे। अचयंतो ओसरिअंजलणो तीए वि ओइलिओ॥ तं सिढिलिअमेहलिअं असमाणियसुरयकीलियं बालं । ओइलिऊण जमो वि य देवस्थाणि अह पविट्ठो। २८ देवेहि यसो भणिओ अपत्तरइअस्स सागयं तुज्झ । णिग्गिलइ तओ देवि तीइ मुहाओ य जलणो वि ॥ धावंतो उच्छिण्णो जमेण तो अइगओ वर्ण गहणं । कहिओ गएहिं तो सो तेसिं वायाहिआ तेणं ॥ जइ सच्चं जमपत्ती भुत्ता जलणेण णेअ सा दड्डा । तो कह डज्झिहिसि तुमं जलणेण समागया संती ॥ *४*३१ खंडा भणइ पुणो मे एरावणवाहणो सहस्सच्छो । आगरिसिओ मि सो वी तेण वि जाओ मंहं पुत्तो।। ३२ 15 * २ 20 25 38 1A सुन्छ। 2 A. भीमु। 3A आगरिओ। * इयं गाथा पतिता B आदर्शे। 4 A अप- त्तइअस्स।

·३९ 15 ५. खण्डपानाकथितं स्वानुभूतं कथानकम् । अच्छरसाओ मुत्तुं कह इंदो सेवए मणुस्सीओ। भणइ ससो किं ण सुआ गोयमपत्ती अहिल्ल त्ति ॥ ३३ इंदेणं परिभुत्ता रुटेणं गोयमेण इंदस्स । काऊण भगसहस्सं व(च?)हाण समप्पिओ ताहे ॥ दढकढिणसरीराणं मयणाणलजालसंपलित्ताणं । बडआण संगासाओ सको विद्धंसणं पत्तो। देवेहिं गोअमाओ कह वि पयत्तेण मोइओ इंदो। जं तस्स भगसहस्सं अच्छिसहस्सं तयं जायं ॥ ३६ कुंतीए इंदेण वि पुत्तो पत्थु त्ति लोअविक्खाओ। जाओ एवं जइ सुओ तुज्झ वि इंदेण को दोसो॥ *५* ३७ 10 अह भणइ खंडवाणा तुम्भे जाणह कुलं च गुत्तं च । मझं मायावित्तं ?, भणिया तो मूलदेवेणं ॥ ३८ पाडलिपुत्ते 'णयरे तं सि सुआ णागसम्मविप्पस्स । सोमसिरीए धूआ गोअमगुत्तम्मि विक्खाया ॥ सा भणइ णवि अहं सा तुम्हें सारिक्खविम्हिआ मज्झं । सिप्पिअधूआ अहयं राउलरययस्स विक्खाया ॥ बहुधणधन्नसमिद्धं अम्ह घरं रायरिद्धिसमसरिसं । णामेण दडिआ हं णीआ गोएहिं कम्महि ॥ दंड भडभोइआणं रणो अंतेउरस्स सव्वस्स । सिपिअसहस्समहिअं जं धोवइ मज्झ वत्थाई ॥ ४२ 20 वत्थाण महासयडं भरित्तु अह बहुविहप्पगाराणं । पुरिससहस्सेण समं पत्तासि णई सलिलपुण्णं ॥. छडछडछडस्स तहिअं हुं हुं सिंटारवं करितेहिं । अण्णुण्णमइसयंतेहिं तेहिं कुंदिंदुधवलाई । धोआई वत्थाई मजसं पुरिसेहिं चुक्खभूआई। तो आयवदित्ताई उव्वाइआई मुहुत्तेणं । ४५ आओ अ महावाओ समंतओ पायवे अभंजतो। तो तेणं पवणेणं वत्थाई हियाइं सव्वाई ॥ गच्छह तुम्भे चुइयारयं ति कंमारिया मए भणिया।। जो दोसो अवराहो व को वि सो होहिई मज्झं ॥ राउलभएण तोहं गोहारूवं करितु रयणीए। आया णयरुजाणं ससलिलघणसण्णिहं रम्मं ॥ 1 A पुत्तो पयरे। 2 A. तुम्हेहिं। 3.A. दंढ। 4 A. वत्थाई। 5 B चक्खुभूआई। + A. आदर्श एषा पंक्तिः त्रिकृलो लिखिता लभ्यते। 6.B सोहिई। ४४ . 25 ४७30 ४८ ·२८ ४९ 18 15 हरिभद्रसुरिकृतं धूर्ताख्यानम् । विउले गयरुजाणे समंतओ हिंडिआ सुवीसत्था । अह पच्छिमम्मि जामे भयचिंता मे समुप्पण्णा ॥ गोहं चम्मणिमित्तं मंसणिमित्तं च जणवओ हणइ । तो को हुन उवाओ जह मरणभयं न हुजामि(हुज त्ति?)॥ ५० किं हुज कयं सुकयं कत्थ गया णिवुई लहिजं ति। परिभममि समतेणं भयपवणसमाहया तहिअं॥ पहुआई विचिंतेउं गोहारूवं तयं पयहिऊणं । रत्तासोअसयासे चूअलया हं परावत्ता ॥ ५२ दुस्सीला इव जुवई तिमिरपडं गुंठिआ गया रयणी । कमलागरतुटिअरो सहसा य समुडिओ सूरो॥ दिण्णो अ अम्ह अभओ रण्णा पउरेण चाउवण्णेण । जह उभिडंतु ताई राउलरयगाइँ सव्वाइं ॥ तो सो पडहगसबो 'णवपाउसघणरवं विसेसंतो। आपूरेह समंतो सन्भंतर-बाहिरं णयरं ॥ ५५ सोउं पडहगसदं तो तं मुत्तूण चूअलयभावं । लावण्णगुणाइन्ना पुणरवि इत्थी समुप्पण्णा ॥ तस्स य सगडस्स तहिं णाडवरत्ता य तजणीओ य । रयणीइ कोल्हुएहिं साणेहि भक्खिया सव्वे ॥ ५७ अह णवरि मज्झ पिउणा णाडवरत्ता य मग्गमाणा णं । लद्धा मूसयछिप्पा णाडवरत्ता तहिं वलिआ । ५८ तो किं इत्थं सचं?, भणइ ससो-बंभकेसवा अंतं । ण गया जइ लिंगस्स उ तो कह वयणं तुह असचं ॥ * ६५९ रामायणे अ सुव्वह जह हणुअंतस्स आसि लंगूलं । महईमहप्पमाणं वत्थसहस्सेहिं णेगेहिं ।। वेदितु रक्खसेहि सित्तं तिल्लस्स घडसहस्सेहिं । लंकापुरी वहत्था पलीविरं मंदपुण्णेहिं ॥ सा देवलोअसरिसा लंकापुरी सव्वलोअविक्खाया। आलीविआ समंता हणुएणं वाउपुत्तेणं ॥ जह सचं लंगलं सुमहंतं आसि वाउपुत्तस्स । तो ते मूसिअछिप्पा किण्ण हवइ इद्दहा रजू ॥ *७* ६३ अण्णं च इमं सुव्वद पोराणसुईसु णिग्गयं वयणं । जह किर गंधारिवरो रणे कुरुवत्तणं पत्तो॥ 20 ६० 25 ६२ ४ गवं। 4B वसंतो। 1B कत्थ णिबुई। 2B रइगाई। 6 A. गुणई ता। 7A. जंगलं। 8 B किरि। 5 'णयर' नास्ति AM ·10 ६७ ७० I ५. खण्डपानाकथितं स्वानुभूतं कनकम् । राया आसी किर सो महाबलपरकमो अहिअतेओ। सको देवाहिवई परजिओ जेण समरम्मि ॥ ६५ सो त अहिक्खिवंतो सुरगुरुसत्तो अरण्णमज्झम्मि। . जाओ महा अयगरो रजपन्भट्ठा य पंड्डुसुआ। ६६ तम्मि अरण्णम्मि ठिआ एगागी णिग्गओ णवरि भीमो। तेणऽयगरेण खद्धो उवलद्धसुई अ धम्मसुओ। पत्तो अयगरमूलं सत्तयपुच्छाओ कहयई तस्स । उग्गिलइ अयगरो सो भीमं सावस्स यंतम्मि ॥ ६८ जाओ पुणरवि राया जइ सचं तो तुमं पि सन्भूअं गोहा चूअलया वि अ गंतूण पुणण्णवा जाया ॥ *८* ६९॥ तो भणइ खंडवाणां धुत्ते एवं गए वि कजम्मि । मझं कुणह पमाणं जाहे भत्तं पयच्छामि ॥ जह कह वि पराजिजह सव्वे वि अ समुइआ मए तुम्भ। तो तुम्ह णत्थि लोए काणा वि कवड्डिआ मुल्लं॥ ७१ तो ते भणंति धुत्ता को सत्तो णिजिणितु अम्हेहिं । मायाणिअडिपहाणो हरी वि सकं जइ हविजा । तो सा अवगयतोसा ते धुत्ते खंडवाणई भणइ । पिच्छह इत्ताहि चिय सव्वे वि करेमि हयवयणे ॥ ७३ तेसिं वत्थाण कए रायाणं पुच्छिउँ परियडामि । गामागरपुरपणजणक्यपरिमंडिअं वसुहं ॥ ७४ अण्णं च ममं चउरो चेडरूआ जायया चिरपणहा। तेसिं च कएण अहं परिहिंडंती इहं पत्ता ॥ ७५ ते चेडा तुम्भे हि अ ताणि अ वत्थाणि ते परिहियाणि । जइ विण पत्तिअ हे तो देह महायणे भत्तं ॥ ७६ तो ते लज्जिय विलया भणंति अइसंधिया तुमे अम्हं । 'मेढीभूआ इणिंह बुद्धिपयारेण जायासि ॥ एअस्स णरस्स तुमं इक्का जुग्गा जयम्मि विक्खाया। सत्ताह वद्दलम्मी दे भत्तं सव्वधुत्ताणं ॥ सा भणइ विहसमाणा पुचि विण्णविया मए तुम्भे। भो गव्वमुव्वहंता ओहसह जणं अवुद्धीआ॥ तो ते भणंति सुंदर चाओ घहो कओ हवई जाहे। ताहे सत्तइ जाई एसा पुरिसस्स पयईओ॥ ७२ 25 * ७८ ७९॥ 1B पराजिओ। 2 B कवडिया। 3 B भीती।

·३० ८१ ८२ ८३ 10 ८५ । ८७ 15 हरिभद्रसूरिकृतं धूर्ताख्यानम् । उप्पत्तिअवुद्धीए अम्हे अभिसंधिआ तुमे सुअणु । तो सव्वे विभणामो अम्हं भत्तं पयच्छाहि ॥ बादं ति भाणिऊणं पेअवणं सा गया सुबीहणयं । सिव-डायणि-पेअ-पिसाय-भूअ-सद्दाउलं विउलं ॥ तुलीगड्डवहाणयपडिसिरचंदोक्याण ठाणे अ। चित्तपडपट्टसाडयकोअंवयकायडझंतं ।। तरुकुसुमकेसरुप्पासवासतलचत्तयलत्तयविचित्तं । ललिअद्धइंदपउरं पविट्ठ()कलेवरं घोरं । रूविणिआणं थंभिअमच्छिअसंघायभिणिभिणायंतं । मडयचितोवरिडझंतमाणसिलिसिलिसिलायंतं ।। विजासाहणरभसुद्विअंतण"चंतमडयवेआलं । भीमदृहासहुंकारतालसद्दालगंभीरं ॥ वसरुहिरक्कयकद्दमसमंतओ भीमकिमिकुलाइण्णं । आमिसकजसमुज्जयणिठ्ठयबहुविहगजुझंतं ॥ रुहिरुग्गालभलभलं सहस्ससूलाविभिण्णमुच्छंतं । वितिरिच्छभमंतसिआलकोल णिवडतघुतं ।। अइदुग्गंधियवायंतमारु सवसवंतणीसई । बीभच्छुव्वेवणयं भयसंजणयं सुराणं पि ॥ एवंविहे मसाणे पिच्छइ अविणट्ठयं विगयजीवं । वरविमुकं बालं खंडा तं गिहिउं पहवइ । अभंगेऊण तयं जरचीवरसुसंगयं करेऊणं । उज्जेणीह पविट्ठा सिडिस्स घरं धणसमिद्धं ।। दिट्ठो अणाइ सिट्ठी आसणविट्ठो जणेण परिकिण्णो। भणिओ अणाए भाओ सुत्ति धूआ मि. दुग्गइया ॥ कहवयदिवसपसूआ अबंधवा असरणा विदेसत्था तुम्भे महप्पभावा पिइहरमुल्लं ममं देह ॥ सिट्ठी वाउलचित्तो पुणो पुणो तीइ उचरंतीए। रुसिओ भणेइ पुरिसे सिग्धं णीणेह दमिअ त्ति ।। णिग्गच्छसु त्ति भणिआ अह जंपइ मा च्छिवऽस्स बालस्स। अण्णं ठाणं बप्पिकर्य ति तो मे म पिल्लेह ॥ णिग्गच्छेउं णिच्छइ तेहिं अ पुरिसेहिं पिल्लिया सहसा। धरणीअले णिवडिआ भणइ महं मारिओ पुत्तो॥ ८८ ८९ 20 ९० ९१ 25 ९३ 30 ९५ 1A पर। 2 'णचंत' नास्ति A1 3 B °कोले। 3 B °कोले। 4 A संजणं । 4 A संजणं। 5 B सुत्तीय। 6 B कयवय। 7 B बिप्पक्कयं ।

·-- ९७ ९८ S ५. खण्डपानाकथितं स्वानुभूतं कथानकम् । हा मज्झ अणाहाए णाहो होहि त्ति चिंतयंतीए। सो वि मणोरहतंतू छिपणो णिच्छित्तगत्तेहिं ॥ भो पिच्छह जणसमुदय इमेण धणगविएण वणिएण। अट्ठारसदोसविवजियाइ माराविओ पुत्तो॥ अह पहरिउमारद्धा सीसे अउरे असा असाहारं । भणइ अ सिट्ठी मज्झं भग्गं भिक्खाकवालु त्ति ॥ तो सिट्ठी आदण्णो सवपयत्तेण परियणसमग्गो। अणुणेइ विलवमाणी करेह मा सुअणु बोलं ति॥ दिण्णा य कण्णिआ से भणिआ' चित्तूण वच्चसूपुत्तं । मा रुअसु मा च कंदसु तुह एत्तिय जीवणं दिण्णं ॥ चित्तूण कण्णि मयं कलेवरं च सा तओ अइकता। सिहिस्स णिराबाहं जायं दाणप्पभावेणं ॥ ९९ . १०० १०१० १०२ अपि च- 20 त्यागेन भूतानि वशीभवन्ति त्यागेन वैराण्यपि यान्ति नाशम् । परोऽपि बन्धुत्वमुपैति दानात् त्यागो हि सर्वव्यसनानि हन्ति । १०३ 15 सिसुमडयं छड्डे खंडा विउलथलाहपरिसुद्धा । मणिकणयरयणमुत्तिअचमरसमिद्धं गया हह । १०४ काऊण य विणिओअंतेसिं धुत्ताण सीअविहुराणं । बहुखजपिजकलियं सुसकयं भोअणं देइ ॥ १०५ भुत्तयंतेहिं तओं सव्वेहिं वि हतुट्ठमणसेहिं । भणिआ य खंडवाणा सुजीविअं जीविअं तुज्झ ॥ जं ते बुद्धिवलाओ धुत्तजणो णिजिणित्तु सयराहं । संतप्पिओ खुहत्तो विउलेणं भत्तपाणेणं ॥ *१०*१०७ सुस्सिक्खिआ वि पुरिसा ताई ण जाणंति जंपिअव्वाइं। जाई असिक्खिआओ कत्तो वि लहंति महिलाओ॥ पढिऊण य सत्थाई पुरिसा णाऊण तेसिमत्थाई। ण समत्था पडिवयणे उप्पण्णमई जला महिला ॥ १०९ अपि च- अधीत्य शास्त्राणि विमृश्य चार्थान्न तानि वक्तुं पुरुषाः समर्थाः । यानि स्त्रियः प्रत्यभिधानकाले वदन्ति लीलारचिताक्षराणि ॥ ११० 30 चंदिदुवाउसूरा अग्गी धम्मो अ लोयविक्खाया। लोएण दूमिया ते वम्हह-रह-रागदोसेहि ॥ १११ सुव्वइ अ आगमस्मी जह कण्हो सव्ववीअमज्झगओ। मुहमेसु बायरेसु अ तिलतुसमित्तेसु व्वेसु ॥ 1 भइणि। 2 B निउलच्छलापहपसिद्धा। 3 A हिट्ठ। १०८25 ·- ३२ ११३ ग ११५ ११६ 10 हरिभद्रसूरिकृतं धूर्ताख्यानम् । जह सव्वगओ कण्हो चिंतिज जत्थ तत्थ सो चेव । चिंतितओ 'वि सुचिअ तम्हा सो किं विचिंतेइ ॥ अण्णं पि अलिअवयणं सुवह लोयम्मि णिग्गयं इणिमो । जह पवणगणाहिवई सेलसुआवयवउप्पण्णो ॥ बंभाण समुप्पत्ती तिलुत्तमा उव्वसी य दोणस्स । उप्पत्ति छम्मुहस्स य णरकुब्बर आसि ताणं च ॥ कण्हस्स य णिग्गमणं जह कोवा सेअकुंडलीजाओ। जह सिरकबालमज्झे रुहिरम्मि णरो समुप्पण्णो॥ जइ जायवस्स माया उप्पत्ती हलहरस्स लोगम्मि । जह जाया सेलसुआ विक्खाया जीवलोयम्मि ॥ जह हुंति पव्वयाणं पुत्ता धूआ कुडंबधम्मो वा। तो तं इमम्मि लोए जंबूदीवे ण माइज़ा ॥ एयाई चप्फलाई भारह-रामायणे णिबद्धाई । संघालणमसहंता जह जुत्तिकयं सुवण्ण व्व ॥ एलोइअसत्थं गद्दहलिंड व्व बाहिरे महूँ । जावंतं जोइज्जइ तुस-भुस-बुसमीसियं सव्वं ॥ तो ते भणामि सव्वे कुसमयकुस्सुइपहेण मुत्तूण । सव्वण्णदेसिअम्मि अ लग्गह मग्गे पयत्तेणं ।। एअं धुत्तक्खाणं सोऊणं लोइअस्स परमत्थं । तह कुणह णिच्छिअमई जह दसणसुद्धि होह परा ॥ ११७ ११८ ११९ 15 १२० .2 १२१ 20 १२२ १२३ चित्तउडदुग्गसिरिसंठिएहिं सम्मत्तरायरत्तेहिं । सुचरिअसमूहसहिआ कहिआ एसा कहा सुवरा ॥ सम्मत्तसुद्धिहेउं चरिअं हरिभद्दसूरिणा रह। णिसुणतकहंताणं "भवविरह' कुणउ भव्वाणं ।। १२४ 25 सेअंबरवरसूरी हरिभद्दो कुणउ अम्ह भद्दाई। जस्स ससिसंखधवले जिणागमे एरिसा भत्ती॥ १२५ ॥ धूतैरुक्तं खंडवाणाप्रत्युत्तरकथानकदशकम् ॥ ॥ इति धूर्ताख्याने पञ्चमाख्यानकं समाप्तम् ॥ ॥शुभं भवतु । कल्याणमस्तु ॥ 1B व सुचिअ।

·श्रीसंघतिलकाचार्यकृतं धूर्ताख्यानसंस्कृतभापान्तरम् । ܙܚ [प्रास्ताविकम् ।] समस्ति' भारते वर्षे हर्षोत्कर्पकरे सताम् । श्रीअवन्त्यायो देशो लेशो यन्न न पाप्मनाम् ॥ १ ॥ स्वःपुरीजयिनी तत्र समस्त्युज्जयिनी पुरी । यो द्रष्टुमिव गीर्वाणा निर्निमेषत्वमाश्रिताः ॥२॥ तमालतालहिन्तालरसालावलिमालितम् । तस्या उत्तरदिग्भागे जीर्णोद्यानाभिधं वनम् ॥ ३ ॥ नन्दनायैरलं फल्गुफलैर्नोग्यफलस्त्वहम् । नृत्यतीवेति यद्वातविधूतैः पल्लवैः करैः ॥ ४ ॥ तत्रामात्रद्रुमेऽन्येदुर्वाचाला निकृतिव्रताः । भूयांसो भूरिदेशेभ्यः समीयुधूर्तपुङ्गवाः ॥ ५ ॥ यैरवखापिनी-प्राज्यरूपिणी-मोहिनीमुखैः । धूपयोगाञ्जनाद्यैश्च दम्भैः कः को न वञ्चितः ॥ ६ ॥ मूलदेवः कण्डरीके एलाषाढः शशाहयः । खण्डपानाभिधा स्त्रीश्च तेषां पञ्चेश्वरा अमी ॥ ७ ॥ प्रत्येकं ते नृधूर्तानां पञ्चशत्या परिवृताः । खण्डपाना किलैका तु नारीपञ्चशतान्विता ॥ ८॥ वर्षाकालस्तदा प्रादुरासीन्नि शितातपः । प्रकाशयन् घनैः स्वस्य राज्यमेकातपत्रितम् ॥ ९॥ सप्ताहवारिदेनाम्बुवृष्टिं विदधताधिकम् । बभूवाबालजम्बालपिच्छिलं क्षोणिमण्डलम् ॥ १०॥ तदा धूर्ताः क्षुधाक्रान्ताः शीतेन परिपीडिताः । परस्परं वदन्ति स्म को नो दाताऽद्य भोजनम्॥११॥ जगाद मूलदेवोऽथ स्वानुभूतं श्रुतं हि वा । यद्येन वृत्तं तत् तेन धूर्तानां कथ्यतां पुरः ॥ १२ ॥ यस्तन्न मन्यते तेषु वचः सत्यतया पुनः । तेन देयं समग्राणां धू नामद्य भोजनम् ॥ १३ ॥ श्रीभारतपुराणोक्तं रामायणनिरूपितैः । संवादिवचनैर्धूर्तान् प्रत्याययति यः पुनः ॥ १४ ॥ स धूर्तीनां शिरोरत्नमदानोऽपि भोजनम् । इत्युक्त्वा मूलदेवोऽथ प्रथमं तानभाषत ॥ १५ ॥ [ १. मूलदेवकथितं कथानकम् ।] मया तरुणभावे यदनुभूतं महाधियः । तदाकर्णयतोत्कर्णाः कथ्यमानमिहाधुना ॥ १६ ॥ एकदा तरुणत्वेऽहमीहमानः सुखासिकाम् । कमण्डलुछत्रपाणिः स्कन्धविन्यस्तकम्बलः ॥ १७ ॥ दिधीर्षुः स्वर्णदीधारां प्रस्थितः स्कन्दमन्दिरम् । यावत्तावन्मदोन्मत्तो दन्ती प्रादुरभूत् पुरः॥ युग्मम्॥ पर्जन्य इव गर्जन्तं सिञ्चन्तं क्षमा मदाम्बुभिः । अभ्यायान्तमिभं पश्यन्नातकव्याकुलोऽभवम् ॥१९॥ एतस्मात् कथमात्मानं कृतान्तात् कुपितादिव । पास्यामीति भयावेशात् प्राविशं कुण्डिकान्तरे ॥२०॥ मदभिन्नकटः सोऽपि करटी प्रसरत्करः । ममानुपदिकः कुण्ड्यां प्राविक्षन्नालकाध्वना ॥ २१ ॥ 1A समस्त। 2 B घनस्तस्य। 3 A बभूव बाल। 4 A पुराणोक्ति। 5 A नः। 6 B नराधिपः ।

·३४ धूर्ताख्यानसंस्कृतभापान्तरम् । कुम्भी स कुम्भीनसवत् फुत्कारान् रोपतः सृजन् । 'मत्पृष्ठलनो भ्राम्यंश्च पण्मासी तत्र वश्चितः॥२२॥ ममैपोऽद्यापि नो पृष्ठं मुम्चतीति विचारवान् । ततोऽहं कुण्डिकाद्वारान्निरगां नरकादिव ॥ २३ ॥ मत्पृष्ठे निःसरन्नेप सिन्धुरोऽपि मदोद्धरः । कुण्डिकारन्ध्रसंलग्नपुच्छकेशोऽस्खलत् क्षणम् ।। २४ ॥ ततः स्वर्गनदी नारीमिव पीनपयोधराम् । दृष्ट्वा गोष्पदवत् तीर्वाऽध्यगां; स्कन्दस्य मन्दिरम् ॥ २५ ॥ अवधूय क्षुधोदन्ये पण्मासीं तत्र तिष्ठता । पतन्ती व्योमतो मूर्धा गङ्गाधारा मया धृता ॥ २६ ॥ ततः पण्मुखमानत्याऽऽगत्य चोजयिनी पुरीम् । भवद्भ्यो धूर्तराजेभ्यः क्षेमेण मिलितोऽधुना ॥२७॥ इदं चेद् वित्थ सत्यं तन्मां मानयत हेतुभिः । अथालीकं तदाऽमीभ्यः सर्वेभ्यो दत्तभोजनम् ॥२८॥ CHO [अथ कण्डरीकप्रदत्तमूलदेवकथानकोत्तरम् ।] कण्डरीकस्ततोऽवादीत् त्वामसत्यीकरोति कः । जानानो हि पुराणं च श्रीरामायण-भारते ॥ २९ ॥ 10 यत्त्वयाऽवाद्यऽहं सेभः कथं कुण्ड्याममान्तमाम् । तत्प्रत्ययाय विप्राणामत्रार्थे शृणु जल्पितम् ॥३०॥ विधातुर्वदनाद् विप्राः क्षत्रिया वाहुयुग्मतः । अरूयुगलतो वैश्याः पद्भ्यां शूद्राश्च निर्ययुः ॥ ३१ ॥ यद्येतावन्ममौ लोको ब्रह्मणो जठरान्तरे । कमण्डलौ भवांस्तत् किं न मातीभसमन्वितः ॥ ३२ ॥ अन्यच्च यस्य धावन्तौ ब्रह्म-विष्णू उपर्यधः । दिव्यवर्पसहस्रेणाप्याप्तो पारं न हि कचित् ॥ ३३ ॥ महत्प्रमाणं तल्लिङ्गमुमायोनौ यथा ममौ । तथा त्वां सगजं कुण्ड्यां प्रविष्टं कोऽत्र दूषयेत् ।। युग्मम् ।। 15 अन्यच कीचकशतोत्पत्तिर्या व्यासभाषिता । प्रसिद्धा भारते शास्त्रे तामप्येतर्हि संशृणु ॥ ३५ ॥ विराटभूपतेरग्रमहिषी पुत्रकाम्यया । ऋषि गागलिनामानमारराधान्यदाऽऽश्रमे ॥ ३६ ।। साधयित्वा चरुं सोऽपि दत्त्वा तामिदमूचिवान् । अन्तः कुडङ्गं भुक्तेऽस्मिन् सुतानां भावि ते शतम् ॥३७॥ ततो गत्वा कुडङ्गान्तर्बुभुजे तमसौ चरुम् । तत्रस्थो गागलिरपि तप्यते स्म' तपोऽधिकम् ॥ ३८ ॥ सरस्यप्सरसस्तत्र स्नान्ती सोविवर्जिताः । निरीक्ष्य स ऋषिः स्मेरस्मरवाणैरवधृतः ॥ ३९ ॥ 20 कामक्षोभादस्य शुक्रविन्दुर्यः कीचकेऽपतत् । तस्मादायः कीचकोऽभून्महावीर्यवपूत्तमः ॥ ४० ॥ पश्यतोऽप्सरसस्तस्य गलिताः शुक्रविन्दवः । नाल्यां ये पतितास्तेभ्यः कीचकानामभूच्छतम् ॥४१॥ तां नाली स ऋषिस्तत्र निधाय स्वाश्रयं ययौ । राजाऽपि रक्षयामास ततो वंशकुडङ्गकम् ॥ ४२ ॥ नाल्याः संपूर्णसर्वाङ्गान् यद्राज्ञी ह्यादेऽर्भकान् । तेन ते तत्सुतत्वेन प्रोच्यन्ते कीचका जनैः॥४३॥ कीचकानां शतं प्रौढं तादृग् नाल्यां ममौ यदि । ततस्त्वं सगजों मासि कथं नैव कमण्डलौ ? ॥४४॥ 25 गङ्गा वर्षसहस्रं चेन्जटावीशेन मोहिता । षण्मासांस्तु त्वयाऽमोहि हस्ती कुण्ड्यामिदं घृतम् ॥ ४५ ॥ · कुण्ड्या नालादहं दन्ती लग्नकेशश्च निःसृतौ । कथमत्रापि हे भ्रातः ! शृणु पौराणिकं वचः॥४६॥ प्रलये सर्वभूतानां जलैकार्णवतां गते । जगत्रये जलेशायी तस्थावेको जलेशयः ॥४७॥ जगत्सृष्टिकृतस्तस्य नाभिपद्माद् विनिर्ययौ । दण्डकुण्डीधरो ब्रह्माऽब्जनालं तत्र चालगत् ॥४८॥ इत्थं कुण्डीमुखाचेत् त्वं सेभो भ्रातर्विनिर्गतः । तत्केशस्तत्र लमश्च किमयुक्तं भवेत् ततः ॥ ४९ ॥ 3 कमण्डलुमुखाद् भ्रातः ! कथं हि निरगामिति । यद् ब्रूषे तस्य संवादं शृणु भारतभाषितम् ॥ ५० ॥ 1 B कुम्भीश। 2 B हुंकारान् ।. 3 B मत्पृष्टि। 4 A °णाध्याप्तौ । 5A गङ्गलि। 6 B 'रविध्यत । 7 A °वदुत्तमः। 8 B स्मृतम्। 9 A जलाशयः। 10 A कुण्डीकरो।

·5 1 १. मूलदेवकथितं कथानकम् । दिव्यं सहस्रं वर्षाणां तपः कुर्वति धातरि । क्षुब्धाः सुराः स्म जल्पन्ति विघ्नमस्य भवेत् कथं ॥५१॥ इन्द्रोऽवक् स्त्रीषु लोलोऽयं यदुमापाणिपीडने । अग्निकर्मणि नियुक्तो गौरी दूषितवाससम् ॥ ५२ ॥ दृष्ट्वा क्षुब्धो वीजसर्ग कृत्वा वासो व्यधूनयत् । अथ तत् पतितं कुम्भे द्रोणाचार्यस्ततोऽभवत्॥ युग्मम् ॥ सप्तर्षयः सुराधीशा देवां हरिहरादयः । मुक्त्वैकं श्रीमहावीरं खण्डिता हि मनोभुवा ॥ ५४॥ उग्रव्रतधरास्तीव्रतपश्चरणकारिणः । अन्येऽपि स्मरवाणा" दासा स्त्रीभिर्न के कृताः ।। ५५ ।। उत्तमा सर्वदेवीनामतो गत्वा तिलोत्तमा । पितामहं स्मरोद्रेकाद् विदधातु तपश्च्युतम् ॥ ५६ ॥ , इन्द्रादेशादथ क्षिप्रं स्वपरिच्छदसंयुता । गत्वा तिलोत्तमा धातुः पुरो नृत्यमसूत्रयत् ॥ ५७ ॥ यथा यथाऽसौ नृत्यन्ती करेणोल्लासितांशुका । विधेरदर्शयत् खाङ्गं चुक्षोभ' स तथा तथा ॥ ५८ ।। तस्या निमालयन्नझं विधाता निर्निमेषक् । त्यक्तान्यसर्वव्यापारः कामिवत् तत्त्पृहोऽभवत् ॥ ५९॥ विज्ञाय सापि तद्भाव लावण्यामृतसारणिः । ब्रह्मणो दक्षिणे पार्श्व भूत्वा नृत्यमसूत्रयत् ॥ ६० ॥ तद्रूपमोहितः स्वान्तः सोऽपि कामज्वरादितः । तां विलोकयितुं वक्रं द्वितीयं निर्ममे पुनः॥.६१ ॥ एवं तृतीयं वारुण्यां कौवेयाँ च 'चतुर्थकम् । तस्यामूर्ध्वगतायां तु स चक्रे पञ्चमं मुखम् ॥ १२ ॥ तिलोत्तमानुरक्तस्य ब्रह्मणः पञ्चमं मुखम् । रुद्रेण पर्युतीक्ष्णेन नखेनाऽछिद्यताऽऽशु तत् ॥ ६३ ॥ ततो ब्रह्मातिकोपेनापसव्यकरजातया । प्रदेशिन्योद्वर्त्य भालं शेषं समुपपाटयत् ॥ ६४ ॥ सितकुंण्डलिनामा से क्रोधाद् धात्रा न्ययोज्यत । गौरी प्राणेश्वरं हन्तुं व्याधवन्मार्गणो मृगे। ६५ ॥1॥ नश्यस्तस्य भिया शम्भुगत्वा बदरिकाऽऽश्रमे । नियमस्थं हरिं मह्यं भिक्षां देहीत्यभाषत । ६६ ।। ततस्तेन निजाद भालाद् रक्तधारा व्यमुच्यत । तद्धो स्थापयत् सोऽपि ब्रह्मणः पञ्चमं शिरः ॥६॥ रक्तेनापरिपूर्ण तत् सहः शरदामपि । हरो विलोडयामास कराङ्गुलिकयैकया ।। ६८ ॥ पितामहशिरोविष्णुरक्तेशाङ्गुलियोगतः । समुत्पेदे महांस्तत्रैको नरो रक्तकुण्डली ॥ ६९ ॥ रुद्रेणादेशि योद्धुं स सितकुण्डलिना सह । ततो वर्षसहस्रं तु जातमायोधनं तयोः ॥ ७० ॥ तयोर्युद्धनिषेधाय नरं दत्त्वा सुरेशितुः । भास्करस्य द्वितीयं तु सुरा ऊचुरिदं रविंम् ॥ ७१ ॥ वरदानक्षणे सूर्य ! त्वया भारतसंयते । भारतावतारकालेऽसाववतार्यों नृजन्मनि ॥ ७२ ॥ तस्मिन् काले रविः कुन्तीमुपभुज्यतुसङ्गताम् । तत् कुक्षौ तं नरं चाशु गर्भत्वेनोदपादयत् ॥ ७३ ॥ सन्नद्धबद्धसन्नाहः कुन्त्याः कर्णात् स निर्ययौ । यथा तथा त्वमप्यस्मात् कुण्डीरन्ध्राद् विनिःसृतः॥७४ ॥ यच्चावोचः कथं गङ्गामपारा तीर्णवानहम् । अदोऽर्थसाधकं भद्र ! शृणु रामायणोदितम् ॥ ७५ ॥ हनुमान राघवादिष्टो जानकीशुद्धिहेतवे । तीत्वा भुजाभ्यामम्भोधि क्षणालंकापुरीमगात् ॥ ७६ ॥ दृष्टया सीतया तत्र प्रियसन्देशतुष्टया । पृष्टः कथं त्वया सिन्धुस्तीर्णः सोऽप्यनवीदिति ॥ ७७ ॥ तव प्रसादात् तव च प्रसादाद् भर्तुश्च ते देवि तव प्रसादात् । साधूनते येन पितुः प्रसादात् तीर्णो मया गोष्पदवत् समुद्रः॥ ७८ ॥ यदि तेन तिरश्चापि समुत्तीर्णो महार्णवः । तदा गङ्गा त्वया किं न लश्यते स्म नरोत्तम ! ॥ ७९ ॥ । यदवादीः कथं धारा षण्मासीं मूर्ध्नि धारिता । अस्मिन्नर्थेऽपि हेतुं त्वं शृणु भूदेवभाषितम् ॥ ८ ॥ सुरैरभ्यर्थिता गङ्गा लोकानां हितहेतवे । भूमाववातरत् स्वर्गात् साऽप्येवं तानवोचत ।। ८१ ॥ 21 2 । A चुछमे। 2 A. तस्या मूर्द्ध । 3 B समुदपादयत् ।

·३६ धूर्ताख्यानसंस्कृतभाषान्तरम् । 'युष्माखिला पतन्ती मां को धत्त॑शस्तदाऽवदत् । अहमित्यूचुषा तेन सा धृता निजमूर्द्धनि ॥ ८२ ॥ दिव्यं वर्षसहस्रं चेत् तेन गङ्गा धृता स्वके । तत् त्वं कथं न षण्मासी वारिधारामधारयः ? ॥ ८३ ।। ॥ इति धूर्ताख्याने प्रथमं मूलदेवकथानकम् ॥ [२. कण्डरीककथितं कथानकम् । ] NNN 5 एवं निरुत्तरो मूलदेवः प्रोवाच तं प्रति । कंडरीक ! त्वमप्यात्मानुभूतं वद किञ्चन ।। ८४ ॥ कण्डरीकोऽवदद् बाल्ये दुर्विनीतो भवन्तराम् । पितृभ्यामत एवाहं हठान्निर्वासितो गृहात् ।। ८५ ॥ ततो भ्राम्यन्नह देशानेकं गोमहिषीवृतम् । कूपाऽऽरामसरोराजीराजितं ग्राममासदम् ॥ ८६ ॥ पञ्चोपचारबलिभिः स जनैः पूजितोऽनिशम् । समीहितं वरं दत्ते को न मान्यो भवेद् गुणैः ॥ ८७ ।। ततस्तं कौतुकाद् यक्षं नत्वा ग्राम्यजनेष्वहम् । यावद् विचित्रक्रीडाभिरात्मानं स्म विनोदये ॥ ८८ ॥ 10 सन्नद्धबद्धकवचा विविधायुधपाणयः । सुतरां दारुणास्तावन्निपेतुस्तत्र तस्कराः ॥ ८९ ॥ सबालवृद्धाः सखीका ग्राम्या जनपदान्विताः । पशुभिश्च समं मीत्या वालक्ष्यां विविशुद्धतम् ॥ ९० ।। तत्रस्थानपि तान् ग्राम्यानपश्यन्तोऽन्धला इव । चौरास्ततस्ते व्यावृत्ता नष्टो ग्राम इतीरिणः ॥ ९१ ॥ पशुवृन्दं चरत् तत्र विश्वस्तं समुपेयिवान् । तन्मध्यादेकया छाग्या वालुङ्की. परिजनसे ॥ ९२ ।। साऽपि प्रस्ताऽजगरेण सोऽपि ढिङ्केन जनसे । स चोड्डीय वटेऽतिष्ठद् भूमिप्राप्तपदः खगः ।। ९३ ॥ 18 तत्र केनापि भूपेन सैन्यावासे विनिर्मिते । स्तम्भभ्रान्त्या ढिकपादे बद्धो मिण्ठेन कुञ्जरः ॥ ९४ ॥ ढिकेनोडीयमानेन सह यान्तं विलोक्य तम् । पूचक्रुरिति हा मिण्ठाः केनापि हियते करी ॥ ९५ ॥ तेषां कलकलं श्रुत्वा सुभटाः शब्दवेधिनः । तत्रेयुराकुला बाणवाणासनकरा रयात् ॥ ९६ ॥ सुभटैः शरधोरण्या छिन्नमूर्धा वटच्युतः । ढिकपक्षी पपाताशु वज्रपात इव क्षितौ ॥ ९७ ॥ पक्ष्यङ्गे दारिते राज्ञाऽजगरो निरगात् ततः । अजा तस्याश्च वालकी ततो ग्रामादयोऽखिलाः ॥ ९८॥ ॥ ते सर्वे नृपति नत्वा स्वस्ववस्तुसमन्विताः । निजस्थानं ययुरहमत्रायातश्च संप्रति ।। ९९ ॥ एवं मयानुभूतं भो गदितं भवतां पुरः । यो न मन्येत धूर्तानां स दात्वद्य भोजनम् ॥ १० ॥ अथ एलाषाढकृतं कण्डरीककथानकसमाधानम् ।। . एलाषाढस्ततः प्रोचे प्रतीमो नात्र संशयः । कण्डरीकोऽवद् ग्रामो वालुक्ष्यन्तः कथं ममौ ॥१०१॥ एलाषाढोऽथ तं स्माह किं भ्रातर्न श्रुतास्त्वया । दृष्टान्ता विष्णुपुराणे भारते च किलेदृशाः ॥ १०२॥ 25 आसीत् पुरा जगत् पञ्चमहद्भूतविवर्जितम् । जलेनैकार्णवीभूतं तत्राण्डमभवत् किल ॥ १०३ ॥ ऊर्मिप्रेजोलनाभिस्तद्भिन्नं त्रिविधतामगात् । त्रिविष्टप-महीपीठ-रसातलविभेदतः ॥ १०४ ।। 1A.किंकराः। 2 A तत् ।

·10 16 २. कण्डरीककथित कथानकम् । यद्यण्डे ताशं सर्व सममाजगतीत्रयम् । वालुक्यां तर्हि स ग्रामः कथं माति न वान्धव! ॥१०५॥ शास्त्रेऽन्यच्चारण्यपथे मार्कण्डेयोऽवदन्मुनिः । धर्माङ्गजस्यान्ययुगानुभूतं तच्छुतीकुरु ॥ १०६ ॥ . स किलाम्भोभिरभ्रोत्थैर्लोक एकार्णवीकृते । लोलकल्लोलमालाभिः प्रेर्यमाणोऽम्बुधौ गतः॥ १०७ ।। सर्वशून्यं जलाऽऽकीणं जगत् पश्यन्नृपिस्ततः । एकं तत्र महाकायं वटवृक्षमुदैक्षत ॥ १०८ ॥ शाखायां तस्य पल्यङ्कमपश्यत् तत्र चार्भकम् । सर्वाङ्गसुन्दराऽऽकारं तेजस्तर्जितभास्करम् ॥ १०९॥ प्रसारितकरं तं चावादीदेह्येहि दारक ! । ममांसे लगतामम्भस्सु पतनान्मा स्म भून्मृतिः ॥११०॥ सोऽप्यंसमवलम्व्यास्यावातारीत् स ततो मुनिः। आस्ये प्रसारितेऽपश्यद् विश्वं तस्योदरेऽखिलम् ।।११।। प्रविष्टस्तत्र वर्षाणां सहस्रं दिव्यमञ्जसा । भ्रमन् पारमपारस्य नाऽऽपर्षिनिरगात् ततः॥ ११२ ॥ सशैलकाननं विश्वं ममौ चेद् दारकोदरे । तदा माति न किं ग्रामो वालुक्यां कण्डरीक भोः ! ॥११३॥ ढिकोदरे घजगरस्तस्याजाऽस्याश्च चिर्भटी । तस्यां ग्रामः कथमिति प्राख्यस्तच्छृणु वच्म्यहम् ॥११४॥ यदि त्रिजगती सर्वा ममौ विष्णोः किलोदरे। कुक्षौ सोऽपि हि देवक्यास्तल्पस्याभ्यन्तरेऽपि सा ॥११५॥ यदि सत्यं पुराणोक्तं वचनं प्रतिभासते । तदा प्रामादिप्रवेशा वालुक्यादौ न दोषदाः॥ ११६ ॥ पालुङ्यजगरान्तःस्थः कथं नासादयं मृतिम् । इति तेन कृते प्रश्ने ह्येलाषाढोऽब्रवीदिति ॥ ११७ ।। तस्मिन्नेवाहनि भवान्निर्गतो न मृतो ह्यतः । चिरं विष्णूदरें तिष्ठज्जगजीवति नाद्भुतम् ॥ ११८ ॥ यस्मिन्नुदरगे सन्ति वाणिज्यं योधसंयतः । आरम्भा व्यवहाराश्चोत्सवा वैवाहिकादयः ॥ ११९ ॥ कथमस्योदरे विश्वमिति पृच्छसि तच्छृणु । पुरा परस्परं युद्धं ब्रह्म-केशवयोरभूत् ॥ १२० ॥ । दीनो ब्रह्मा हरिं स्माह वक्त्रबाहूरुंपादतः । मदीयेभ्यो जगत् सर्व चातुर्वर्ण्य विनिर्गतम् ॥ १२१ ॥ विधिमाक्षिप्तवान् विष्णुर्वचनैः कठिनैरलम् । रे रे त्वं चेटरूपो मे ब्रुवन्नेवं न लज्जसे ॥ १२२ ॥ कण्ठस्थ शेपे भूमीध्रदाढे सागरजिसके । मन्मुखे त्वं प्रविश्याशु पश्य विश्वं चराचरम् ।। १२३ ।। जलेशयस्य मे नाभिसमुत्थाम्भोजतो भवान् । प्रादुर्भूतो ह्यतो वक्तुं मत्पुरो नोचितं तव ॥ १२४ ॥ 20. अपि च-यत्प्रभावात् प्रकाशकत्वमगमत् कौमुदं वनम् । कलङ्कीति निशाधीशं खोत्कर्षात् तद्धसत्यहो ॥ १२५ ॥ कण्डरीको वभापे किं पुराणादौ श्रुताः क्वचित् । ढिङ्का एवंप्रमाणाः स्युरेतन्माति यदन्तरे ॥१२६॥ एलापाढोऽपि तं स्माह द्रौपद्या हि स्वयंवरे । प्राविक्षत् धनुषि क्षोणीभूधरवह्रिभुजङ्गमाः ॥ १२७ ॥ यः श्रीदुपदराजस्य तहेवाधिष्ठितं धनुः । राधां भेत्ता' समारोप्य स कृष्णां परिणेष्यति ॥ १२८ ।। 26 आघोषणामिमां श्रुत्वा तत्रेत्य वलिनो नृपाः । धनुरारोपयन्तस्ते पतिता हसिता जनैः ॥ १२९ ॥ अथ मानोन्नतः शूरः शिशुपालक्षितीश्वरः । आरोपयितुमारेभे यावद् राधाभिदे धनुः ॥ १३०॥ तावत् तत्र हरिमरु गरुडं मुशलं हलम् । नागान् शङ्ख गदां चक्रं मन्दरं क्षिप्तवांश्च सः॥ १३१ ॥ सन्धानावसरे सूरं विधुमनि पयोनिधीन् । सशैलामचलांस्तत्र चापे चिक्षेप केशवः ॥ १३२ ॥ अर्धाङ्गुलप्रमाणेऽस्मिंस्तेनाकृष्टे गुरुद्विषा । छलेन मोचिते बाणे सचापश्चेदिपोऽपतत् ॥ १३३ ।। पार्थो ऽथासहमानायामुव्यां तद् भारमञ्जसा । आरुह्य भीमहस्ताने चापारोपणमातनोत् ।। १३४ ।। कर्णप्रदत्तबाणेनार्जुनो राधां विभिद्य ताम् । यशः संप्राप्तवान् लोके कृष्णां च परिणीतवान् ॥ १३५ ।।. 33 4 B गान्मृतिः। 5A प्रविभासते 6A 1B जगतां त्रयम् । 2 B सकला। 3 B लगते । विष्णोदरे। 7A मेत्त्वा। 8 A. पार्थों वा....

·5 ३८ धूर्ताख्यानसंस्कृतभापान्तरम् । यदि चापान्तरे ते ते पदार्था निखिला ममुः। तत् किं ढिके महाकाये न मात्यजगरादयः॥१३६ ॥ किश्च रामायणे भ्रातः ! श्रूयते विहगोत्तमः । जटायुः सीतापहारे युयुधे रावणेन सह ॥ १३७ ॥ दशाननेन रुष्टेन चन्द्रहासमहासिना । छित्वा पक्षयुगं भूमौ स भूध्र इव पातितः ॥ १३८ ॥ सीतया च स पक्ष्यूचे शीलमाहात्म्यतो मम । पक्षौ भविष्यतो रामदूतसन्दर्शनात् तव ॥ १३९ ॥ अन्यदा दाशरथिना जानकीशुद्धिहेतवे । आदिष्टो हनुमानुवर्वी भ्राम्यस्तत्र समाययौ ॥ १४० ॥ अहो गिरिरसावुच्चैर्हनुमानित्यचिन्तयत् । यदवारुह्य पश्यामि समंतान्महिमण्डलम् ॥ १४१ ॥ ततो जटायुषा पृष्टः कस्त्वं भोः! स तमब्रवीत् । रामदूतोऽस्मि सीतायाः प्रवृत्त्यर्थमिहागमम् ॥१४॥ पक्ष्यप्याख्यद् रामजाया विलपन्ती पथाऽमुना । अपहृत्य दशास्येन लकापुरमनीयत ॥ १४३ ॥ किं भ्राम्यसि मुधाऽरण्यं हनुमांस्त्वरया व्रज । इदं सन्देशवाक्यं च रामाय कथयेर्मम ॥ १४४ ॥ 1 सीतार्थे युध्यमानोऽहं रावणेन दुरात्मना । छित्वा पक्षौ स्वखनेन मुक्तोऽतोऽगामिमां दशाम् ॥१४५॥ ततो वायुसुतोऽवादीद् यत् त्वं रक्षोरणं व्यधाः। आख्यंश्च वृत्तं तेन स्यात् तवापि हि हितं सखे! ॥१४६॥ इति दूतवचः श्रुत्वा जटायुर्जातपक्षतिः । उड्डीय व्योममार्गेण त्रिदशाश्रयमाश्रयत् ॥ १४७ ।। यदि शैलसमो गृध्रो जटायुरभवत् पुरा । तत् किं ढिको महाकायः कण्डरीक! भवेन्न किम् ? ॥१४८॥ ॥ इति धूर्ताख्याने द्वितीयं कण्डरीकथानकम् ॥ 15 [३. एलाषाढकथितं कथानकस् ।] एलाषाढमथावादीत् कण्डरीको गतोत्तरः । ब्रूहि त्वमपि किञ्चिन्नः स्वानुभूतं महाद्भुतम् ॥ १४९ ।। एलाषाढोऽप्यवग् बन्धो ! यौवने धनलोलुपः । नटितो धातुवादाद्यैर्व्यसनैर्निरगां गृहात् ॥ १५० ॥ विलमत्र रसो यत्र भूधरोऽत्र सधातुकः । एवमाशाग्रहप्रस्तो बंभ्रमी मि स्म भूतलम् ॥ १५१॥ एकदेत्यागमो लेभे यद्योजनसहस्रके । पूर्वस्यां भूधरस्तत्र रसो वेधसहस्रकृत् ॥ १५२ ।। 20 शिलया रसरन्ध्राम्यं छन्नं योजनमानया । तां चोत्पाट्य रसं धीरा गृहन्ति स्वर्णकुण्डतः ॥ १५३ ॥ योजनानां शतमितैः क्रमैः क्रामन्नहं महीम् । गिरौ गत्वोत्पाट्य शिलामगृहं कुण्डतो रसम् ॥ १५४ ॥ पुनस्तच्छिलयाऽऽच्छाद्य गृहमेत्य ततो रसात् । धनं कनकमुत्पाद्य धनदोपमतामगाम् ॥ १५५ ।। भोगानभङ्गुरान भुञ्जन्नार्थभ्यो द्रविणं ददन् । प्रसिद्धिमगमं लोके लोकेंश इव मूर्तिमान् ॥ १५६ ।। प्रेयसीभिः समं गीतनृत्यवादित्रकेलिभिः । क्रीडन् शचीपतिं मन्ये न तृणायापि संपदा ॥ १५७ ॥ प्रसिद्धिं च समृद्धिं च मम विज्ञाय दारुणाः । निशायां निशिताखौधराश्चौरा गृहेऽपतन् ॥ १५८ ॥ कृतसिंहनिनादास्ते स्तेनाः पञ्चशतीमिताः । प्रवृत्ता लुण्ठितुं गेहसारं यावद् दुराशयोः ॥ १५९ ।। तावत् कथं मे न्यायात्तो जीवतो वित्तसञ्चयः । चौरैर्ग्रहीष्यत इति ध्यायन् साहसमाद्रिये ॥ १६० ॥ शस्त्राणि प्रगुणीकृत्य चौरैः सह रणाङ्गणम् । कुर्वन्नहं महाघोरं सुरैरप्यभिनन्दितः ॥ १६१ ॥ एकेन शरघातेन दश द्वादश पञ्चषान् । स्तेनाननैषं कैनाशविशान्तातिथितामहम् ॥ १६२ ॥ 80 निमेषाद् घातिते चौरशते तेऽपि ममोपरि । संभूय कोपतः पेतुरिव कीनाशकिङ्कराः ॥ १६३ ॥ शीर्ष मे कणशः कृत्वा बद्ध्वा च बदरीतरौ । मुषित्वा वेश्मसर्वखं जग्मुश्चौरा यथागतम् ॥ १६४ ॥ रक्ताई कुण्डलोल्लासि मच्छिरो बदरीस्थितम् । निर्बाधं बदनातं प्राश्नत् तस्थौ यथासुखम् ॥,१६५ ॥

·.. ३. एलाषाढाकथितं कथानकम् । ३९ सूर्योदयेऽथ कोलीस्थं बदराखादि तच्छिरः । सजीवमिति विज्ञायाऽऽददिरे नागरा नराः ॥ १६६ ॥ अङ्गोपाङ्गानि सर्वाणि संपिण्ड्योपरि तन्यधुः । ततोऽहं रूपलावण्यभागभूवंतरां पुनः ॥ १६७ ॥ मयायं स्वानुभूतोऽर्थः प्रत्यपादि भवत्पुरः । यो न मन्येत तहत्तां धूर्तानां सोऽद्य भोजनम् ।। १६८॥ [अथ शशकृतं एलाषाढकथानकसमाधानम् ।] 10 ५ 15 शशोऽवोचदथो कस्तेऽलीकं कुर्यादिदं वचः । प्रमाणितं पुरावृत्त-स्मृति-रामायणेषु यत् ॥ १६९ ॥ तथा हि- यमदमिऋषिः पूर्वमभूद् भार्याऽस्य रेणुका । यां नेमुस्तरवः पुष्पार्थिनः शीलप्रभावतः ॥ १७० ॥ अथाश्वापहृतं दृष्ट्वा नृपं सर्वाङ्गसुन्दरम् । रेणुका समभूत् तत्र रागादाश्लेषशालिनी ।। १७१ ।। अथानमस्यतो वृक्षान् वीक्ष्य शीलच्युतां च ताम् । मन्वानो यमदग्निद्राक् पशुरामं समादिशत् ॥१७२ ॥ स्वमातुरस्याः पापायाश्छिन्धि शीर्ष स्वपशुना । तेनापि पितुरादेशस्तथैव विदधे क्षणात् ॥ १७३ ॥ यमदग्निस्तदा तुष्टो रामं स्माह वरं वृणु । सोऽप्यूचे तात! मे माता पुनर्जीवतु सत्वरम् ॥ १७४ ॥ एवमस्त्विति तेनोक्ते सजीवाऽजनि रेणुका । सद्भूतं चेदिदं भ्रातर् ! जीवितस्त्वमपीह तत् ॥ १७५।। जरासन्धोऽपि भूपालः खण्डद्वितययोजनात् । जरया सज्जितो राजसहस्राधीश्वरोऽजनि ॥ १७६ ॥ अन्यच्च श्रूयते सुन्द-निसुन्दौ द्वौ सहोदरौ । असुरौ सुरवृन्दस्य क्षयकालवदुत्थितौ ॥ १७७ ॥ पर्यालोच्याथ गीर्वाणैस्तद्वधाय तिलोत्तमा । तिलं तिलं खदेहेभ्य उपादाय विनिर्ममे ॥ १७८ ॥ सर्वाङ्गसुन्दराकारा मोहिनी सर्वकामिनाम् । प्रणम्य सा सुरान् स्माह सुधामधुरया गिरा ॥ १७९ ॥ यत्कर्त्तव्यं मया देव तदादिशत तेऽपि ताम् । प्रोचुरुद्धर वः सुन्द-निसुन्दातङ्कसङ्कटात् ॥ १८० ।। इत्याज्ञां शिरसि न्यस्य ययौ तत्र तिलोत्तमा । यत्र तावसुरौ सुन्द-निसुन्दौ परितिष्ठतः ॥ १८१. ।। हारार्द्धहारकेयूरनूपुरादिविभूषिता । सुरूपोचकुचा सज्जीकृतनेत्रोडुपानना ॥ १८२ ॥ सा ताभ्यां युगपद् दृष्टा दृष्टिपीयूषपारणम् । ततश्च सानुरागौ तौ तस्यामेव बभूवतुः ॥ युगमम् ॥ तदात्यै युध्यमानौ तौ शौरस्त्रैश्च दारुणैः। मृतौ वन्धू अपि हाहा ! स्त्रीभिः को न विडम्बितः॥१८४॥ स्त्रीणां कृते भ्रातृयुगस्य भेदः संवन्धभेदे स्त्रिय एव मूलम् अप्राप्तकामा बहवो नरेन्द्रा नारीभिरुच्छेदितराजवंशाः ॥ १८५ ॥ देवाङ्गलवसंयोगात् संजाता च तिलोत्तमा । लूनलग्नस्तदोपा स्त्वदनं किं न जायताम् ॥ १८६ ॥ श्रूयते शैशवे वायुसुतो मातरञ्जनाम् । अप्राक्षीत् को ममाहारः क्षुधितस्य भविष्यति ॥ १८७ ॥ सोचे वत्सातिरक्तानि फलानि तव भोजनम् । तेनापि जगृहे सूर्योऽथोद्यन् पक्वफलभ्रमात् ॥१८॥ ( तेनापि चूर्णितं तं च वीक्ष्य माता शुचातुरा । भर्तुनिवेदयामास करुणं रुदती सती ॥ १८९ ॥ क्रन्दन्तीं दयितां दृष्ट्वा मृतं च पवनः सुतम् । ततो रसातलं कोपात् प्रविश्य स्थितवानसौ ॥ १९० ॥ पवनस्य निरोधेन सदेवमनुजासुरम् । जगज्जातमतीवा मृत्युशेषमशेषतः ॥ १९१ ॥ ततो दीनानना देवास्तं प्रसादयितुं गताः । हनुमन्तं सजीवं च संयोज्यावयवान व्यधुः ।। १९२. ॥ ३॥ हनुरेकास्य नो दृष्टा शोधयित्वा सुरैस्तदा । तद्वियुक्तोऽपि हनुमानिति तस्याभिधा कृता ॥ १५३ ।। पवनस्याङ्गजञ्चूर्णीभूतश्चेन् मिलितोऽभवत् । अपूर्वं तत्कथं भ्रातस्त्वद्वचो ब्रूमहें.वयम् ॥ १९४ ॥ 20 25

·धूर्ताख्यानसंस्कृतभाषान्तरम् ।
कथायां रामभद्रस्य सीतापहरणे क्षणे । सेतुबन्धे कृते लकापुरी दाशरथौ गते ॥ १९५ ॥
राम-रावणयोर्वी|रे समरविवरे । प्रारब्धे क्षुब्धपाथोधौ सिंहनादस्फुटन्नगे ॥ १९६ ॥
लद्देशभटनिर्मुक्तशेल्लवावल्लभल्लकैः । शक्तिभिश्वासिभिश्छिन्नाङ्गोपाङ्गकपिसैनिके ॥ १९७ ॥
शक्तिप्रहारनिर्घद्धभूमिपतितलक्ष्मणे । रामप्रलापनिोपप्रतिशब्दितभूधरे ॥ १९८ ॥
द्रोणाद्रेर्वायुपुत्रेण समानीतविशल्यया । सौमिनेर्वक्षसः शक्तिर्निरगात् पापधीरिव ॥ १९९ ।।
.-चतुर्भिः कलापकम् ।
तया विशल्यया सिक्ताश्छिन्नाङ्गा अपि वानराः । सजीवाः सहसोत्तस्थुर्मिलितावयवव्रजाः॥२०॥।
छिन्नाङ्गा अपि चेजाताः सजीवाः प्लवगास्ततः। भवान् खण्डीकृतः किं न भ्रातः ! प्राणिति संप्रति ॥२०॥
जगत्प्रसिद्धमन्यच्च कार्तिकेयस्य संभवम् । किं नाऔपीद् भवान् भूयो ग्रन्थेषु प्रथितं बुधैः ॥ २०२ ॥
हिमाचलगुहामध्ये मैथुनासक्तयोस्तयोः । गौरी-शङ्करयोजज्ञे दिव्यं वर्षसहस्रकम् ॥ २०३ ॥
तस्मिन्नवसरे देवास्तारकासुरपीडिताः । अशक्तास्तद्वधेऽन्योन्यं पर्यालोचं वितेनिरे ॥ २०४ ॥
शंभोर्वीर्यं विना नान्यस्तारकं हन्तुमीश्वरः । स तु शंभुः संलीनोऽस्ति दर्या हिमभूभृतः ॥ २०५ ।।
भिया कोऽपि न तत्पार्श्व यात्यन्यो यनलं विना । अतः प्रार्थ्यते गन्तुमिति ते तं वभापिरे॥ २०६ ।।
परोपकारिणः कार्यमेकस्यापि प्रकुर्वते । विशिष्य सर्वदेवानां कृत्ये कः स्यात् पराङ्मुखः ॥ २०७ ॥
15 यदर्थमखिला देवा मनाश्चिन्तामहार्णवे । तत्रानल ! भवानेव गन्तुमीशो न चापरः ॥ २०८ ॥
तद् गत्वा दर्शयात्मानं हिमाद्रिस्थस्य शूलिनः । कदाचित् त्वां विलोक्येशः स्मरक्रीडां विमुञ्चति ।।२०९॥
हव्यवाहोऽथ तानूचे कः शंभोः संमुखं व्रजेत् । विशिष्येहगवस्थस्य तस्य श्रेयोऽभिलाषुकः ।। २१०॥
खट्वाङ्गधारिणं शूलपाणिं नरकपालिनम् । श्मशानवासिनं कस्तमभिगच्छेजिजीविषुः ।। २११ ।।
ऊर्द्धमुल्लास्य यो लिङ्गं ताण्डवेन प्रनृत्यति । बलारिरपि तत्पार्श्व गन्तुमीशो भवेन्न हि ॥ २१२ ॥
20 कदाचित् कन्दरान्तस्थं शूलपाणिनिहन्ति माम् । तदा मे का गतिः स्यात् तन्न मां प्रेषयतामराः!॥२१३॥
तेऽप्यूचुर्मा स्म भैषीस्त्वं यतोऽयं पार्वतीवशः । नूनं जगदिदं सम्यगू दम्यते प्रमदाजनैः ॥ २१४ ॥
10
उक्तं च-
मासेन दम्यते वाजी वर्षेणोन्मत्तकुञ्जरः । निमेपोन्मेपमात्रेण पुमांस्तु प्रमदाजनैः ॥ २१५ ॥
यदेव रोचते गौर्यास्तदेव कुरुते हरः। किं नानल ! त्वया दृष्टोऽर्द्धाओं तामुद्वहन्नयम् ॥ २१६ ॥
25 अतस्त्यज त्वमाशङ्कामेतां यत् कुपितो हरः । न कर्ता भवतः पीडां गौरीस्वान्तानुवृत्तये ॥ २१७ ॥
एवमस्त्विति गत्वाऽग्निहिमवत्कन्दरान्तरे । प्रैक्षत त्रिपुराराति रतिलीलाविसंस्थुलम् ॥ २१८ ॥
तमुपान्तगतं दृष्ट्वा रुषोत्तिष्ठन् हरस्ततः । हुं हुं गौर्या निषिद्धः स ऊर्द्धलिङ्गोऽनलं जगौ ।। २१९ ॥.
मुखं व्यादेहि रे ! रेतः पिबेत्यथ वदन् हरः । तत् तस्मै पाययामास भानुतेज इवोल्वणम् ॥ २२० ॥
रेतसा दह्यमानोऽग्निः कथञ्चित् प्राप्य वारिधिम् । तद् ववाम ततः सोऽपि बभूव सुखितो मनाक् ॥ २२१ ॥
30 ततः प्रभृति लोकेषु श्रूयते रत्नसन्ततिः । समुद्रे रेतसो जाता प्रस्फुरत्तेजसाञ्चिता ॥ २२२ ॥
अथ पद्माकरे पद्मभासुरे शिशिराम्भसि । अग्निस्तद्रेतसः शेषं वान्त्वा शीतोऽभवत्तराम् ॥ २२३ ॥
तत्र षण्णां कृत्तिकानां सान्तीनां स्मरमन्दिरे । तस्मिन् शुक्रे प्रविष्टेऽभूत् समकं गर्भसंभवः ।। २२४ ॥
कालान्तरे सुघुविरे युगपत् कृत्तिकास्ततः । शीर्ष बाहू उरो रुण्डं शरीरं च क्रमादिमाः ॥ २२५ ॥
ततस्ता विस्मितस्वान्ता दर्शयाञ्चक्रिरे मिथः । यावत्तावत् किलाङ्गानि मिमिलुस्तानि सूतवत् ॥ २२६ ॥
ॐ स्वस्वस्थानाङ्गसंयोगात् कार्तिकेयः षडाननः । आसीदाशैशवादेषोऽजिब्रह्मव्रतोल्वणः ॥ २२७ ॥

·४. शशकथितं कथानकम् । 5 विजिग्ये समरे येन तारकाख्यो महासुरः। महातेजाः स याम्यायां 'ब्रह्मावनकृते स्थितः ॥ २२८ ॥ पृथग्गर्भेषु जातानि यद्यङ्गान्यमिलन् प्रभोः । तान्येवैकत्र जातानि संगच्छेरन्न ते कथम् ॥ २२९ ॥ एलाषाढोऽवदलूनं परिभ्राम्यत् कथं शिरः । फलानि भुङ्क्ते सोल्लासमिति धूर्त वदाधुना ॥ २३० ॥ शशोऽप्यूचे श्रुते(तौ ?) किं न श्रुतं चक्रेण चक्रिणः । राहोश्छिन्नं शिरो भ्राम्यद् गिलत्यर्यम-शीतगू ॥ यञ्च ब्रूषे योजनानां शतमेकपदेन गाम् । उल्लङ्घय विपमं शैलमगां तत्रोत्तरं शृणु ॥ २३२ ॥ विष्णुर्यागे द्विजीभूय बलिं प्राप्य क्रमत्रयम् । सशैलकाननामुर्वीमाक्रम्यैनां जहार च ॥ २३३ ॥ विष्णुः क्रमनयेणाशु यद्याचक्राम मेदिनीम् । शतयोजनमात्रां तद्गति कस्ते न मन्यते ॥ २३४ ॥ शिला योजनमाना सा कथमुत्पाटिता मया । इति पृच्छासमाधानं कुण्डली कुरु कर्णयोः ॥ २३५ ॥ रामायणे रणे जाते लक्ष्मणे शक्तिपातिते । हनुमान् द्राग् विशल्यार्थ द्रोणाद्रिमुदपीपतत् ॥ २३६ ॥ चेद् विशालशिलः शैल प्रोक्षिप्तः कपिनाऽपि सः। तदा योजनमाना किं शिला नोत्पाट्यते त्वया॥२३७॥ 10 एलाषाढः प्रतिक्षिप्तस्तेन प्रत्युक्तियुक्तिभिः । शशं स्माह त्वमप्याशु स्वानुभूतं वदाधुना ।। २३८ ॥ ॥ इति धूर्ताख्याने तृतीयमेलाषाढकथानकम् ॥ [४. शशकथितं कथानकम् ।] सोऽप्यवादीदह क्वापि ग्रामे कौटुम्बिकोऽभवम् । क्षेत्रोपजीवी वर्षासु कृतवान् क्षेत्रकर्षणम् ॥ २३९॥ शरत्कालागमे द्रष्टुं क्षेत्रं गिरितलस्थितम् । ग्रामाद् दवीयः स्थानस्थं सानन्दो जग्मिवानहम् ॥ २४० ॥ 15 तत्र शैलात् समुत्तीर्य शैलाभो मत्तकुञ्जरः । रुषाऽरुणेक्षणस्तूर्णमधावत् स ममोपरि ॥ २४१ ॥ तद्भिया कम्पमानाङ्गः परिभ्राम्यन्नितस्ततः । तिलवृक्षं पुरोऽद्राक्षं वद्धसख्यमिवाद्रिणा ॥ २४२ ॥ तच्छाखायां विलग्नं तु स मामाकृष्टुमक्षमः । तिलहूँ धूनयामास पात्राङ्गं क्षेत्रपालवत् ॥ २४३ ॥ पेतुस्तत्कम्पिताः पृथ्व्यां तिलौघास्तिलपादपात् । भ्रमता तेन ते चूर्णीकृत्वा च तिलयन्त्रवत् ॥२४४ ॥ ततः प्रादुरभूत् तैलनदी कुण्डादिवापगा । यस्याः कल्लोलमालाभिर्जीयन्तेऽप्यूर्मयोऽम्बुधैः ॥ २४५ ॥ 20 तैलपके महादन्ती भृशं विरसमारसन् । निमग्नः क्षुत्तृषाक्रान्तो विपद्यत स कीटवत् ॥ २४६ ॥ पुनर्जातमिवात्मानं मन्वानो गजसङ्कटात् । प्रदोषेऽहं कथमपि तिलवृक्षावातरम् ॥ २४७ ।। ततस्तस्य मतङ्गस्य मया चर्ममपसार्य तत् । दृतीकृत्य च तैलेन पर्यपूरि समन्ततः ॥ २४८ ॥ तत्राहं बुडितो मुझे खलभारं क्षुधातुरः । पिवामि तैलकुम्भानां दशकं तृषितोऽनिशम् ॥ २४९ ॥ तां इति तैलसम्पूर्णां स्कन्धे कृत्वाऽर्कतूलवत् । ग्राम प्रत्यटितोऽध्वद्रावलम्ब्य गृहेऽगमम् ॥ २५० ॥ अथ तां दृतिमानेतुं संकेतितमहातरौ । मया निजसुतः प्रैषि सोऽपि तां तत्र नैक्षत ॥ २५१ ॥ ततः सपादपस्तेन प्रोन्मूल्य गजराजवत् । इतिरानीयत ग्रामलोकानां पश्यतां गृहे ॥ २५२ ॥ अहमप्यात्मनो गेहादुत्थायात्र समागमम् । इत्यसत्यं वचश्चेन् मे तदेभ्यो दत्त भोजनम् ॥ २५३ ॥ 25 1'ब्रह्मरक्षा' इति पाठान्तरम् ।

·४२ धूर्ताख्यानसंस्कृतभापान्तरम् । [अथ खण्डपानाकृतं शशकथानकसमाधानम् ।] । शशं स्माह महादक्षा खण्डपानाऽथ धूर्तिका । भारते सुप्रसिद्धोऽर्थः श्रुतो रामायणेऽपि सः ॥२५४॥ शशः प्राक्ष(ख्य)त् कचिदृष्टः श्रुतो वेहग तिलद्रुमः । खण्डपानाऽपि तं प्रोचे श्रुतं किं न त्वया जनात् ।। यत्पाटलीपुरे माषवृक्षादति गरीयसी । भेरी व्यधायि केनापि तत् तिलद्रुर्न किं महान् ॥ २५६ ॥ व्यूढा तैलनदीत्यत्राप्युत्तरं भारतं शृणु । यद्दन्तिदानसंभूता सरित् प्लावयते स्म गाम् ॥ २५७ ॥ on ~~ यतः- - तेषां कटतटभ्रष्टैगजानां मदविन्दुभिः ।. प्रावर्त्तत नदी घोरा हस्त्यश्वरथवाहिनी ॥ २५८ ॥ यदि दन्तिमदाम्भोभिरभूत् कूलंकपा नदी । तथा तैलान्न जायेत वाहिनी किं [वाहिनी ? ॥२५९॥ यञ्चोक्तं खलतैलादि भक्षितं तादृशं मया। तत्राप्याकर्णयोदन्तं भारतग्रन्थसंगतम् ॥ २६० ॥ 10 यद्राज्यान्निर्गतो भीम एकचक्रां पुरीं गतः । महावलं वकं रक्षोराजं व्यापादयद् रुपा ॥ २६१ ॥ सहस्रं मद्यकुम्भानां पोडशाशनखारिकाः। बकायोपस्थितान्येको भीमो भक्षितवांस्तदा ॥ २६२ ॥ एकाकिनाऽपि भीमेन पीतं भुक्तं च तद् यथा । तथैव संगतं तेऽथ भोजनं खल-तैलयोः ॥ २६३ ॥ पिवेद् घटसहस्राणि कुम्भकर्णः सदा यदि । दशतैलघटानां ते तदा पानं न चित्रकृत् ॥ २६४ ॥ अन्यचैतत् पुराणेषु श्रूयते यद्गस्तिना । दानवानां विनाशाय निपीतः क्षारवारिधिः ॥ २६५ ॥ 15 स्वर्गात्तीर्णा जटाजूटाच्छम्भोगङ्गा विनिर्गता । वहन्ती ज[संज्ञस्य मुनेश्वाश्रममीयुषी ॥ २६६ ॥ तेन पीत्वा सहस्रं सा वर्षाणां भ्रामितोदरे । तन्मुक्ता पप्रथे लोके जाह्नवीत्यभिधानतः ॥ २६७ ॥ यदि ताभ्यामृषिभ्यां भोः ! पीते सिन्धुसुरापगे । दशतैलघटापानं तदा कस्ते न मन्यते ॥ २६८ ॥ गजचर्मदृतिस्तादृग् मयोढेकाकिना कथम् । ग्रामं नीता च तत्रेदं गरुडाख्यानकं शृणु ॥ २६९ ॥ काश्यपस्य ऋषेः पत्नयो द्वे कद्रू-विनताहये । ताभ्यां परस्परं चक्रे पणवन्धोऽन्यदेशः ॥ २७० ॥ 20 कार्य दास्यं तयाऽन्यस्या या पणेन विजीयते । अथवाऽत्र समानीय दातव्यममृतं द्रुतम् ॥ २७१ ॥ कद्रा जिता दास्यं विनता तन्वती भृशम् । तया विमान्यते नित्यं सपत्नीति विरोधतः ॥ २७२ ।। आजन्मदासभावेन विनता दुःखिताऽधिकम् । गर्भभारालसाङ्गी च सुषुवे साऽण्डकत्रिकम् ॥ २७३ ॥ औत्सुक्याद् दास्यमोक्षायैकस्मिन् भिन्ने तयाऽण्डके । वृश्चिकान्निर्गतान् वीक्ष्य विषादो विदधेऽधिकम् ।। यस्या दैवहताया मे प्रसूतिरजनीदृशी । कथंकारमहं पारं तद् यास्ये दास्यवारिधेः ॥ २७५ ।। 25 कालं कियन्तमप्येषा व्यतिक्राम्यातिदुःखिनी । आशानिबद्धस्वान्ताऽण्डं द्वितीयं विनताऽभिनत्॥२७६॥ तस्मादनूरुर्निगच्छन् सखेदं स्माह मातरम् । किमकाण्डे द्वितीयाण्डमौत्सुक्याद् विभिदे त्वया॥२७७॥ अपूरयिष्यं तेऽवश्यमहं मातर्मनोरथान् । चेदजङ्गमकायो नाभविष्यं त्वदभाग्यतः ॥ २७८ ॥ तस्मात् तृतीयमण्डं त्वं चिरं रक्ष विचक्षणे ! । अस्माद् यो भविता सूनुः स ते दुःखं हरिष्यति ॥२७९॥ सोऽनूरुः सारथिश्चक्रे रथे किरणमालिना । विनताऽपि तृतीयाण्डं पूर्ण मत्वाऽभिदत् स्वयम् ॥२८॥ 3° तस्मादाविरभूद् भोगिकुलकालो महाबलः । गरुडो विनताखान्तमहोदधिसुधाकरः ॥ २८१ ॥ ततः ·४. शशकथितं कथानकम् । 15 शैशवेऽपि हि स क्रीडन् निजाहिसुतमृत्युकृत् । विलोक्य कट्ठा विनता प्रत्यहं क्लिश्यतेऽधिकम् ॥ २८२ ॥ विनतामचनीरेण सिञ्चन्तीमवनीतलम् । विलोक्य गरुडः माह मातः ! किं रुद्यते त्वया ? ॥२८३ ॥ साऽप्यूचे जीवितस्यार्थे सपत्न्या दास्यमाश्रिता । तदादेशं भयभ्रान्ता करोमि प्रतिवासरम् ॥ २८४ ॥ तच्छ्रुत्वा गरुडोऽवादीद् दास्यात् त्वं मुच्यसे कथम् ? । साऽप्यूचे यदि वत्स ! त्वममृतं स्फुटमानय ॥ तत् क्वास्यम्वेति पृष्टा साऽऽचष्ट वेत्ति पिता तव । स चाश्रमे बदर्याख्ये तप्यते दुस्तपं तपः॥२८६॥ तत्क्षणाद् गरुडस्तन गत्वा पादोऽनमत् पितुः । ज्ञातोऽध्यक्षेण तेनापि करस्पर्शान्ममैष तुक ॥ २८७॥ ताताहं क्षुधयाक्रान्तस्तन्मे वितर भोजनम् । इत्युक्तो वैनतेयेन कश्यपस्तमभाषत ॥ २८८ ॥ इतः समीपगे पद्मसरस्यस्ति महागजः । योजनद्वादशायामस्तन्मानः कच्छपस्तथा ॥ २८९ ॥ कोपाटोपोत्कटावेतौ युध्यमानौ परस्परम् । कुर्वाते सरसः क्षोभं मन्थाद्री इव जङ्गमौ ॥ २९० ॥ तौ व्यापाद्य यथा स्वैरं भुङ्क्ष छिन्धि क्षुधाव्यथाम् । गत्वैकेन क्रमेणाथ तौ हत्वा तेन भक्षितौ ॥२९१॥ 10 ततः प्रतिनिवृत्तोऽसावपश्यद् वटपादपम् । प्रलयाम्बुदसंवादिपक्षिकोलाहलाकुलम् ॥ २९२ ॥ ब्रह्मवीजसमुत्पन्ना ऋषयोऽध्युष्ट कोटयः । वालिखिल्याभिधास्तस्याऽधस्ताद् विद्धते तपः ॥ २९३ ॥ गरुडो यावदारूढो भग्नस्तावद् वद्रुमः । तेन चन्नवा गृहीतश्च मुनीनां मृतिरस्तु मा ।। २९४ ॥ समुत्क्षिप्य व्रजन् व्योमाच्छादयन् विस्मयाकुलान् । सुरासुरान् प्रकुर्वाणः सोऽमुचत् सिन्धुकानने ॥ तवटालङ्कृता भूमिर्जनैलङ्केति सोच्यते । या निशाचरराजस्य प्रसिद्धा ते महापुरी ॥ २९६ ॥ ततो हिमाचले गत्वा पितरं गरुडोऽवदत् । दन्तिकर्कादनेनापि बुभुक्षा मे न जग्मुषी ।। २९७ ॥ निषादान् खाद तेनेति प्रोक्तो जग्ध्वा स तांस्ततः । एत्याख्यत् कश्यपं तातामृतं क्वास्ति समादिश ।। सोऽवादीद्' वत्स पातालसप्तकाधःस्थकुण्डके । धगधगिति जाज्वल्यमानानौ तद्धि वर्तते ॥ २९९ ॥ सावधानः स्वयं तच्च देवायैस्तत्र रक्ष्यते । अतोऽमृतं न केनापि गृहीतुं शक्यतेऽर्भक ! ॥ ३०॥ तत्प्राप्तौ कोऽप्युपायो मे तातास्तीति तदीरितः । स आख्यदाज्यसक्षौद्रध्यम्भोभिरनारतम् ॥ ३०१॥ 20 कृशानौ तर्पिते वत्स! लभ्यते यदि वा न वा । प्राप्तेऽमृतेऽपि जायन्ते तत्रोप्रा विघ्नराशयः॥ युग्मम् ॥ इति कश्यपवाक्येन वैनतेयेन सत्वरम् । गत्वा मध्वादिभिर्वह्निः संतl परितोषितः ॥ ३०३ ॥ अग्निना प्रीणितेनास्यामृतकुण्डं प्रदर्शितम् । तेनाप्यादाय पीयूषं मंक्षु तस्माद् विनिर्गतम् ॥ ३०४ ॥ तद्रक्षकसुरैघुष्टं यत् पक्षी कुण्डतोऽमृतम् । आदाय यातीति श्रुत्वा चुक्षुभुलिदशादयः ॥ ३०५ ॥ ततः सर्वाभिसारेण सुराः प्रहरणोद्भुराः । कोलाहलरवैराशाः पूरयन्तः समन्ततः ॥ ३०६ ॥ 'भिन्त छिन्त हन्ताऽऽहन्तात्रापि माऽमुं च मुञ्चत । इति जल्पपराः क्रूराः संभ्रमात् ते तमन्वगुः त्रयस्त्रिंशत्कोटिदेवा वेष्टयित्वाऽथ तं जगुः । हतोऽसि रे सुधाचौर ! क यास्यस्यस्मदग्रतः ॥ ३०८ ॥ एकतः सकलं विश्वमन्यतस्त्वेक एव सः। समरं कर्तुमारेभे कातरद्रवणौषधम् ॥ ३०९ ॥ स पक्षी पक्षघातेन चतुर्दिक्षु दिवौकसाम् । लक्षं सहस्रं कोटींश्वानयत् कीनाशपत्तनम् ॥ ३१० ॥ गरुडस्य सुराणां च युद्धं पीयूषहेतवे । जज्ञे स्म विस्मयध्वंसि विश्वाश्चर्यकरं तथा ॥ ३११ ॥ 28 30 1 B भिन्नच्छिन्नहताहन्ता । 2 B पलायनौषधम् ।

·धूर्ताख्यानसंस्कृतभाषान्तरम् । ततः समूहो देवानामेकेन विनताभुवा । त्रस्तो रणाङ्गणाद् दिक्षु वलिवन्निर्ममेऽखिलः ॥ ३१२ ॥ अथेन्द्रस्त्रिदशान भग्नान् दृष्ट्वा ज्वालाशताकुलम् । मुमोच कुलिशं घोरं विघाताय गरुत्मनः॥३१३ ॥ तद्वज्र वज्रसाराभ्यां पक्षिभ्यां पक्षिणः पतत्। भाग्यादेव दिवो भर्तुर्नागात् खण्डसहस्रताम् ॥ ३१४ ॥ किमप्यशनिना तेन चिच्छेदे भोः सुरा इति । तत्प्रत्ययाय पक्षं स चम्चवोत्पाट्य ह्यदर्शयत् ॥ ३१५॥ 5 ततो दन्दह्यमानोऽसौ केशवः कोपवह्निना । द्वादशार्कप्रभं चक्रं लात्वा तद्धतयेऽचलत् ॥ ३१६ ॥ भीतभीताः ससंभ्रान्ता हा हा किमिति' लापिनः । महर्षयस्ततो गत्वा विष्णुमेवं व्यजिज्ञपन् ॥ ३१७ ॥ ससुरासुरलोकस्य स्वामी सर्वगतो भवान् । नीचवनिरपेक्षः किं गरुडं प्रतिधावसि ? ॥ ३१८ ॥ तवैष गरुडो बन्धुस्त्यज कोपमतः प्रभो ! । व्यामूढम्लेच्छवद् गोत्रं मा नय क्षयमात्मनः ॥ ३१९ ॥ ऋषीणां तद्वचः श्रुत्वेत्यच्युतोऽचिन्तयद् हृदि । कथं क्रोधान्मया वन्धुर्हा हा!व्यापादितो भवेत् ॥३२०॥ क्रोधाग्निविह्वलीभूतः पुरुषो ज्ञानवानपि । कृत्याकृत्यं न जानाति तदेतैः साधु बोधितः ॥ ३२१ ॥ जाते ततस्तयोः सन्धौ रथीचके स चक्रिणा । दत्त्वाऽमृतं च माताऽपि पक्षिणाऽमोचि दास्यतः॥३२२॥ कुम्भिकर्कवटास्तेनोत्पाटिता यदि पक्षिणा । दृतेरुत्पाटनं तत् कः शृण्वंस्तव न मन्यते ॥ ३२३ ॥ सप्ताहं दुर्दिने विष्णुरधाद् गोवर्द्धनाचलम् । तत् त्वं तैलभृतां बन्धो ! हतिं धरसि नो कथम् ॥३२४॥ कपिभिर्बन्धने सेतोरुक्षिप्योत्क्षिप्य पर्वताः । वहुभ्यो योजनेभ्योऽथानीय क्षिप्ताः पयोनिधौ ॥३२५॥ 15 अशोकवनिकाभङ्गे हनुमानुच्चशाखिनः । हेलयैवाभिनत् कोपादित्युदन्तं विभावयन् ॥ ३२६ ॥ पादपोन्मूलनानीततमायास्त्वत्तनूभुवा । दृतेः को विस्मयं धत्ते वद धूर्तशिरोमणे ! ॥३२७॥ युग्मम् ।। ॥ इति धूर्ताख्याने चतुर्थ शशोक्तं कथानकम् ॥ 10 [५. खण्डपानाकथितं कथानकम् ।] - एवं निरुत्तरीभूतः शशः खण्डामभापत । स्वानुभूतं त्वमप्यथं धूर्तिके ! ब्रूहि किञ्चन ॥ ३२८ ॥ 20 साऽप्यवादीद् वदाम्येव भवतां पुरतः परम् । नमतैतर्हि मत्पादौ यदि तद् भोजयामि वः ॥३२९॥ धूर्तास्तां स्माहुरग्र्याः स्मः पुरुषेषु कथं नु ते । महिलायाः पुरो दीनं ब्रूमो भोजनहेतवे ॥ ३३० ॥ ईषद् हसित्वा सा स्माहाकर्णयध्वं सकर्णकाः । आख्यानकं मयाऽऽचीणं वर्ण्यमानं च सूनृतम् ॥३३१॥ यौवनोदयसञ्जातलावण्योत्सेकशालिनी । रतिरूपा स्मरोन्मादशुण्डा रण्डाऽभवं पुरा ॥ ३३२ ।। अन्यदाऽहमृतुस्नाता प्रसुप्ता मण्डपे शुचौ । पवनेन यथा स्वैरमुपभुक्ता विलासिवत् ॥ ३३३ ॥ 5 तस्मात् सुतो मयाऽसावि तत्कालं सोऽपि मां बलात् । मुत्कलाप्य क्षणात् क्वापि जगाम स्वप्नदृष्टवत् ॥ तद् यूयं ब्रूत किं सत्यं यद्येवं स्युस्तनुद्भवाः । तदा काऽपि न जायेत रण्डा पण्डितमानिनः !॥३३५॥ 1A किमपि।

·५. खण्डपानाकथितं कथानकम् । ४५ [अथ मूलदेवादिधूर्तकृतं खण्डपानाकथनसमाधानम् ।] ॐ मूलदेवोऽथ तां स्माह - श्रुतिषु श्रूयते यतः । जातः कुन्या भीमसेनोऽञ्जनया हनुमानपि ॥ ३३६ ॥ कैवर्तीकुक्षिजो व्यासः पराशरमुनेरभूत् । कार्येषु मां स्मरेमातरित्युक्त्वा स वने ययौ ॥ ३३७ ।। जाता योजनगन्धाऽप्यक्षतयोनिर्मुनेगिरा । विचित्रवीर्य साऽसूत भूत्वा सान्तनुवल्लभा ॥ ३३८ ॥ विचित्रवीर्ये व्यापन्ने कृष्णद्वीपायनो मुनिः । तत्राजगाम मात्राऽसौ स्मृतो योजनगन्धया ॥ ३३९ ॥ 5 व्यासोऽभाणि तया वंशः पुत्राभावाद् विनंक्ष्यति । तथा यतस्व वत्स!त्वं कुलं संवर्द्धते यथा ॥३४०॥ उहः तेन वंशोऽयं पाण्डं जनयता नृपम् । धृतराष्ट्रं च राष्ट्रेशं विदुरं विदुरोत्तमम् ॥ ३४१ ॥ रन्त्वा प्रजावतीस्तिस्रो व्यासः संजातजातकः। शशाप हा तपोभ्रष्टः कृताघाभिः कृतोऽस्म्यहम् ॥३४२॥ उक्तञ्च- - 100 M 15 आहारे चैव योनौ च वीजे कर्मणि या शुचिः। तस्य कृत्स्नगतस्यापि न पापे रमते मतिः॥३४३॥ भीमाञ्जनेयव्यासानामुत्पत्तिर्यदि सुनृता । तदा वायोः सुतावाप्तिः प्रसवस्ते न किं मतः ॥ ३४४ ॥ पुनः खण्डाऽवदद् गौरी देवी मे समभूत् सखी । तया मत्रो ददे मह्यं देवाद्याकृष्टिकारकः॥ ३४५॥ तेन सौभाग्यमत्रेणाकृष्टस्तीबकरो रविः । मां रन्त्वा सबलं पुत्रं जनयां चकृवान् जवात् ॥ ३४६ ॥ षडशीतिसहस्राणि योजनानां महीं रविः । दहत्यहं कथं तेन न प्लुष्टाऽङ्गेन सङ्गता ॥ ३४७ ॥ कण्डरीको जगादाथ कुन्ती चेदर्कसङ्गता । न प्लुष्टा तत् कथं रण्डे खण्डे त्वं दह्यसेऽमुना ॥ ३४८ ॥ पुनः साऽभाषताकृष्टो ज्वलनः प्रज्वलन् मया । मामालिङ्ग्य महावीर्य सोऽप्युत्पादितवान् सुतम् ॥३४९॥ रविर्दहति दूरस्थोऽङ्गालग्नस्तु हुताशनः । तत् तेनाहं कथं नैव दग्धा संभोगसङ्गता ॥ ३५० ॥ एलाषाढो बभाणैतां धूमोर्णा यमगेहिनी । होतुं हुताशनावासं गता रेमेऽग्निना तु सा ॥ ३५१ ॥ यमं स्वपृष्ठमायान्तं वीक्ष्यापूर्णे रतेऽपि सा । अपसर्तुमनीशाऽग्निं पपौ ! नीरमिवातुरा ॥ ३५२ ।। असमाप्तरतां तां तु शिथिलीकृतमेखलाम् । गिलित्वा प्रेतराजोऽपि ययौ त्रिदशसंसदि ॥ ३५३ ॥ स्वागतं स्वतृतीयस्य तवेति व्याकृतः सुरैः । यमो ववाम धूमोर्णा तन्मुखं चाशुशुक्षणिम् ॥ ३५४ ।। यमेनानुगतो धावन्नग्निर्नष्टो वनान्तरे । गजैस्तद्ने न प्रोक्तः स तद्वाचमतोऽच्छिदत् ॥ ३५५ ॥ यदि प्रेतपतेर्जाया न दग्धा वह्निसेविनी । हे खण्डे ! त्वं हुताशेन भोगिनी दह्यसे कथम् ? ॥३५६॥ पुनर्बभाषे खण्डा तन्मयैरावणवाहनः । आकृष्टः सोऽपि संगत्य मयाऽजीजनदङ्गाजम् ॥ ३५७ ।। देवीरिन्द्रः कथं त्यक्त्वाऽविश्रा मामुपभुक्तवान् । शशोऽथोचेन किं रेमे सोऽहल्यां गौतमप्रियाम् ॥३५८॥ गौतमोऽथ रुषाऽङ्गेऽस्य कृत्वा भगसहस्रकम् । समादिदेश दुष्टात्मा वटुंस्तदुपभुक्तये ॥ ३५९ ॥ कन्दर्पामिप्रतप्तानां बटूनामविवेकिनाम् । सकाशात् त्रिदशाधीशस्तामवाप विडम्बनाम् ॥ ३६० ॥ प्रसादितात् तथा देवैर्गौतमादतिभक्तिना । अक्षणां सहस्रं तत्स्थाने कार्यते स्म कथञ्चन ॥ ३६१ ॥ 20 25 1A प्रसादितादथो। 2 B भक्तितः ।

·४ धूर्तास्यानसंस्कृतभापान्तरम् । कुन्त्याऽपीन्द्रस्य संभोगादर्जुनः सुपुवेऽङ्गभूः । तद्भोगात् ते सुतोत्पत्ति को न मन्येत शास्त्रवित् ॥३६२॥ ~ ~ ~ 3 पितरं मातरं वंशं नाम वित्तं च वित्थ मे ? । इति ते खण्डया पृष्टा मूलदेवस्ततो जगौ ॥ ३६३ ॥ अभूस्त्वं पाडलिपुरे नागशर्मद्विजात्मजा । सोमश्रीकुक्षिभूः खण्डाभिधा गौतमगोत्रजा ॥ ३६४ ॥ सोचे नाहं भवन्तस्तु भ्रान्ताः सदृशरूपतः । किन्त्वस्मि राजरजकपुत्रिका दग्धिकाभिधा ॥ ३६५ ।। बहुधान्यसमाकीर्णं नानावाहनभासुरम् । धनैरमानैः संपूर्ण मद्वेश्म नृपवेश्मवत् ॥ ३६६ ॥ भूपते राजलोकस्य शुद्धान्तस्य च शिल्पिनाम् । सहस्रेण युताऽजस्रं वासांसि क्षालयाम्यहम् ॥ ३६७ ।। अंशुकैः शकटीभूत्वा शिल्पिसाहस्रिका युता । तरङ्गिणी तरङ्गालिमालितामन्यदाऽगमम् ॥ ३६८ ॥ छटच्छटिति हुं हुं च शेण्टिकाशब्दपूर्वकम् । शिल्पिनः क्षालयामासुर्वासांसि मम सेवकाः॥३६९ ॥ विस्तारितानि वस्त्राण्यातपे शोषयितुं भुवि । रौद्रेण वायुना तानि हत्वा नीतानि च क्वचित् ॥३७॥ 10 ततो भृत्या मया प्रोक्ता नंष्ट्वा गच्छत रे ! रयात् । वस्त्रापहारदोपोऽस्तु ममैवातो गता हि ते ॥३७१॥ गोधारूपमहं कृत्वा नराधिपतिमीतितः। सच्छायं नगरोद्यानं रजन्यां समुपेयुपी ॥ ३७२ ॥ क्रीडन्तं तत्र च स्वैरं पश्चिमप्रहरे निशः । अचिन्तयं जनो मांसचर्मार्थी मां हनिष्यति ॥ ३७३ ॥ तन्निर्भया कतिष्ठामीत्येवं चिन्ताञ्चिता सती । अभ्राम्यं रम्यमारामं को हि मृत्योर्बिभेति न ॥३७४॥ गोधारूपं ततस्त्यक्त्वा रक्ताशोकमहीरुहः । पार्श्वे चूतलतारूपं विधाय स्थितवत्यहम् ॥ ३७५ ॥ 15 तमःपटावृता रात्रिरसतीव विलासिनी । व्यतीता यत् ततो भानुरुदगात् पद्मवोधकृत् ॥ ३७६ ॥ वस्त्रापहारवृत्तान्तं श्रुत्वा राजा जनादथ । पटहोद्घोपणापूर्व रजकानां दद्देऽभयम् ॥ ३७७ ॥ ततोऽहं पटहारावं श्रुत्वा श्रुतिपटामृतम् । हित्वा चामुं लताभावं पुनः खं रूपमाश्रिता ॥ ३७८ ॥ शकटीनां वरत्राद्यं तासां चर्ममयं निशि । शृगालमण्डलबातैः सकलं परिभक्षितम् ॥ ३७९ ॥ तदन्विष्टिकृता पित्रा मम तत्रैकमौन्दुरम् । पुच्छं लब्धं ततः सर्व वरत्राद्यं विनिर्मितम् ॥ ३८० ॥ 20 तद्भोः ! सत्यं किमेतन्न तयेत्युक्तः शशोऽवदत् । यन्न लिङ्गान्तगौ ब्रह्म-विष्णू तत्कोऽत्र विस्मयः॥३८॥ रामायणेऽपि हि हनुमल्लाजूलं श्रूयते महत् । येन लङ्कापुरी दग्धा वेष्टयित्वाऽग्निनाऽखिला ॥ ३८२ ॥ इयत्प्रमाणं लाशूलं यद्यासीद् वायुजन्मनः । तदा मूषकपुच्छात् किं संभवेयुर्न रज्जवः ॥ ३८३ ॥ श्रूयते हि श्रुतौ राजाऽरण्ये गन्धारिकावरः । यन्मानववपुस्त्यागादभूत् कुरुवकद्रुमः ॥ ३८४ ॥ नहुपो नाम राजाऽभूद् विक्रमाक्रान्तशत्रवः । शक्रोऽपि वनभिद् येन जिग्ये कातरवद् रणे ॥३८५।। 28 अधिक्षिपन् पुनः शत्रु रोषतः सुरसूरिणा । शप्तः सोऽभूदजगरोऽरण्यदेशे महावपुः ॥ ३८६॥ अन्येयुः पाण्डवा राज्यभ्रष्टास्तन वने ययुः । ततो भीमो भ्रमंस्तेनाजगरेणाशु जनसे ॥ ३८७ ॥ युधिष्ठिरोऽथ विज्ञातोदन्तस्तत्सविधं गतः । तत्पृष्टः सप्तपृच्छानां प्रत्युत्तरमदाच सः ॥ ३८८ ।। उद्गीर्णभीमः शापान्ताद् विमुच्याजगरी तनुम् । पुनर्नहुषराजा स बभूव भुवनाद्भुतः ॥ ३८९ ॥ यद्येतत् सकलं सत्यं तदा खण्डे भवत्यपि । गोधाचूतलताभावान्नारीभूता किमद्भुतम् ॥ ३९० ॥ 1 B अनाम्यहमारामं ।

·५. खण्डपानाकथितं कथानकम् । ४७ Www पुनः साऽऽख्यद् धूर्तराजा! मन्यध्वं चेद् वचो मम । सत्करोमि तदा सर्वान् प्रचुरैभॊज्यपानकैः॥३९१॥ जयामि चेत् कदाचिद् वः कयाचिन्मेधया तदा । स्फुट कपर्दिकामानं मूल्यं न प्राप्स्यथ क्वचित् ।। तेप्यूचुरेनां सोत्कर्षाः कोऽस्मान् धूर्तशिरोमणीन् । जेतुमीष्टे परमेष्ठि-शंभु-विष्णुसमोऽपि सन् ॥३९३।। ततस्तान् माह सा खण्डा मुत्कलाप्य महीपतिम् । पुरागतांशुकार्थेऽहं पर्यभ्राम्यं दिशो दश॥३९४॥ अन्यच्च दासाश्चत्वारो नष्ट्वा क्वापि गता ममं । गवेषयन्ती तांश्चान सांप्रतं समुपेयुषी ॥ ३९५ ॥ भवन्तस्ते च मे दासाः सिचयाश्चौरिता न हि । यद्येतन्नैव मन्यध्वं तहत्तैभ्योऽध भोजनम् ॥३९६॥ हीणहीणास्ततस्तेऽपि खण्डां माहुरखण्डिताः । त्वयैव खण्डिता विश्वजनतावञ्चका वयम् ॥ ३९७ ॥ भारस्यैतस्य योग्याऽसि त्वमेव वरवर्णिनि ! । यया प्रज्ञामदोन्मत्ता विजिताः पुरुषा अपि ॥ ३९८॥ औत्पत्तिक्या महाबुद्ध्या विजिता यत् त्वया वयम् । अतस्त्वं प्रार्थ्यसे देहि धूर्तानां पानभोजने ॥३९९।। ओमित्युदीर्य सा भूतपिशाचप्रेतसङ्कुलम् । घुकधूत्कारदुर्वार फेरुफेत्कारदारुणम् ॥ ४०० ।। कलेवरविनिर्गच्छद्वशारुधिरपिच्छिलम् । ज्वलञ्चितानलज्वालं गृध्रपक्षिरणोत्करम् ॥ ४०१ ।। शूलाप्रोताङ्गिनामत्रविनासितजनब्रजम् । दुर्गन्धगन्धवाहोगं खण्डा पितृवनं ययौ ।। ४०२॥ -त्रिभिर्विशेषकम् ॥ तत्राखण्डितसर्वाङ्ग वालमेकं गतासुकम् । तत्कालमुक्तमादाय खण्डाऽसिस्नपदम्भसा ॥ ४०३ ॥ सा वाससा तमाच्छाद्य विधाय च सुसङ्गतम् । उज्जयिन्यां धनान्यस्य श्रेष्ठिनः सदनं ययौ ॥४०४॥ तनेन्द्रसदृशः श्रेष्ठी दृष्ट्वा श्रेष्ठजनैर्वृतः । तयोचे दुर्गतस्याहं दुहिताऽस्मि द्विजन्मनः ॥ ४०५ ॥ अवन्धुरशरण्याऽद्यसूता वैदेशिकी द्विजी । अतस्त्वां प्रार्थये देहि धनं बालकवृद्धये ॥ ४०६॥ स श्रेष्ठी व्याकुलः कार्ये भूयो भूयोऽर्थितस्तया । क्रुधा भृत्यानुवाचैनां निष्काशयत दुर्गताम् ॥४०७॥ अतिदीनं त्रुवाणाऽपि धृत्वा तैः प्रेरिताऽथ सा। भूमौ निपत्य चाक्रन्दन मारितो हा ! मदङ्गभूः ॥४०॥ अनाथाया ममाधारो भावीयेष मनोरथः । ह हा दुरात्मनानेन भग्नो द्रुरिव दन्तिना ।। ४०९ ॥ पश्यतागत्य भो लोकाः ! वणिजा धनगर्विणा । मारितस्तनयः शुद्धब्राह्मण्या मम पाप्मना ॥ ४१० ॥ ताडयन्ती शिरो वक्ष उदरं च पुनः पुनः । भग्नं भिक्षाकपालं मेऽनेनेति विललाप सा ॥ ४११॥ विहस्तोऽथ समुत्थाय श्रेष्ठी परिकरान्वितः । विलपन्तीं वभाणैतां मा त्वं कोलाहलं कुरु ॥ ४१२ मुद्रिका में गृहाणैनामात्तवाला ब्रज द्रुतम् । मुञ्च शोकं च दत्ता ते गुर्थेषा जीविका मया ॥४१३ ॥ कर्णिकां साऽप्युपादाय शिशुं च निरगाद् गृहात् । श्रेष्ठ्यपि प्रगतापायो दानमाहात्म्यतोऽजनि ॥४१४॥ 23 खण्डाsपि मुदिता वान्ते तं त्यक्त्वा मृतमर्भकम् । प्रोल्लसन्मणिमाणिक्यरत्नहट्टमगात् ततः ॥ ४१५ ॥ विक्रीय तामथादाय वस्तूनि विविधानि सा । यथेच्छं भोजयामास धूर्तान् श्राद्धे द्विजानिय ॥४१६॥ तैः सर्वैस्तोषसंपूर्णमनस्कैः सेत्यवर्ण्यत । खण्डे ! तवैव जानीमो जीवितं सुष्टु निश्चितम् ॥ ४१७ ॥ यत् त्वया धूर्त्तवर्गोऽयं विजित्य प्रतिभोदयात् । क्षुधातः प्रीणितो बाढं विपुलैः पानभोजनैः॥४१८॥ सुशिक्षिता अपि बुधास्तन्न जानन्ति जल्पितुम् । अशिक्षिता अपि वचः प्रवदन्ति यदङ्गानाः ॥४१९।। ३० 20 1A ततोऽस्मान् । 2 B सन्ति यैश्चोरितानि हि।

·४८ धूर्ताख्यानसंस्कृतभापान्तरम् । उक्तञ्च- अधीत्य शास्त्राणि विमृश्य चार्थान् न तानि वक्तुं पुरुषाः समर्थाः । यानि स्त्रियः प्रत्यभिधानकाले वदन्ति लीलारचिताक्षराणि ॥ ४२० ।। ॥ इति धूर्ताख्याने खण्डपानोक्तं पश्चमं कथानकम् ॥ 5 चन्द्रेन्द्रवायुभास्वन्तो धर्माभिमुनयोऽपि च । दु:खिता' निखिला लोके स्मरापस्माररोगिणः॥४२१॥ जीवांस्तस्थावभिव्याप्य सूक्ष्मस्थूलविभेदतः । भगवान् सर्वगो विष्णुरिति श्रुतिपु गीयते ॥ ४२२ ॥ यदि सर्वगतो विष्णुरिति सत्यं वचो भवेत् । तदा स्मरातुरो गोपीः किं चिन्तयति कामिवत् ॥४२३॥ असंभाव्यमिदं लोके श्रूयते यदुमामलात् । मृतोऽपि प्राप्तचैतन्यः पप्रथे स गणाधिपः ॥ ४२४ ॥ इत्येते लौकिकालापाः पुराणादिसमुद्भवाः । विशीयन्ते प्रतिपदं विचक्षणविचारिताः ॥ ४२५ ॥ 10 अतोऽदो लौकिकं वाक्यं रासभोचारवद् बहिः । रम्यमन्तश्चिन्यमानं पुनस्तुषवसाकुलम् ॥ ४२६ ॥ ॥ इति धूर्ताख्यानसंस्कृतभाषान्तरं समाप्तम् ॥ 1 1 B दूषिता।

·बालावबोधरूपगूर्जरभाषामय धूर्ता ख्या न कथा . ॥ श्रीगणेशाय नमः॥ सदुपनिषदनेकग्रन्थसन्दर्भभाभिः, परसमयतमांसि ध्वंसयित्वाऽपुनाद् यः। गगनमिव दिनेशः शासनं जैनमेतत्, स जयतु हरिभद्रसूरिरुद्दामधामा ॥१॥ इह हि चतुर्दशशतसंख्यप्रकरणप्रणेतृभिः सितपटपटलमुकुटमणिभिर्नि प्रतिभप्रतिभाप्राग- ल्भ्यपराजितामरसूरिभिः श्रीहरिभद्रसूरिभिः मिथ्यादृष्टिभिः प्रणीतानां समयानाम् , अन्तर्वाणि- चेतश्चमत्कारकारणि(रिणी)भिः खोपज्ञ सयुक्त(क्ति)श्रेणीभिः कुसु(स)मयतां सम्यग् व्यव- 10 स्थाप्य, तैरेव प्रतिपादितानां भारत-रामायण-पुराणादीनां कथाग्रन्थानामपि धूर्ताख्यानसमानतां दर्शनाय निर्मितस्य धूर्ताख्यानाभिधानस्य कथाग्रन्थविशेषस्य लोकभाषायां कथा लिख्यते ॥ . श्रीमालवदेशे उजेणी नगरी, तेहनै उत्तरदिसिं एक उद्यान छ । ते उद्यान मांहिं मायावंत, अकार्य करवा नित्यौद्यमवंत, निर्दय, स्त्री वाल वृद्ध विश्वासीना घातक, वंचनापंडित, धूप अंजन चूर्ण योगें अवस्वापनी, स्थंभनी प्रमुख विद्याई, स्वरभेद, वेषभेद, वर्णभेदें करी जगना छेतरणहार, 15 अनेक धूर्त किहांथी भमता आव्या । ते माहिं मूलदेव १, कंडरीक २, एलासाह ३, सस ४, खंडवणा ५-ए नामीं पांच अधिकारी । एकेकाने पांच सय' पांच सय धूर्त्तनो परिवार छइ । पांचमी खंडवणा स्त्री अधिकारिणी । तेहनै पांचसय धूर्ता स्त्रीनो परिवार छइ । इम सर्व संख्याई अढी हजार धूर्त एकठा थया । ते मांहिं" मूलदेव सर्वलोकविख्यात, सर्वधूर्तशिरोमणि छइ । एहवै महावर्षा आव्यौ । तेणै कूप तटाक वापी सर्व जल स्थानक भयाँ । चिक्कण कर्दमइ 20 करी दुःसंचार चतुःपथ मार्ग थया । वृष्टिआकुल थयो लोक कोई फरी न सके । एहवै वर्षाकाले ते धूर्त भूष तरसी" पीड्या हुंता कहिवा लागाजे- 'लोक कोई चोहटै नथी आवतो, जेहने छेतरीनै द्रव्य आणीनै भोजन करीई । आपणनें भोजन कुंण" दिई । तिवारे मूलदेवइ कह्यु जे- 'जेणै जे सांभल्यूं होइ, अनुभव्यूं होइ ते ते कहौ । जे धूर्त सांभलीनइ ए असत्य किम मिले, एहवं कहइ आ सर्व धूर्त्तनें भोजन दिइं । अनै जे भारत रामायण पुराणादिकनै वचनै ते वात समर्थइ", आ 25 ते 1 P देशिं। 2 P तेहनें । 3Poदिशें। 4 P हैं। 5 B उद्याननै घरि। 6 P अकार्यना करनार । 7P पांचवें २ 8 P छ । 9 P तेहनें । 10 P स्त्री धूर्तनो। 11 P माहि । 12 P एहवें। 13 P चीकणे कर्दमें। 14 P एहवें वर्षाकालें। 15P तरसें। 16P चउटें। 17 A. कोण। 18P मले। 19 P समर्थि । धू०७ ·बालावबोधरूपगूर्जरभाषामय - धूर्ताख्यानकथा सर्व महाजननें प्रत्यय ऊपजावइ, ते सर्व धूर्त मांहिं मुख्य महामतिवंत जाणवो । तेणे भोजन न देवु'- एहवं मूलदेवै का। तिवारे ते कहिवा लागा जे– 'ए तुम्हे भलं कर्तुं, तुम्हे वडा माटै जे अनुभव्यु होइ ते प्रथम कहो' । [१,१-१६] तिवारे मूलदेवइ कहिवा मांडयुं - 'यौवन समइ हुं वांछित संपदा वांछतो, मास छ लगि माथै । जलधारा धरूं, तो माहरो स्वामी प्रसन थई, सकल संपदा दीइ-इम चीतवी शंबल लेई छत्र कमंडल हाथि राखी स्वामीने सेववा चालिउ । मार्गि जातां अटवी मांहिं एक मदोन्मत्त, पर्वत- समान, वनगज साहमो आवतो दीठो । ते देखी भयकंपमानशरीर निराधार असरण, हिवै किहां पइसू-इम चिंतवतो हुं मरण भय करी सहसा कमंडल मांहिं पर्छ । ते वनगज पिण एक शुंडादंड ऊंचो करी रोषारुण लोचन हुँतो मुझ पुठि ज उतावलो कमंडल मांहिं पइर्छ । पछइ हुँ भयभ्रांत 10 हुँतो सघलै पासि" नासवानो ठांम जोतो, ते कमंडल मांहिं ते वनगजनइ छ मास लगि भोलवी, कमंडलनी ग्रीवाइ थई बाहिर नीकल्यो । वनगज पिण माहरी पुठि" नीकल्यौ, पिण' कमंडलनी ग्रीवाने छिद्रई एक वालाग्रनो अंत वलगी रह्यौ । तेणिं करीं तिहां अडक्यउ माहरी पुठि नावी सक्यउ । पछै हुं आगलि" चाल्यौ । मार्गि अगाध जलभरी गंगा नदी आवी, ते देखी आकुल थयो । पछि अन्य मार्गनइ अभावइ ते गंगा नदी भुजाइं तरी स्वामीनै घरे" जई क्षुधा तृषा 15 सहतो, छ मास लगि माथै जलधारा धरी, महसेन स्वामीनें वांदीनै उजेणी नगरीइं आवी तुम्हनें मिल्यौ । जो ए सत्य होइ तो मुझनें दृष्टांति करी प्रतीति उपजावो । जो ए असत्य जाणी न मानो तो सर्व धूर्त्तनें भोजन दिओ। एहवं मूलदेवतुं वचन सांभली कंडरीकै कहिउं जे- 'भारत-रामायणा- दिक" जाणतो होइ, ते तुम्हारं वचन असत्य किम कहई' । तिवारे मूलदेव कहिवा लागो जे- 'जो ए सत्य छइ तो कहौ, हाथी कमंडल मांहिं किम मायो । ते कमंडल मांहिं छ मास लगि हाथी किम 20 भोलव्यौ, ते कमंडलथी हुं अने ते हाथी ग्रीवाने सूक्ष्म छिद्रे किम नीकस्यां", नीकलतां" हाथीनो बालापनो अंत किम विलगो, में गंगा नदी भुजाई किम तरी, किम छ मास लगि क्षुधा तृषाई पीडिते में माथै जलधारा धरी;-ए सर्व वात शास्त्रसाखि मेली आपउ' । [१,१७-३४ ] ॥ इति धूर्ताख्याने मूलदेवेनोक्तं कथानकम् ।। , . हिवइ कंडरीक कहइ छइ- 'भारत रामायणादिक ग्रंथे जे सांभलीइ छइ, ते जो सत्य छइ, तो 25 ताहरु ए वचन सत्य छइ; अनै जे हाथी कमंडल मांहिं किम मायो इत्यादिक तें जे पूछयां तेहर्नु समाधान सांभलि । ब्रह्माना मुखथी विप्र* नीकल्या, बांहथी क्षत्री, साथलथी वैश्य, पगथी शूद्र नीकल्या । जो ब्रह्माना शरीर मांहिं एतलो लोक मायो तो तुं अनै वनगज बेहुं कमंडल मांहिं किम न माउं । १ । [१,३५-३८] तथा जे ईश्वरना लिंगनुं मान काढवा दिव्य वर्ष सहस्र लगि ब्रह्मा · ऊंचो चाल्यो, विष्णु नीचो 1 A कडूं। 2P तिवारें। BP मार्टि। 4P मांडिउं। 5Pजोवन समये। 6 P चाल्यौ। 7 हवें। 8 P पेस्यु । 9 P मांहें पैहठौ। 10P पर्छ । 11 P पासें। 12 P पूठलि । 13P पणि.। 14 P रहि। 15 P अडकउ । : 16 P सकउ । 17 P आगल। 18 P अभावें। 19P मेर। 20P आविउं। 21 P रामायण माहिं। 22 P नीसरया । 23 Pनीसरतां। 24P ब्राह्मण।..

·। 15 चालावबोधरूपगूर्जरभाषामय-धूर्ताख्यानकथा चाल्यो, तोहि जे लिंगनुं मान नाव्यु । ते जो लिंग पार्वतीनइ शरीरे मायुं तो कमंडल मांहिं हाथी मायो इहां कोण दोष । २। [१,३८-४०] तथा भारत मांहिं व्यास ऋषि कहिउँ छइ जे- 'वंशनइ पर्वि कीचक सौ भाई अपना । 'कीचक' शब्दई वंश कहीई तिहां ऊपना मार्टि कीचक नाम थयुं । तेहनी कथा सांभलिं'-वराट राजानी अग्रमहिषीई पुत्रनइ अर्थे आश्रमें जईनै एक ऋषि आराधिओं । तेणइ ऋषि कृपा करी अभिमंत्रित एक चरू आपीनइ कहिउं जे- 'वननिकुंज मांहिं जई हर्षइ चरू खाजे, ताहरइ सौ पुत्र थास्यई'। पछइ वराट राजानी अग्रमहिषी वंशजाल मांहिं जई वेसी ते चरू जमीनइ पोतानै घरि गई। एहवे ते वंशजाल मांहिं बहुकालनो तप करतो गांगील नामा एक ऋषि छइ, तेणि तटाके वस्त्ररहित स्नान करती एक देवांगणा दीठी । तेहनें दर्शनें मुनि क्षोभ पाम्यौ । तेणे करी एक वीर्यबिंदु खरिनै हेठई' वंशनी नालि माहिं पड्यौ । तेथी नवगज सहस्र प्रमाण वलवंत कीचक नामै पुत्र थयौ । जिम 10 जिम ऋषि ते देवांगणाने जोवइ तिम तिम वीर्यबिंदु वंशनाली माहिं खरि खरिनै जे पड्या, तेथी निवाणू पुत्र ऊपना । पछइ ते ऋषि ते शतवीर्यबिंदुसहित वंशनालि अलगी मूकीनइ गयो । पछइ ते वंशनाली वराट राजाइ रखावी । तेह मांहिंथी सर्वांगोपांग सहित सौ वेटा नीसख्या । ते वराट राजानी अग्रमहिषीइ पोतइ पुत्र करी लीधा । ते माटि तेहना वेटा वंशनाली समुत्पन्न कहि- वाय" छइ । जो एक वंशनाली मांहिं सौ कीचक भाई माया तो कमंडल मांहिं वनगजसहित तूं । स्था माटइ न माई । ३ । [१,४१-५१] तथा ईश्वर वर्षसहस्र लगि जे जटा मांहिं गंगा भोलवी, ते जो सत्य छइ, तो तें छ मास लगइ कमंडल मांहिं वनगज भोलव्यौ ए असत्य किम होइ । ४ । [१,५२] तथा ते कहिउं जे- 'कमंडलनी ग्रीवाइं हुं नीसखौ किम, अनइ वालाग्रनइ अंति हाथी वलगी किम रह्यौ ?, ते उपरि पुराणनुं एक वचन सांभलि - जगत्कर्ता विष्णु आकाश, भूमि, मारुत, वह्नि, त्रस, 20 थावर, मनुष्य, देव, तिर्यंच रहित महाप्रलय कालिं जलशय्याइं वइसी तप करइ छइ । तेहनें करने कमलि रह्यौ ब्रह्मा नाभि थकी कमंडलदंड हाथी धरतो वाहिर नीसखौ । कमल विष्णुनी नाभि वलगुं । जो ब्रह्मा विष्णुनी नाभिं नीकल्यौ अनै कमल वलगी रह्यौ-ए सत्य छै, तो तुं कमंडल ग्रीवाई बाहिर नीसखो" अने हाथी वालाग्रनइ अंति वलगी रह्यौ, इहां स्युं अयुक्त छइ । ५ । [१,५३-५७] तथा गुणाकर मूलदेव तई पूछिउं जे- 'हुँ कमंडल ग्रीवाइ - किम नीकल्यौ ?, ते ऊपरि भारतनुं वचन सांभलि-कोइक समयइ ब्रह्मानइ तप तपता दिव्य वर्षसहस्र थो, ते जांणी क्षोभ पाम्या हुंता सर्व देवताइ चिंतव्यु जे एहनें विघ्न कीजई। तिवारइं इंद्रइ कडं जे- 'पूर्वइ महेसीइं अग्निकर्म करतां उर्द्धस्थितवस्त्रा पार्वती दीठी । तेथी क्षोभना थई, ते वेलाइ वीर्य खयुं, तेणि खरडायुं वस्त्र खंखेरता, वीर्यना बिंदुआ पासिं कलस हतो ते मांहिं पड्या । तेथी द्रोणाचार्य अपनो । इम जो ॥ ईश्वर स्त्रीथी क्षोभ्यो तो वीजो कुंण क्षोभ न पामइ ?। एक वीतराग देवाधिदेव त्रैलोक्यपूजित श्रीमहावीर विना सकल लोक स्त्रीई वस कसौ । गौतम, वशिष्ठ, पाराशर, जमदग्नि, काश्यप, 25 ? 1P तोहे। 2 P कह्यु छ। 3P सउ। 4P सांभल। 5 P आराध्यो। 6 P नामें। 7 P हेर्छ । 8 P जुई। 9 P नवाणू । 10 P कहिवाई। 11 P निकल्यौ। 12 A चीतवू । 13 P येहनिं ।

·- ५२ वालावबोधरूपगूर्जरभाषामय-धूर्ताख्यानकथा अगस्ति प्रमुख महाऋषि, अमराधिप, हरिहरादिक सर्व महापुरुपने स्त्रीइं दासं कर्या । ते माटई त्रिलोत्तमा स्वर्ग वेस्थानइ कह्यौ जे- 'ब्रह्मानें तपथी 'चूकाविइ' - एहy इंद्रनुं वचन सांभली त्रिलोत्तमा वेश्या अद्भुत वेष शृंगार करी, ब्रह्मानी आगलि, पीनोन्नतथन · कुचकलशयुगल उदरदेश नाभी- भाग भुजमूल जघनस्थल नितंबबिंब दिखाडती नाचवा लागी । ते नाचती देखी एकेन्द्रियनी परें 5 सकलेंद्रिय व्यापार रहित हुतो निर्निमेष स्निग्ध लोचनें ब्रह्मा जोवा लागो । तिवारिं तेहर्नु सविकार मन जांणी, त्रिलोत्तमा दक्षिणपासै रही । तिवारि ब्रह्माइ ते दिशि वीजुं मुख कझुं । इम पश्चिम दिशि त्रीजुं मुख कयुं । इम उत्तर दिशि चउधुं मुख कयुं । तेवारि त्रिलोत्तमा ऊंची उत्पती, ब्रह्माइ पणि उपरि पांचमुं मुख कयुं । ते वेलाइ ब्रह्माने मदनपरवश थयो देखी ईश्वरई नखइ करीने ते पांचमुं मुख उखेडयुं । तेथी कोपांध थयो हुँतो ब्रह्मा, दक्षिण हस्तनी तर्जनी आंगुलीइ करी 10 पोताने भालि क्रोधी ऊपनो प्रस्खेद हतो ते मूकतो हुओ। तेथी बलवंत श्वेतकुंडली नामि एक पुरुष नीसखौ । ते ब्रह्मानें वचने ईश्वरनें पुठिं मारवा धायो । तेथी ईश्वर भयभ्रांत हुतो नासतो बदर्यासन पाम्यौ । तिहां नियम करता विष्णुनइ जईनइ कहिउँ जे मुझनइ भिक्षा आलि । तेवारि विष्णुइं पोताने भालस्थलिं रुधिर सिरा ऊघाडी । ईश्वरिं ब्रह्मानुं मस्तक कपाल हेठि धयुं । ते मस्तक कपाल, ते रुधिरधाराई दिव्य वर्ष सहस्रइ पणि न भराइ । पछइ ते रुधिर ईश्वरें एक अंगुलीइं 15 डोहिउं, तेवारि ब्रह्मानुं मस्तककपाल १, विष्णुरुधिर २, ईश्वरनी अंगुलि ३,- ए त्रिणिनइ संयो. गइ रक्तकुंडली नामि एक पुरुष नीकल्यौ । ते ईश्वरनी आज्ञाइ खेतकुंडली साथिं वढवा गयो । पछै ते बेहुंनइं विढाता एक दिव्य वर्ष सहस्र थयुं । पछै देवताई युद्ध करता निवारी, एक इंद्रनइ, एक सूर्यनइ आपीनै कहिउं जे- 'भारतकालि भारतनु युद्ध वधारवा मनुष्य लोकि ए विहुंनइ मोक- लज्यो' । तिवार पछि भारतावतार काल आवे 'हुते, सूर्य कुंतीने रूप लावण्यई मोह पांमी भोग 20 वीनइ ते रक्तकुंडली पुरुष गर्भि अवतस्यौ । पछै पूरे मासि सन्नाह सहित कुंतीनइ कानि ते पुरुष प्रसिविओ" । तेहy नाम कर्ण दीधुं । जो ते पुरुष कानि नीसखौ तो तुं कमंडलग्रीवाइ किम न नीसरइ । ६।[१,५८-८४] तथा तें पूछिउँ"जे- 'अगाध जलभरी गंगा नदी मइ भुजाइ किम तरी ?' ते उपरि प्रतीतिर्नु कारण रामायणनो वृत्तांत सांभलि-हनुमंत रामचंद्रनी आज्ञाइ, सीतानी शुद्धि लेवा वाहाई" समुद्र तरी 25 लंका नगरीइं गयो । सीताइ धणीनो कुसल समाचार पूछीनइ कहिउं जे– 'तें समुद्र किम तखौ ?' तिवारि हनुमंति कहिउं- तव प्रसादात् पवनप्रसादाद् भर्तुश्च ते देवि ततः प्रसादात् । त्रिभिः प्रसादैरनुगम्य सोऽयं तीर्णो मया गोष्पदवत् समुद्रः॥१॥ जो तेणिं हनुमंतें भुजाइ महासमुद्र तस्यौ, तो तुं गंगा भुजाइ किम न उतरइ।७। [१,८५-८८] तथा तें कहिउं जे- 'मइ छम्मास लगि माथइ जलधारा किम धरी ?' ए उपरि पणि द्विजादिकनी श्रुतिथी आव्युं वचन सांभलि - देवताइ लोकनि हितनि अर्थ प्रार्थना करीनइ गंगाने कहिउँ जे- 'तुं 6 P आल। 7 P. 1A चुकाव। 2P ईश्वरें नखें। 3P भालें। 4 P नामें। 5P कर्वा । ईश्वरि। 8 P वढतां । 9 P आवि हुँति । 10 P प्रसव्यो। 11 P पुछु। 12 P भुजाई। 13 P लोकनें हितने अर्थे । स ·वालावयोधरूपगूर्जरभाषामय-धूर्तास्यानकथा मनुष्य लोकं जातिवारि गंगाइ कहि जे- 'मुझने गगनथी पडती कोण धरी सकै । ईश्वरें कहिउं जे- 'हुं धरूं' । पछइ गंगा पडी, ईश्वरइ माथै धरी । जो ईश्वरि माथै दिव्य वर्ष सहस्र लगि गंगा धरी, तो तुं महापुरुष गुणवंत छम्मास लगि जलधारा माथै धरइ, इहां सी वडाई । ८ । [१,८९-९३] ॥ कण्डरीकेनोक्तं मूलदेवं प्रति प्रत्युत्तरकथानकाष्टकमिदम् ॥ ॥ इति धूर्ताख्याने प्रथमाख्यानकम् ॥१॥ । हवइ मूलदेव कंडरीकनइ कहिउंजे- 'हविं तइं जे दीर्छ, सांभल्युं, अनुभव्यु होइ ते बोलि' । तेवारि कंडरीक बोल्यो- 'हुं नान्हपणि महाअविनीत महादुर्दात, माटि मातपिताइ रीसिं धरथी काढ्यौ । भमतो भमतो देशनइ अंति कोईक' गो, महिष, अजा, एलक, खर, करभ समाकुल, पुष्प फल समृद्ध, अनेक वन खंड शोभित, महासमृद्ध गामि गयो । तेहनें मध्यइं मेघनिकुरव समान एक वड 10 वृक्ष दीठो । ते हे सप्रभाव एक कमल नामा यक्ष छै । तेहनी जात्रा पूजा करता, स्नान करी निर्मल धौत वन पहिरी, फल फूल चंदन धूपादिक पूजोपकरण लेई पूजता, महाजन समूहनइ वांछित वर दीइ छइ । हुं ते यक्षनें प्रणाम करिवा गयो । तिहां गामना लोक रमता दीठा । एहवें अकस्मात् सन्नद्धबद्ध कवचवंत अनेक आयुध नांखता, कलकल शब्द करता, चोरनी धाडि आवी पडी । तेवार हुं, समस्त गामना लोक, समस्त गो महिषादिक पशु समूह, नासीनै चीभडा मांहिं 15 पैठउ । तिहाए ते लोकई हर्षइ क्रीडा करिवा मांडि । चोरनी धाडिए गामनों लोक नाठो जाणी पाछी फरी । एहवें तिहां चरती एक वोकडी आवी । तेणीइ ते चीभडं सहसा गलि । ते वोकडी एकइ अजगिरइ गली । ते अजगिर एक ढिंक पंखिणीइ गल्यौ । पछइ ते ढिंक पंखिणी उडीनै ते वटवृक्ष उपरि चढी बैठी । एहवे ते वटवृक्ष हेठि राजानुं कटक आवी ऊतखुं । राजानो मातो पट्टहस्ती, वड उपरि बैठी ए लिंक पंखिणीनो एक पग भूमि लंबातो हतो ते साथि, वडवाई जाणीइ 20 वांघिउ तेवारें तेणई पोतानो पग ऊंचो कखौ। ते साथिं चीस नाखतो हाथी ऊंचो तणायो । ते देखी 'कोईएक हाथीनइ ऊपाडी गगनिं लीइ छइ' इम बूंब पाडता महावत राजा पासि गया । तेहनी बूंव सांभली शस्त्र लेई सन्दवेधी अनेक सुभट धाया । तेणिं शस्त्रि तेहनी पांष मस्तक छेद्यां" । ते दिक पंखिणी भूमि पडी । राजाइ तेहy पेट चीराव्युं । ते मांहिंथी 'अजगिर नीसखौ । अजगिर पिणि चीराव्यो, ते माहिथी वोकडी नीकली । तेहर्नु पणि पेट फाडयुं, ते मांहिंथी चीभडं नीकल्युं । 25 तेहनें चीयु, ते मांहिंथी हुँ अने गामना लोक रमता थका, रमवाना वांस हाथि धरता नीसखा । वीजोए" सर्व लोक सर्व पशुसमूह नीकल्यौ । पछइ ते सर्व लोक राजानें प्रणमी · पोता पोताने ठामि गया । हुए" ऊजेणी नगरीए आव्यौ । ए मइ प्रत्यक्ष पणइ अनुभव्युं । जो न मानो तो सर्व धूर्त्तनें भोजन द्यो", नहीतर ग्रंथ साखि" प्रतीति अपजावो [२,१-२५] ॥ इति धूख्यिाने कंडरीकेनोक्तं कथानकम् ॥ 30 1 P कोएक। 2P धाड पडी। 3P पेठा। 4 P तिहां तेणें लोके । 5 P करवा। 6P धाडें । 7P गामना लोक नाठा। 8 P एहविं। 10P ढेक पंखणीइं। 11 P छेदायां। 12P बीजोई। 13 P पशु पण नीकल्या। 14 P हुं पणि । 15 P दिउं। 16P ग्रंथ साथै 9 P गल्यु।

·। કર્ક बोलावयोधरूपगूर्जरभाषामय-धूर्ताख्यानकथा हिवई' एलाषाढ बोल्यौं - 'ए सर्व सत्य छई' । तेवारिं कंडरीकइ पूच्यु- 'कहि, चीभंडा माहिं गाम किम मायो ? । तेवारिं एलाषाढ कहिवा लागो जे- 'स्यु तइ विष्णुपुराण नथी सांभल्यु, जे एहवू पूछइ छै ? । ते सांभलि- पूर्विं ए जग पंच महाभूत रहित जलिं एकार्णव करी मूकउं हतुं । तिहां एक महा मोटुं इंडं हतुं ते जलकल्लोल मांहिंई घणा काल लगि घोलांता फाटुं । वे 5 अर्ध थयां, ते मांहिंथी एक अर्द्ध भूमिका थयुं । जो ते अर्द्ध इंडा मांहिं सर्व सुर, नारक, मनुष्य, चतुःपद मायां तो चीभडा मांहिं गांम किम न माइ ? । १ । [२,२६-३० ] तथा आरण्यपर्व मांहिं मार्कंड ऋषि युधिष्टर आगलि पोतार्नु अनुभव्यु कहिउं छै ते सांभलो- मार्कड ऋषि, युगांत कालि जलिं एकार्णव सकल जग करि हुंति, कल्लोल मालाइ जल मांहिं घोलातो, त्रस, थावर, सुरनरादिक वर्जित ए जग जोतो, समुद्र समान विस्तीर्ण, मेरु समान उन्नत, एक 10 वटवृक्ष देषतो हुओ। तेहनी शाखा उपरि शय्याइं बैठो एक रूपनिधान वालक दीठो । तेहनें ऋषिई कडं- 'हे वत्स जलि तणाईश ते माटि आ माहरइ हाथि वलगि' । इम कही ऋपिइं हाथ पसारीओ । ते हाथि झाली, ते बालकइ मार्कड] ऋपि गलिउ । ते ऋषिइं ते बालकना उदर मांहिं शैल कानन सहित पृथ्वी दीठी । एक दिव्य वर्ष सहस्र लगि भमतां, ते बालकाना उदरनो पार पाम्या विना, ते ऋषि बाहिर नीसखो । जो ते वालकना उदर मांहिं सुरासुर जग मायुं, तो चीभडा 15 मांहिं गांम किम न माइ । २ । [२,३१-३९] तथा तई पूछिउं जे- 'ढिंक पंखिणीना पेट मांहिं अजगर, तेहना पेट मांहिं अजा, तेहना पेट मांहिं चिभडं, ते माहिं तेतलो लोकसमूह किम मायो ?' ते उपरि समाधान सांभलि - मुठि मांहिं आवइ एहवो मध्यभाग छइ जेहनो एहवी देवकीनी कूखिं कृष्ण वस्यौ, तेहना पेट मांहिं अनेक पर्वत कानन सहित पृथ्वी माई । जो एह सत्य छै, तो ढिंक पंखिणीना पेट मांहिं अजगिर मायो, 20 इत्यादिक असत्य किम होई । ३ । [२,४०-४१] तथा कंडरीक' तई पूछिउं जे- 'चीभडा प्रमुखइं रहिउ हुं अनै गामलोक किम मरण न पाम्या ?' ते उपरि समाधान सांभलि-जे पृथ्वीई कृषि व्यापार युद्धादिक आरंभ, विवाहादिक उत्सव थता', ते जो पृथिवी कृष्णना पेट मांहिं जीवती रही, तो तुं जीवतो किम न रहइ ? अनइ तुं कहीस जे कृष्णना पेट मांहिं जग किम मायो ? ते उपरि सांभलि - पूर्वे ब्रह्मानें अनै कृष्णनें माहोमांहिं 25 विवाद थयो । ब्रह्मा कहिवा लागो जे- 'माहरा मुख, बाहु, ऊरु, पादथी अनुक्रमइ च्यार वर्ण नीसखा, ते माटि हुँ जगनो कर्त्ता' । तिवारि कृष्ण कठिन वचने कहिवा .लागो जे- 'तुं तो माहरो चेट छइ; स्युं मूर्ख ए बोलतो लाजतो नथी ? जे 'मुझनें आकाश, भूमि गाल छै, पर्वत दाढा छै, समुद्र जिहवा छइ, ते माहरा मुख मांहिं तुं पईसि जग सर्व जोउ । माहरी नाभिना कमलनो ऊपनो तुं माहरी आगलि इम बोलि ते उचित नही । जस्स पभावेणुम्मिल्लिया तं चेव कह कयग्घाई । कुमुआ. अत्तसंभाविआई चंदं उवहसंति ॥४। [२,४२-५०] , 30 1P हवें। 2 P बोलिउ।, 3 A हतो। 4.A फूटो। 5 P माटें आ माहरें हाथें वलग । 6 P ऊपर। 7 P कंडरीकइ तई। 8 P घेणा। 9 A मुखनें ।

·। । बालावबोधरूपगूर्जरभाषामय-धूर्ताख्यानकथा ५५ वली कंडरीक कहिवा लागो जे- 'ढिंक पंखिणी एवडी मोटी ते कहिं सांभली छइ, जेहना पेट माहिं ए अजगरादिक सर्व मायां ?' तेवारि एलापाढइ कहिउं जे- 'स्युं बांधव ! तई द्रौपदीनइ स्वयंवरा मंडपइ, धनुष मांहिं, पर्वत सर्प अग्नि माया ते वात नथी सांभली । द्रुपद राजाई उदघोषणा करावी जे.माहरु देवताधिष्ठित धनुष चढावी राधावेध करइ ते राजा द्रोपदीने परण । ते सांभलि तिहां अनेक बलवंत राजा आवीआ। धनुष आरोपतां पड्या । लोकिं उपहस्या । तिवारि जेतलें महामानी । शिशुपाल धनुष चढाविवा उठिओ, तेतले धनुष उपरि कृष्णें मेरु पर्वत, गरुड, हल, मूसल, सर्प, शंख, गदा, चक्र नांखियां । तोहे बलिष्टपणाथी आरोपवा लागो । तिवारि वली चंद्र, सूर्य, अग्नि, समुद्र, पर्वत, पृथ्वी नांखियां । तोहे धनुष आरोपतां अर्धांगुल प्रमाण असंधित रहिउं । तेवारि कृष्णइ पगइ ठेलिउ शिशुपाल, धनुष साथि भूमि पड्यो । पछै ते धनुष्य अर्जुनइ लीधुं । तेहनो महाभार पृथ्वीइ सहिवायो नहीं, ते माटि भीमनइ हाथिं भार मूकी, धनुष चढावी, कर्णइ 10 आप्यो बांण लेई, राधावेध करी द्रोपदी अर्जुनइं परणी । जो ते धनुष एहवं मोटुं जे मांहिं ते पर्वतादिक माया, तो ते ढिंक पंखिणी मोटी किम न होइ, जेहने उदरि अजगिरादिक माया । ५। [२,५१-६१] तथा रामायणि कहिउँ छै- सीतानें हरतां जुद्ध करवा जटायु पंखी आव्यो, ते रावणई चंद्रहास खगई पांख छेदी भूमि पाड्यो । तेवारि सीताई ते जटायु पंखीनइ कहिउं-- 'माहरा सीलनै महिमाइ, Is रामचंद्रना दूतना दर्शनथी ताहरी पांखड' फिरी आवस्यै' । पछइ केतलाइ कालिं, रामचंद्रनी आज्ञाइ सीतानी शुद्धि करवा पृथ्वीइं फिरतो हनुमंत तिहां आव्यो । 'आ कोईक मोटो पर्वत दीसै छै, ए उपरि चढी सकल पृथ्वीमंडल जोउँ'- इम चीतवी हनुमंत जटायुध पासि गयो । तेवारि जटायुइं पुछिउं–'तुं कोण किहांथी आव्यो ?।हनुमंतें कहिउ- रामचंद्रनो दूत छं। सीतानो समाचार लेवा जाउं छ । तिवारि जटायुइं कहि जे-सीतान लंका नगरीइ रावण लेई गयो, तुं फोगट वनइ भमइ छै । 20 ए समाचार उतावलो जईनै रामचंद्रनें कहि । मुझने पणि रावणई सीता माटि जुद्ध करतां वि पांख छेदीनै भूमि मूक्यौ' । ते सांभलि हनुमंतइ कहिउँ जे-'तई रावण साथिइ युद्ध कयुं अनै अम्हनें सीतानो समाचार कह्यो तेथी तुझने पणि भलु थाउ'-इम हनुमंतनुं बचन सांभल्युं, तेथी जटायुनइ पांख आवि, तेणें उडिनै गगनमार्गे थई स्वर्गि गयउ । जो जटायु पंखी पर्वत सरिषो हतो, तो दिक पंखिणी मोटी किम न होइ । ६ । [२,६२-७४ ] ॥ एलाषाढेनोक्तं कंडरीकं प्रति प्रत्युत्तरकथानकषटकमिदम् ॥ ॥ इति धूर्ताख्याने द्वितीयमाख्यानं समाप्तम् ॥ २॥ 25 इम एलाषाढेइ उत्तर दीधइ हूँतै कंडरीक कहिवा लागो जे-'एलाषाढ, तई जे अनुभव्यु, दीर्छ, सांभल्यु ते कहि' । तेवारिं एलाषाढ वोल्यो-'हुँ यौवन समयै धनलोभै धातुवादादिक व्यसनइ जग भन्यो । इहां विल छइ, आ ते पर्वत जिहां धातु होई, ए मूल, ए मंत्र, इम धननी आसाइ भमतां 30 एक आगम पांम्यो जे पूर्व दिशि योजन सहस्रि एक पर्वत छै । तिहां सहस्रवेधी रस छै । तेहनू 1P पांखो। 2P फरी ·बालावयोधरूपगूर्जरभापामय-धूर्ताख्यानकथा विल योजनप्रमाण शिलाई ढाक्यो छै । ते शिला ऊपाडीनइ स्वर्णकुंडथी ते शिला ऊपाडीनइ स्वर्णकुंडथी ते रस लेवो । पछइ योजन शतमान क्रामिं पृथ्वी उल्लंघतो ते पर्वतिं जई, शिला ऊपाडी, रस लेई, ते विल ते शिलाई ढांकी, पोताने घरि आव्यो । ते रसें घणु सोनु ऊपाई धनें करी धनद समान थयो । पछइं हुं भोग भोगवतो, याचकनें वांछित द्रव्य देतो, लोक मांहिं घणो प्रसिद्ध थयो । एहवें माहरी ऋद्धि अने 5 प्रसिद्धि सांभली अकस्मात् मध्यरातिं पांच सइ चौर माहरै घरि आवी पड्या । घर लूटवा लागा। तेवारि मुझ जीवतां माहरूं धन किम लेई -इम चीतवी, साहस आदरी, शस्त्र लेई युद्ध करता, मइ एकेक वाणने प्रहारइं दस दस चोर मार्या । ते देखी ते सर्व चोर एकठा थई यमकिंकर समान कोपांध हुंता मुझ उपरि पडी, माथु खंड खंड करी, पासें एक बोरडिई वांधी, घर लुटिनै गया । रुधिर खरडिउं कुंडल सहित माथु वोरडिइं वोर खावा लागुं । प्रभातें सूर्योदयें वोर खातुं " ते माहरु माथु देखी, जीवतुं जाणी, लोकइ लेई, वीजां सर्व माहरां अंगोपांग मेली, ते उपरि माथु मुकिउं । पछइ हुं निरुपम रूप लावण्यइ विराजमान जेहवो पूर्व हतो, तेथी विशेप रूपवंत थयो। ए मइ प्रत्यक्ष आ लोकइ अनुभव्युं । जो ए न मानो तो सर्व धूर्त्तनें भोजन द्यो', नहीतर शास्त्रनी साखि समर्थी आपउ । [३,१-१९] ॥ एलाषाढेनोक्तं कथानकमिदम् ।। . 15 हवै शशनामा धूर्तमुख्य वोल्यो-'तई जे कयुं ते सर्व सत्य छइ, झूठं कोण कहै ? जे माटि पुराण स्मृति भारत रामायणनइ विपइ एहवी घणी वात छै । ते सांभलि - पूर्वि जमदग्नि नाम ऋषि हतो, तेहने रेणुका नामि स्त्री हती । तेहना शीलनइ महिमाई कुसुमित वृक्ष नमता । कोई वेलाई अश्व- वाहनिकाइं आव्यो कोई एक राजा देखी रेणुकानइ अभिलाप अपनो । तिवारि पछिं कोई एक वेलाई शीलभंगथी वृक्ष अणनमता देखी, ऋषिई फरसराम पोताना वेटानै कहिउं जे- 'ए पापिणी रेणुकानो 20 मस्तक छेदि' । तेणे पिताने वचनि ततकाल रेणुकातुं मस्तक छेदिउं । तेवारि जमदग्नि पुत्रनइ आज्ञा. कारी जाणीनै संतुष्ट थई कहिउं- 'जे वत्स ! वर सागि' । तेणे माग्यु जे-'माहरी माता जीवती थाउ' । तिवारि, ए जीवती होउ, इम ऋषिई कहिए इंते ते रेणुका ततकाल जीवती थई । जो ए सत्य छइ, तो तुं जीवतो थयो ए किम असत्य होई । १ । [३,२०-२५] तथा जरासिंध राजा वे खंड जोडिनें जराइ सांध्यो, सहस्र राजानो स्वामी थयो, एह पिणि ते 25 एक वचन छइ । २। [३,२६] तथा वली सांभलीइ छै-सुंद १ निसुंद २ नामि वै दैत्य सहोदर, सुर लोकनै क्षय करवा काल सरिषा उठ्या । तिवारि सर्व देवताई तेहना वधन का पोताना शरीरनो तिल तिल लेई सर्वांग सुंदराकार रूप लावण्यतुं निधान एक तिलोत्तमा नामि अप्सरा नीपजावी । ते सर्व देवतानें प्रण- मीनइ कहिवा लागी जे-जे आदेश दिउ ते करूं'। देवताई कहिउं जे- 'सुंद निसुंद वै दैत्यनें क्षय 3° पमाडि' । पछै तिलोत्तमा सुंदरि दैत्यपासि जई हावभाव विभ्रम विलास देषाडती नाचवा लागी । तेहनि रूपि मोह्या विषयांध हुता माहोमांहिं शस्त्रज्ञ वढी मरण पाम्या । भवति चात्र श्लोकः 1A लीयो। 2P लीई। 7Pघणिउ वातो छ । 3P दिउ। 4 P समथि आपो। 5P.वोलिउ। 6 Pकुंण कहई।

·5 वालाववोधरूपगूर्जरभाषामय-धूर्ताख्यानकथा स्त्रीणां कृते भ्रातृयुगस्य भेदः संबन्धभेदे स्त्रिय एव मूलम् । अप्राप्तकामा बहवो नरेन्द्रा नारीभिरुच्छेदितराजवंशाः ॥१॥ जो सर्व देवनें तिल तिलइ तिलोत्तमा अप्सरा नीपनी, तो छेद्यां ताहरां अंगोपांग मेल्यां, तेथी तुं किम न नीपजइ । ३ । [३,२७-३७] तथा वीजुं सांभलि - पवन पुत्र हनुमंत बाल्यावस्थाइ मातानइ पूछवा लागो जे-मात ! हुं भूष्यो थाउं तिवारि सूं खाउं ?' मा बोली- 'वत्स! राता फल खाजे' । तेवार पछे कोइक वेलाई अगतो सूर्य देखी, रक्तवर्ण फल बुद्धिं खावाने प्रहिओ । तेवारि तेणि लत्तापहारि हनुमंतने शतखंड चूर्ण करि । ते जांणी माता अंजना विलाप करती रोवा लागी । ते हनुमंतनो परलोके गयानो समाचार जाणी, स्त्रीने रोती देखी, पवन कोप पांमी पाताल मांहिं पइसी रहिओ। तिवारि पवननइ निरोधइ देव मानव सर्व जग अति आकुल थई मरण पांमवा लागुं । पछै सर्व देव पातालि जई पवनने मनावी । आण्यो । चूर्णित सर्व अंगोपांग मेली हनुमंत जीवतो करिओ । सर्व ठामि सोधी पणि एक हनु न लाधी । तेणि रहित छै, तो हनुमंत नाम दीधुं । जो पवननो पुत्र चूर्ण कखो, ए मिल्यो, ए सत्य छै, तो तई कयुं जे हुं जीवतो थयो, ते पिण सत्य ज छै । ४ । [३,३८-४५ ] तथा राम रावणर्ने महासंग्राम लागो । तिवारे रावणने सुभदें खड्ग वाणादिक प्रहरणि अनेक वानरनां सईकडां छिन्नांग कखां । लक्ष्मणए रावणै शक्ति माखो हुँतो भूमि पड्यो । रामई शोकातुर 15 थई विलाप करवा मांड्यो । तेवारि हनुमंत द्रोण पर्वत विशल्या ओषधी आणी लक्ष्मणनी शक्ति काढी । जे वानर राक्षसने शक्ति अस्त्रिं छिन्नांग हता, तेह पणि सजीव कसा । जो छिन्नांग ए वानर जीवता थया, ते साचुं छै तो तें कहिउं, तेहि साचुं छइ । ५ । [३,४६-५२] तथा मित्र एलापाढ ! स्युं तई स्कंदनी उत्पत्ति नथी सांभली ? । बहुग्रंथ प्रसिद्ध ते वात छइ, सांभलि-हिमाचलनी गुफा मांहिं संभोग करतां ईश्वर पार्वतीने एक दिव्य वर्ष सहस्र गयुं । ते 20 अवसरे देवता, तारक दैत्यइ पीड्या, तेहनें मारवानो उपाय चिंतववा लागा जे-ईश्वरना वीर्य विना वीजो कोई तारक दैत्यने मारी न सकइ, अने भयिं ते पासि वीजो कोई जाई न सके । माटि अग्मिनै मोकलिइं । इम विचारी अग्निनै पासें जई कहिवा लागा जे - 'अभ्यर्थना करता मनुष्यनोए उपकारी पुरुप उपगार करइ, तो महानुभाव सर्व देवसमूहनें तो विशेषइ उपकार करें । जेहने काजि सर्व देवता चिंतासमुद्र मांहिं बूड्या, तिहां अग्नि तुं ज समर्थ छै, ते गुफाघर माहिं 23 पइसी ईश्वरनै तुं पोतानुं दर्शन दिई, तो कदाचित तुझने देखी संभोग क्रीडा मूकई' । तेवारि अग्नि वोलीउ- 'ईश्वरने संमुखिं वीजी अवस्थाई न जवाई तो संभोगी अवस्थाई किम जवाइं । पडवांग धारी, शूलपाणि, नरकपालधारी, श्मसानवासी- एहवा ईश्वरनिं सन्मुख' कुंग मंगलीक वांछतो जाइ । घणुं स्युं कहीइ ? जे ईश्वर वहुजन देषता लिंगोत्थान करी नाचइ, तेथी इंद्र सरिपो वीहइ, तो माहरी वात किसी । जो कदाचित ईश्वर कोपे तो माहरी गति सी थाइ ? ते माटि देवताउ तुम्हइ 30 मुझनै संकटि न पाडउ' । तेवारि इंद्रई कहिउं - 'अग्नि ! तुं ईश्वरथी म वीह । ए पार्वतीने वश छै । जे कोणिइं दमाइ नहि तेहनें स्त्री एक दिवस मांहिं दमई । यदुक्तम् - हत्थी दम्मइ संवच्छरेण मासेण दम्मइ तुरंगो । महिला पुण किर पुरिसं दमेइ इक्केण दिवसेणं ॥१॥ 1P संमुखें कुणे जवाइ। !

·५८ बालावबोधरूपगूर्जरभापामय-धूर्ताख्यानकथा पार्वती जे कहिं ते कार्य ए ईश्वर करइ । स्युं ईश्वर अर्कीगई पार्वतीनइ वहतो ते नथी दीठो ? ते माटि ए शंका मूंकि । ईश्वर रूठस्यइ तोहे पार्वतीनुं मन राखवा ताह% शरीरि उपद्रव करी सकस्यै नहीं" । एहवू इंद्रनुं वचन सांभली हिमाचलनी गुफाई अग्नि गयो । तिहां संभोगासक्त ईश्वर दीठो । तिवारि ईश्वर अग्निने संभोग मांहिं अंतराय करतो देखी रोपि मारिवा उठ्यउ हुँतो पार्वतीइ 5 वारिओ। पछि ईश्वरइ कहिउं- 'तुं मुख मांहिं माहरु वीर्य पी' । इम कही वीर्य पायुं । तेहनें तापिं दाझतो अग्नि, महाकष्टि समुद्र मांहिं जई वीर्य वमतो हुओ। ते दिवसथी लोकप्रसिद्ध(द्धि)चाली जे-सर्व रत्न समुद्र मांहिं वीर्यथी उपना छै । पछइ अग्निई कांइएक शेप वीर्य उदर मांहिं रहिउं हतुं ते पद्मसरोवर मांहिं वमिउं । ते समयि छ कृत्तिका नामि अप्सराओ न्हातीउ हुँती तेहनी योनि मांहिं ते वीर्य पइर्छ । तेथी गर्भ रह्या । कालांतरि छहइ अनुक्रमि मस्तक १ वाहु २ हृदय ३ रुंड ४ 10 मूंड ५ शरीर ६, ए ६ अंग जण्यां । तेवारि आश्चर्य पामी ते छ कृत्तिकाई ते छ अंग मांहो मांहिं देषाडी यथास्थानकि जोड्यां हुंतां, पारानी परि मिली गयां । तेह ज वेलाइ पण्मुखधारी स्कंद उपनौ । तेणि संग्राम करतां तारक दैत्य जीयौ । जो जू-जूई स्त्रीने उदरि ऊपना अंग मिल्यां तेथी महासेन छमुख अपनो, ए सत्य छइ, तो एक स्त्रीना उदरना ऊपना अंग मिल्यां, इहां कोण संदेह राखई'। ६। [३,५३-८५] तथा एलाषाढ ! तई पूछिउं जे- 'माहरुं छेदिउं मस्तक वोर किम खाई सकइ ?' ते उपरि सांभलि-कृष्णनइ चक्रइं छेदिउं राहुनु माथु आकाशि हिंडइ छइ, सूर्य-चंद्रनै ग्रसइ छै; जो ए सत्य छइ, तो ताहरु माथु छेदिउं हुंतुं चोर खाइ, ते वात मांहिं कोण असंभव' । ७ । [३,८६-८८ ] तथा वली एलाषाढइ पूछिउं- 'कहि, मई ते मार्गि चालतां एकेकइ पगलइ सउ योजन प्रामाण भूमी किम उल्लंघी ?' । तेवारि शश बोलिउ- 'कृष्णइ यज्ञनइ विषय वलि राजा पासि त्रिणि डगला 20 प्रमाण भूमि मांगी । पछइ त्रिणि डगलिं पर्वत कानन सहित पृथ्वी आक्रमी । जो कृष्णइ त्रिणि डगलइ सर्व भूमि आक्रमी, तो तुं एक डगलइ सउ योजन भूमि किम न उल्लंघई'। ८ । [३,८८-९१] तथा वली एलाषाढ बोलिउ- 'मित्र! मइं ते सो जोजन प्रामाण शिला किम उपाडी, ए प्रतीत उपजावि' । तिवारे शश बोलिउं- 'राम-रावणनें संग्रामे शक्तिप्रहारई मूर्छा पामी लक्ष्मण कुमार पडिउ, तेवारिं हनुमंते विशिल्या उषधीनइ काजि समूल द्रोण पर्वत उपाडी आण्यौ । जो अनेक 25 महाशिलामय द्रोण पर्वत हनुमंतिं ऊपाडिओ, तो तुं एक योजन प्रमाण शिला किम न उपाडइ । ९ । [३,८२-९५] तथा लोक मांहिं संभलाइ छई जे- 'पृथ्वी वधवा, मांडी देखी कृष्णइ वराहरूप, करी नइ उपाडी । जो ए सत्य छै, तो तइं शिला उपाडी तेह पणि सत्य ज छई। १० । [३,९६-९८ ] ॥ शशेनोक्तं एलाषाढं प्रति प्रत्युत्तरकथानकदशकम् ॥ ॥ इति धूख्यिाने तृतीयमाख्यानकम् ॥ 15 , 30 हिवइ शशइ निरुत्तर कर्यो हुँतो एलाषाढ कहिवा लागो- 'मित्रं शश! तई जे अनुभविउ होइ ते कहि' । तेवारि शश बोल्यो- 'हुं सरत्कालि, ग्रामथी दूर पर्वतनइ पासि एक क्षेत्र हतुं तिहां गयो । ते वेलाई एक मत्त वनगज पर्वतथी ऊतरी मुझने मारिवा धस्यो । तेवारि हुं सघले पासि नासवानो 1 P तुझर्ने उपद्रव नहि करै। 2P रहिउं।

·वालावबोधरूपगृर्जरभाषामय-धूर्तीख्यानकथा ठाम जोतो एक अति मोटो तिल वृक्ष देखी ते उपरि चढिओ । हाथिई मुहाने वारंवार हे पाच्या तिल वृक्ष धंधोल्यो । तेणे करी तिल वृक्षयी अनेक तिलना पुंज हेठि पड्या । भगता ते सर्व हा ई यंत्रनी परि पील्या । तेणें करी तिहां महा असराल तेलनी नदी वही । हाथी चीकणा सलमाहि पूंतो, चीस पाडतो, भूप-तरसि मरण पान्यो । पछि हुं हाथीने मूओ जाणी, तिहांधी हेठो उतरी, हाथीनुं चर्म ऊतारी, तेहनो मोटो दइडो करी, तेल दश घडा प्रमाण पीई, ते खल भार खाई, तैलें : दइडउ पूरी खांधि चडावी, गाम वाहिर एक मार्ग वृक्षनी शाखाई वलगाडी घरि आव्यो । पछे गई ते दइडो लेवा अहिनांण देई, ते वृक्षे पोतानो वेटो मोकल्यो । तेणें ते तिहां न दीठो । पर्छ ते वृक्ष गजनी परि उन्मूली ते दइडो सर्व लोक देखतां घरि आण्यौ । हुए पोताना घरथी पाधरो हां आव्यो । ए मई इहलोकि प्रत्यक्ष अनुभव्यु । जे न मानइ ते सर्व धूर्त्तनं भोजन दिइ । छ ।। [४,१-१३] ॥शशेनोक्तं कथानकमिदम् ।। - . 20 हवि सर्वकलाप्रवीण खंडपाना धूर्ती वोली- 'शश ! तई जे कहिउं ते सर्व भारत-रामायणादिक साथि मलतुं छै' । तिवारइ शशई पूछिउं- 'जो ए सत्य छै, तो कहि-तिलवृक्ष अति मोटो किम होइ ? तेलनी महानदी किम वही ? दस घडा तेलना किम पीवाइ ? सउल भार प्रमाण किम । खवाइ ? - ए सर्व सास्त्र साखि मेली आपि' । तेवारि खंडपाना बोली-ए सर्वना दृष्टांत सांभलि- 11 पाडलिपुरे मापवृक्षनी मोटी भेरी घडी, एहवी सर्वप्रसिद्ध लोकवात छै, ते सत्य छ, तो तिलवृक्ष अति मोटो किम न होइ ? । १ । [४,१४-१८ ] तथा भारत मांहिं छै-जे गजनइ मदजलि महानदी चाली। तिहां अनेक गज रथ हय पायक तणाया। उक्तस्त्र तेषां कटतटभ्रष्टैगजानां मदविन्दुभिः । प्रावर्तत नदी घोरा हस्त्यश्वरथवाहिनी ॥१॥ जो गजमदजलनी महानदी वही, तो ते तेलनी किम न होई । २ । [४,१९-२१] तथा लोक मांहिं संभलाइ छ जे- भीमि राज्यथी नीकली चक्रापुरीइं जई बक राक्षस माग्यो, तेहने खावाने काजइ एक महिप, सोल खारी अन्न, हजार मद्य घडा आण्या हता ते सर्व एकलाई भीमई खाधा । जो ए सत्य छइ, तो तुं दस घडा तेल किम न पीइ ? खउल भार किम न खाद । ३ । [४,२२-२४] तथा कुंभकर्ण सूतो ऊठी एक हजार मद्य घडा पीतो, तो तई तेलना दस घडा पीधा, ए वान कोण न माने । ४ । [४,२५-२६] .' ते अगस्ति प्रपिइं समुद्र पीधो । तथा स्वर्गयी जतरी संभुना जटाजूटची नीकली बहती गंगा नदी जहु ऋपिनइ आश्रमि गई। तेवारि ते ऋपिई पीई, एक हजार बरस लगि उरि सीनः ।। मूंकी । ते माटि गंगानुं नाम जाह्नवी थयुं । जो अगस्ति समुद्र पीधो, जदु पि गंगा पीधी, तो तुं तेलना दस घडा किम न पीइ । ५-६ । [४,२८-३०] 1P खोला 2 P भूनी तरसौ। 3 P दटो। ? ?

·at ६० वालाववोधरूपगूर्जरभापामय-धूर्ताख्यानकथा वली शशइ पूंछिउं- 'कहि, मई ते मोटो गजचर्मनो दइडो किम ऊपाड्यौ । कदाचित कष्टिं ऊपाड्यौ, पणि एकलइ मई गामि किस आंण्यौ ?' । तिवारि खंडपाना कहिवा लागी जे-शश ! स्युं तई केवारि गरुडाख्यान नथी सांभल्यु, जे एहवू पूछ छ । ते सांभलि -- काश्यप ऋपिनइ कद्दू विनता एहविं नामइ वे खीउ । ते वेहूंइ कोईक समये क्रीडा करतां होडि वकी-जे जीतइ तेहनें घरि, 5 जे हारइ ते दासपणुं करै । अने ते दासपणुं जावज्जीव करै; अथवा जे हारी होइ तेहनो अंगजात वेटो थाइ ते पातालथी अमृत आणे तेवारिं ते दासपणुं टलइ । इम होड वकी वेहुं शोकि रमिउ । विनता हारी, कद्रू जीती । तेहने घरि दासी थई रही । शोकिनै वैरि कद्रू विनताने घणुं दुःख दिइ । इम घणा काल लगि दासपणुं करतां विनता गर्भवती थई । समइ त्रिणि इंडा जण्यां । उता- वलि दासपणुं टालवा एक ईंडु भेदिउं । ते मांहिंथी विंछी नीसया । वली केतले कालि वीजें इंडु 10 भेदिलं, ते मांहिंथी साथल जंघारहित पुरुष नीसरिओ । तेणें माताने कहिउं जे, जो मा तैं पहिलं इंदु काचुं भेदिउं, वीजु पणि ईईं पूरं पाका विना भेदिउं । तेणि करी हुं अधूरो जण्यो । तेथी ताहरु दासपणुं नथी गयुं । हिवइ प्रयत्नइ आ त्रीजुं ईडं पालजे, एहथी ताहरो मनोरथ पूरो थास्यै । पछै अनूरु सूर्यइं सारथी कयो । पछइ केतले कालि स्वभावई त्रीजू ईईं भेदायुं । ते मांहिंथी सर्प- कुलनो काल महाघोर महाबलवंत गरुड पंखी प्रगटिउ । ते वालपणिइं रमतो कद्रूना वेटा सर्पनइ 15 नित्य मारइ । ते सगला सर्प रोता कद्रू आगलि जईनइ रोवा लागा । तेवारि कद्रू विनतानै ओलंभो देवा लागी, जे दासीडी' तूं ताहरा वेटा गरुडनइ वारे नहीं, तर तुं दुःख पामीस्यै । एहवो उलंभो सांभली विनता दुःख धरती रोवा लागी । तेहनें देखी गरुडइं रोवानुं कारण पूछ हुति, सर्व दासपणानो वृत्तांत सांभलावीन, विनताइ कडं जे- 'अमृत ल्यावै तो दासपणुं टलई'। तिवारि गरु- डइ पूछिउं- 'अमृत किहां छै ?' विनताइ कहिउं- 'बदरिकाश्रमि अंध ताहरो पिता वसै छइ, ते 20 अमृत ठाम जाणइ छ, तेहनें पूछ' । इम वचन मातानुं सांभली गरुड पितानइ पासिं जई पगे लागो। पिताई स्पर्शई पुत्र ओलख्यो । गरुडई कहिउँ- 'तात ! हुं भूख्यो छऊ, स्युं खाउं ?' । काश्यप ऋपिई कहिउं-- 'इहां पासि एक पद्म सरोवर छै, तिहां वार योजन प्रमाण शरीर एक गज, एक कच्छप छै, ते वेहूं नित्यइ रीसै मांहो मांहिं वढइ छै, ते वेहूंनइ खा, भूख्यो न रहि । पछै गरुडै तिहां जई ते वेहूंनइ भखी, पाछा फिरतां मार्गि एक पक्षीनो निवास महावट वृक्ष दीठो । ते हेठि ब्रह्माना 25 वीर्यना अपना वालिखिल्ल नामि अउठ कोडि ऋषि तप तपइ, ते ऊपरि वइठो । पोताना शरीरना भारिं कडकडतो वड भागो । पछै गरुडई, रखे ऋपि चंपाइ, इम चीतवी चांचे ते वड उपाडी आकास ढांकतो, सर्व देव दानवने चमत्कार उपजावतो, समुद्रना वेट वचि मूक्यौ । ते वटइ अलंकरी भूमिकानुं नाम लोकई लंका दी● । तै लंका रावणनी राजधानी नगरी थई । पछै वली गरुडई आवी अमृतनो ठाम पूछिउं, तो ऋषि बोलीउ- 'वत्स ! सातमा पातालने हेठि, धगधगाय- 30 मान अग्नि सर्व दिसि वींटीउं, सर्व सुरासुरइ नित्यइ जालव्यु अमृत कुंड छ । तिहाथी अमृत लेवाई नहि । जो अनेक मधु, घृत, जल आपइ, अग्नि संतुष्ट थयो हुँतो अमृतकुंड मांहिं जवा दिइ, तो कदाचित लेवाई। तोहे ते लेतां अनेक विघ्न उपजइ छै' । एहवं काश्यप ऋपिनुं वचन सांभली अवधारी, पाताले जई, पोतानी वे पांखइ जे अनेक मधु, घृत, जल भरी लेई गयो हतो ते आपी, अग्निनइ संतोषी, तेणइ देपाड्या अमृतकुंडथी अमृत लेई नीकलतो गरुडनइ देखी, अमृतकुंडरक्षक अ देवई उद्घोषणा करी, जे कोई पंखी अमृत लेई जाइ छइ । ते सांभली सर्व देव दानव क्षोभ 1P दासडी। 2 P लेई कोई न शकइ । , -- , ·। वालावबोधरूपगूर्जरभापामय-धूर्ताख्यानकथा पाम्या । जे देवता जिहां हता ते तिहाथी मुद्गर, शक्ति, हल, मुसल, खड्ग, दंडादिक शस्त्र लेई पूठि धाया । कोलाहलि जग बधिर करता, गरुडनइ वींटीनइ कहिवा लागाजे- 'पापी अमृतचोर, आ मारो । हिवि किहां नासी जाईस ?' । पछइ गरुडइं महासंग्राम करी, च्यारे दिशि पांखनइ प्रहारि, शत, सहस्र, लक्ष, कोटि संख्य देवतानें यमघरि पहुचाड्या देखी, सर्व देवतासंघ क्षणेकमांहिं हारी, दीन थई, नासतो जांणी, इंद्रइं ज्वालासहसै जलतुं वज्र गरुडनें मारवा मुकिउं । ते पणि । शरीरें सफलाई हेठो पडिउं । ए वज्रइं गरुडनई काईए नथी कयु, इम सर्व देवतानि जणाववा गरुडइं चांचइ धरी राख्युं । तिवारि गरुडथी भयभ्रांत थयो हुतो इंद्र विष्णु पासि गयो । विष्णु कोपि प्रज्वलतो बार सूर्य समान तेजवंत चक्र लेई गरुडनई मारिवा धायो । तिवारि सर्व शनैश्व- रादिक ग्रहइं सर्व ऋपिं जई विष्णुनैं वीनव्यु जे- 'स्वामी ! तुं सर्व व्यापी छइ, सर्व भुवननाथ छइ । तुं विचास्या विना कोप करि, ते वारु नहि । ए गरुड ताहरो बंधु छइ । ते माटि कोप मूंकि । 10 म्लेच्छनी परि गोत्रनो क्षय म करि' । इम सर्व ग्रहनु, सर्व ऋषितुं, वचन सांभली, शांत थई कृष्णइं गरुड साथें मेल कखो । पछइं गरुडें घर जई, अमृत आपी, विनता मातार्नु दासपणुं टाल्युं । जो गरुडें गज, कच्छप, वटवृक्ष अपाड्या अने अन्य ठामि मूक्या, तो शश ! तुं दइडो ऊपाडी किम गामि नाणइ । ७ । [४,३१-८७ ] तथा, जो सात दिन लगि वरसात वरसतां कृष्णइ गोवर्धन पर्वत धौँ, तो तुं तेले भर्यो । दइडो किम न ऊपाडै । ८ । [४,८८] तथा, जो समुद्रै सेतु वांधवा वानरै अनेक योजनथी पर्वत अखेडी आण्या, तो ताहरो बेटो वृक्ष उन्मूलइ तिहां कोण आश्चर्य ? । ९ । [४,८९-९०] तथा, अशोकवाडीइं हनुमंत वानरं अनेक अशोकादिक वृक्ष उन्मूल्या । जो ए सत्य छै, तो ताहरो पुत्र उन्मूलइ इहां किसी वडाई । १० । [४,९१-९४ ] ॥ खंडपानयोक्तं शशं प्रति प्रत्युत्तरकथानकदशकमिदम् ॥ ॥ इति धूर्ताख्याने चतुर्थमाख्यानकम् ॥ 20 .. हवइ इणिं प्रकार निरुत्तर कर्यो हुतो शश खंडपानानइ कहिवा लागो जे– 'खंडपाना ते जे अनुभव्यु होइ ते कहि' । तिवारि खंडपाना बोली- 'जो तुम्हइ सघला दीन थई माहरें पगे लागो तो 25 सर्वनई भोजन दिउँ' । तिवारि धूर्तो कहिवा लागा जे- 'एक भोजनहेति अम्हई महापुरुष तुं आगलि दीन किम भाखू ?' । तिवारइ काइक हसीनइ खंडपाना बोली- 'मई जे अनुभव्युं ते सांभलउ । हुं यौवन समइ रूप लावण्यनुं निधान हती। कोईक समयि ऋतुवंती थई मंडपि सूती हती; तिहां आवी माहरै रूपि विस्मय पामी पवनें हुँ भोगवी । केतलि कालि पुत्र आव्यौ, ते मुझ साथि जन्म कालि ज वात करी, मुझनें मूंकी बलात्कारि स्वप्नदृष्टनी परि कहिं गयौ । ए मई अनुभव्यु ते सत्य 30 किं वा असत्य ? । जो असत्य होई, तो सर्वनें भोजन दिउ; जो सत्य होइ, तो आ जगमांहिं कोई स्त्री विधवा अपुत्रवती न होई ॥-[५,१-१०] ॥ इति खंडपानयोक्तं कथानकम् ॥ 1 P हणो हणो, छेदो छेदो; साहो साहो, इम कहेता गुरुड. कहिवा लागा। 2 P अम्हो। 3 P मुंनिं मुंकी किहांई गयो। .

·६२ । वालावयोधरूपगूर्जरभापामय-धूर्ताख्यानकथा हिवै मूलदेव वोलीओ- 'कुंतीने पवनि भोगवी, भीम नामि पुत्र प्रसव्यो; तेथा अंजना पवनि भोगवी हनुमंति नामि पुत्र जण्यो । जे ए पुराणनी वात सत्य छइ, तो तुंए पनि भोगवी पुत्र आव्यो तेह पणि सत्य ज । १-२ । [५,११] तथा तुं पूछिसि जे- 'माहरइ पुत्र आव्यो ते मुझस्युं आलाप संलाप करी, तरत जई किम सकइ, 5 तेह उपरि व्यासनी वात सांभलि -- पाराशर ऋपिई योजनगंधा माछिगी भोगवी, व्यास नामि पुत्र जनम्यो । 'माता! अवसरि मुझने संभारजे' - इम जन्मकालिज कही ततकाल वनि गयो । पछइ ऋषिनइ प्रभावई योजनगंधा अक्षतयोनि थई । शांतनु राजाई भोगवी विचित्रवीर्य नामि वेटो आव्यो; ते अपुत्रिओ मरण पाम्यो । तिवारि योजनगंधाई वंशनो उच्छेद थयो जांणी वेदव्यास संभार्यो हुतो वनथी आव्यो । माई कहिउँ- 'पुत्र ! वंश उद्धरि' । पछै तेहनें प्रभावि पांडु, धृतराष्ट्र, विदुर नामि त्रिणि पुत्र आव्या । ते मोटा थया । ते त्रिणिनी स्त्रीओ-भोजाईओ वेदव्यासिं भोग- वीओ । पछइ तपलोपर्नु कारण जाणी कोपिं त्रिणिं सराप्यो । जो वेदव्यास जन्मसमये ज माताने वीनवी वनि गयो, तो ताहरो पुत्र जन्म समये जे आलाप संलाप करीने तरत अदृष्ट थई किहांए गयो, ए कोण न मानै ? । ३ । [५,१२-१९] ॥ इति खण्डपानां प्रति मूलदेवेनोक्तं प्रत्युत्तरकथानकत्रयम् ॥ १-३ ॥ 10 ? - 15 वली खंडपाना बोली- 'माहरै उमादेवी सखी हती, तेणीइं सर्व देव दानवनै आकर्षे एहवी आक- पणी विद्या आपी । ते विद्याइं मई सूर्यनइ आकर्षी आण्यौ । तेणइं हुं भोगवी । तेथी महाबलवंत पुत्र आव्यौ । जे सूर्य व्यासी हजार योजन प्रमाण पृथ्वी दहइ, ते साथिं संभोग सुख भोगवती हुँ किम न बली ॥ ॥ इति खण्डपानयोक्तं कथानकम् ॥ तिवारि कंडरीक बोलिओ- 'जो कुंती सूर्य साथइ भोग करतां न वली, तो तुं किम वलइ [५,२०-२३.] 20 १ ॥ , ॥ इति खण्डपानां प्रति कण्डरीकेनोक्तं प्रत्युत्तरकथानकम् ॥ ४॥ 25 वली खंडपाना बोली- 'मई कोइक समइ अग्नि आकर्पिओ, तेणई हु भोगवी । तेथी महातेजवंत पुत्र थयो । जे अग्नि अंग लागो हुँतो बालै, ते साथइ भोग भोगवतां हुँ किम न वली ? ॥ ॥ इति खण्डपानयोक्तं कथानकम् ॥ -तिवारि एलाषाढं वोलिओ- 'कोइक समइ यमनी स्त्री धूमोर्णा होम देवा अग्निनै घरि गई हती । तिहां अग्नि साथइ क्रीडा करवा लागी । तिवारि अकस्मात् आवतो यमनइ देषी भयभ्रांत थई, धूमोर्णाइ नीरनी परि, संभोग पूरो थया विना ज, अग्निने पेट मांहिं ऊताखो । यमइ पणि शिथिलां- गोपांग कटि मेखला इत्यादिक लक्षणइ स्त्रीने सापराध जांणी उदरइ गली, देव सभाइ गयो । तिहां 1त्रिणे सापीउ।

·वालावबोधरूपगूर्जरभाषामय -- धूर्ताख्यानकथा ६३ देवताइ हासी करी पूछि- 'तुम्हनें त्रिणनई सुख छै? । तिवारि यमनें मुखें थई उदरथी वाहिर धूमोर्णा नीसरी । तेहना उदरथी मुखमार्गइ अग्नि नीकली नासीनइ वन माहिं पइठो । यम ते पूठि धायो । वन माहिं जई अनि आव्यानो समाचार हाथीनइ पूछिओ । तेणिं न कह्यो । ते माटि गजनी वाचा छेदीनइ यम पोताने घरे आव्यो । जो यमनी स्त्री अग्नि भोगवी अनइ न वली, तो तुं अग्नि साथि भोग भोगवतां किम बलइ ॥ [५,२४-३१] इति खण्डपानां प्रति एलाषाढेनोक्तं प्रत्युत्तरकथानकम् ॥ ५॥ । ?? 5 वली खंडपाना बोली- 'मई कोइक समये इंद्र आकर्षीओ । तेणई हु भोगवी । एक इंद्र समान पुत्र आव्यो । अप्सराउ नइ मूकी इंद्र मुझनें भोगवी, ए बात किम संभवइ ? ।। ॥ इति खण्डपानयोक्तं कथानकम् ॥ तिवारि शश बोलिओ- 'स्युं तई नथी सांभल्यु, गौतम ऋपिनी भार्या अहिल्या इंद्र भोगवी; ते 10 जांणी रीसें गौतम ऋपि सराप देई सहस्रमग करी इंद्रनें छात्रनइ आप्यो । ते छात्र कामज्वरइ पीड्या हुंता इंद्रनइ घणुंज कष्ट देवा लागा । पछै सर्व देवताई गौतम ऋषिने वीनती करीनै इंद्र मूकाव्यो । सहस्र भगनइ ठामि सहस्र लोचन थयां । तथा इंद्रइ कुंती भोगवी अर्जुन नामा महा- धनुर्धर पुत्र आव्यो । जो इंद्रइ अहिल्या कुंती भोगव्यां, तो तुझ सरीषी रूपवती स्त्रीने किम न भोगवइ । १-२। [५,३२-३७] इति खण्डपानां प्रति शशेनोक्तं प्रत्युत्तरकथानकम् ॥ ६-७ ॥ तथा वली खंडपाना बोली- 'तुम्हे माहरु नाम गोत्र ठाम मायावीपणुं जाणउ छो, किंवा नधी जाणता ?' तिवारि मूलदेवे कहिउं- 'पाटलीपुत्र नगरि गौतम गोत्री नागशर्म बाह्मणनी पुत्री, नाग- श्रीनी कूखिनी उपनी, खंडपाना नामि प्रसिद्ध छै' । तिवारि खंडपाना बोली- 'तुम्हने सरिखु रूप देखी भ्रांति थइ छइ, पणि हुं नागशर्स बाह्मणनी बेटी नहीं । राजाना रजकनी दग्धिका नामि वेटी छ । 10 माहरु घर राजमंदिरनी परें धन-धान्य संकीर्ण छइ । राजानां अंतःपुरनां वस्त्र हजार मजूरस्यु परवरी हुं धोउं छं । कोइक समइ हुं बहु वस्त्रि शकट' भरी हजार मजूर साथइ नदीतटई गई । तिहां छड छड, हुं, छे, शं, टा शब्द वोलता हजार मजूरइ सर्व वन धोई ता सुकवा मूक्यां । एहवि महावायु वायो । तेणि सर्व वस्त्र अपहरी उडाड्यां । तिवारइ मई माहरा सर्व मजूरनइ कडं - तुम्हे जिहां जवाइ तिहां नासी जाओ। किसी चीता न करस्यो । राजा जे करस्यइ ते हुं 25 सहीस । पछै हुं गोहन रूप धरी रातइ नगरने उद्यानि क्रीडा करती रही। प्रभातें, रखे कोई गोह , जाणीनइ मारइ-इम चीतवी आम्रलतानुं रूप धरी अशोकिं वलगी रही । पछइ पवनइ हया वस्त्र जांणीनइ न्यायवंत ते राजाई पटह वजाड्यो जे- 'अहो रजको! जे जिहां गया होइ ते सर्व तिहाथी पोताने घरि आवो । तुम्हनें अभय छई' । ते वात सांभली सर्व रजक घरि आव्या । हुंए आमलता- पणुं मूंकी मूला स्त्रीनुं रूप धरी घरि आवी । पछइ माहरो पिता नदी तरी ते शकट लेवा गयो। 30 तिहां वाधर सगलां शूगालि खाधा देखी, वन माहिं वाधर जोवा ममता, एक उंदरतुं पूंछडु लाधुं । तेहना अनेक मोटा वाधर पूरा नीपजावी हर्षि घरि पिता आव्यो। ए सर्व सत्य, किंवा असत्य छै ?' 1 [५,३८-५८ ] ॥ इति खण्डपानयोक्तं कथानकम् ।। 1P तटै। , ।

·5 ६४ बालावबोधरूपगूर्जरभापामय-धूर्ताख्यानकथा तिवारि शश वोलिओ- 'जो ब्रह्मा विष्णु जेहनो पार न पांम्या तेहयु मोटुं ईश्वरतुं लिंग हतुं तो उंदरनुं पूंछ मोटुं किम न संभवइ । तथा, शास्त्रि हनुमंतनुं पूंछडं अति मोटुं संभलाइ छइ । जेणि पूंछडइ आखी लंका नगरी वीटी अग्निइ बाली । जो हनुमंतनुं पूंछडु एवडं मोटुं हतुं, तो उंदरनुं पूंछडं मोटुं किम न होइ ? [५,५९-६३] तथा, पुराण मांहिं सांभल्यु छइ-गंधारिकावर राजा अरण्यइं मनुष्यपणुं मूंकी कुरुवक द्रुम थयो । ते पूर्वि राजा नघुप हतो, जेणइ संग्राम करतां इंद्रजीतो। ते इंद्रनइ तिरस्कार करतो जाणी वृहस्पति शराप्यो हुँतो, अरण्यइ अजगिर थयो । एहविं राज्यभ्रष्ट पांच पांडव अरण्य आव्या, ते माहिं एकाकी भमतो भीम वनि गयो, ते अजगिरें गल्यो । ते वात सांभली युधिष्ठिर ते अजगिर 10 पासिं गया । तेणिं सात प्रश्न पूछियां । तेहना युधिष्टिरै उत्तर दीधा । पछी भीम पाछो वम्यो। शाप अंतें अजगरपणुं मूकी वली नघुप राजा थयो । जो ए सत्य छइ, तो गोधा आमलतापणुं धरीनइ तुं वली स्त्रीपणुं किम न पामइ ? ॥ [५,६४-६९] ॥ इति खण्डपानां प्रति शशेनोक्तं कथानकत्रयम् ॥ ८-१० ॥ , तिवारि खंडपाना बोली- 'जो धूर्त राजाओ! तुम्हे सघला माहरु वचन प्रमाण करो, तो हुँ 15 सर्वनइ भोजन दिउं । अनइ जो कदाचित तुम्हनै हुं माहरी बुद्धिं हरावीस, तो तुम्हो जग मांहिं कउडीमात्र मूल्य नहीं पांमो' । तिवारि ते सर्व धूर्त वोल्या- 'अम्हनें ब्रह्मा, बृहस्पति, विष्णु जीती सकइ नहीं, तो तुं स्त्री मात्र अम्हनें किम जीतीस?' । तिवारि खंडपाना बोली- 'तुम्हें तमासउ जुओ । हवडा तुम्हने हरायूँ छ । पछै हुं वायुइं अपयाँ ते राजानां वस्त्र जोवा राजानी आज्ञाई नीकली । तथा, पूर्वे धणा कालना माहरा च्यार दास नासी गया हता तेहनी अनइ वस्खनी शुद्धि 20 करती पृथिवीइं भमती इहां आवी । ते साहरा दास तुम्हे च्यार छो, ते वर तुम्हे लीधां छई। जो ए असत्य जाणी न मानो, तो सर्व महाजननइ भोजन दिओ; जो सत्य जाणो तो तुम्हो घन चोर छो, माहरा दास छो । [५,७०-७६ ] तिवारि ते सर्व धूर्त लाज्या, विपाद पाम्या । बेहुं प्रकारि उत्तर देवा असमर्थ हुता, दीन थई कहिवा लागा- 'जे खंडपाना, तुझथी अधिक जग मांहिं कोई बुधिवंत नथी; जेणीइ 25 अम्ह सरीखा महाधूर्त महाबुद्धिवंत जीया। ते माटि हिवइ सात दिननइ वरसाते भूष्या सर्व धूर्त्तनइ तुं भोजन करावि' । पछै खंडपाना ते सर्व धूतने वचनई हर्ष पामी सर्वनें भोजन देवा महाभीपण श्मशानि गई । तिहां ततकालनो मरण पाम्यो बालक कोईक लोक मूकी गया हता, तेहनें तिहांथी लेई जलि न्हवरावी, वस्त्र पहिरावी, उजेनी नगरी मांहिं जई, एक महाधन- वंत सेठनें घरि पइठी । तिहां आसने बैठो, अनेक लोके परिवर्यो, व्यापार मांहिं व्यग्रचित्त, घरनो 30 धणी व्यवहारीओ सेठ दीठो । तेहनें पासि जई, दीन थई, रीस चढाववा खंडपाना कहिवा लागी- 'अहो सेठ ! हुं दरद्री ब्राह्मणनी स्त्री छु, अनाथ छु, असरण छु; ते माटि आ बालकनें पालवा, धन मांगवा, तुं महाउपकारी पुरुष पासि आवी छ । इम तेहर्नु वारंवार वचन सांभली, व्यापार माहिं व्यग्रचित्तपणा माटि व्यवहारीइ पोताने सेवकनें आज्ञा दीधी जे- 'ए पापिणी रंडानें घर बाहिर मारी . , ·N वालाववोधरूपगूर्जरभाषामय -धूर्ताख्यानकथा ६५ काढउ । पछइ ते व्यवहारीआना सेवकइ दीन भाषती ते धूर्तीने घर वाहिर घसरडीने काढवा मांडी । तिवारि ते कपट करी सहसात्कारि भूमिकाई पडी महास्वरइ आनंद विलाप करती उठी- हा हा अरे लोको ! जुओ आ पापी व्यवहारीइ धननें गर्वइ आंधलइ हु अनाथ निराधारनो पुत्र मार्यो । मुझने आसा हती जे आ पुत्र मोटो थास्यै, तेथी सकल मनोरथ संपूर्ण थास्यै। ते आसा- रूपणी वेल, ए पापी व्यवहारीइ मत्त गजनी परि उन्मूली नाखी । इम विलाप करती, हृदय ताडती, 5 केश विखेरती, भूमि आलोटती, ते धूर्ता स्त्रीनइ देखीनें-- मई माहरा सेवकनें आज्ञा देई मोकल्या, तेणइ आ ब्राह्मणीनो पुत्र मारी, महा उत्पात कखो, जो ए वात राजा सांभलस्यै तो मुझनै दंडस्यै- इम चिंतवतो ते व्यवहारीओ पोताना परिवार साथइ जई दीन थई मनावा लागो जे- वहिनी ! भवितव्यता हती ते थई; हवि विलाप करें स्यु थाइ ? ताहरे जे द्रव्य जोईइ ते लिइ'-इम कही पोतानी रत्नजटित मुद्रका आपी । सम देवरावी उठाडी । पछइ ते मुद्रका लेई उद्यानि आवीनइ 10 खंडपानाइ सर्व धूर्तनइं ते मुद्रिका देखाडी । चउहटइ जई वैची । तेहनें द्रव्ये सर्व भोज्य वस्तु आणी सर्व धूतनई भोजन कराव्युं । पछई ते सर्व धूर्त संतुष्ट थई खंडपानानई वषाणवा लागा- 'जे तुं महा बुद्धिवंत, ताहरु जीवित सफल छइ । जे वचन महा पंडित बोली न जाणइ, तेहवां वचन सांभल्या विनाए पणि स्त्रीओ बोली जाणइ । उक्तञ्च- अधीत्य शास्त्राणि विमृश्य चार्थान् न तानि वक्तुं पुरुपाः समर्थाः । यानि स्त्रियः प्रत्यभिधानकाले वदन्ति लीलारचिताक्षराणि ॥१॥ इम खंडपानानइं वपाणी । भूलदेव प्रमुख सर्व धूर्त पोता पोताने ठामि गया। [५,७७-१०९] - 15 तथा, विष्णु सर्व व्यापी छइ, तिल तुप मात्र किसी वस्तु अण व्यापी नथी रही । जो विष्णु सर्व व्यापी छइ, तो अलगी कोण वस्तु रही, जेहनें ज्ञान करी देपइ ? । तथा, गणेश पार्वतीना शरीरना मइलथी अपनो, तथा पार्वती हिमाचलथी ऊपनी-इत्यादिक, भारत रामायण पुराणादिकनां वचन, 20 कूट कांचननी परि परीक्षा करतां विघटई। ए सर्व मिथ्यात्वीनां वचन, गर्धभलींडांनी परि वाहिर सुंदर, अंतर वृत्ति तुस-भूस सरिपां जाणी, सम्यग् दृष्टीई, सम्यक्त्व शुद्धि करवा त्रिविध विविध मिथ्यात्वीना ग्रंथ परिहरि, सकल पुरुषार्थ साधक, परमानंद पददायक, पूर्वापर विरोधगंध रहित श्री वीतराग त्रैलोक्यपूजित सर्वज्ञनां वचन सांभलवां, सद्दहवां, अनुमोदवां, ध्यावयां ॥ ॥ इति सकलश्वेताम्बरशिरोमणि-सर्वशास्त्रालंकारायमाण-भद्वारक- श्रीहरिभद्रसूरिचिरचितस्य धूर्ताख्यानप्रवन्धस्य बालाव- बोधरूपाः कथाः समाप्ताः॥ 25 संवत् १७५८ वर्षे कार्तिकमासे शुक्लपक्षे द्वादशीतिथौ शनिवासरे श्रीउदै पुरमध्ये लिपितं पं० लक्ष्मीकीर्ति [ना]-खरतरगच्छे जिणमाणिक्यशाखायां वा० रत्नसुन्दरगणिनां शिष्यलक्ष्मीकीर्तिः॥ ॥ चिरं ताराचंद ॥॥ शुभं भवतु ॥॥ श्रीरस्तु ॥॥ श्रीरस्तु ।। 1A जोओ।

·INDEX OF ALL THE PROPER NAMES. - 28, This is an alphabetical list of all tho propor namos, in their Sanskrit form, occurring in the Dhūrtākhyāna of Haribhadra. Tho Dovadāgarī numbers refer to tho chapters and gāthâs of the Prākrit text. The English numerals rofor to tho pagos of "Tho Dhūrtākhyāna: A Critical Study, included in this volumo. Thus this Index will holp the rondor to spot tho loquirod namo in the Prākrit text, and also to refor to the critical romarks olc, about it in tho Sludy. अगस्त्य १-६३, ४-२७, -३०, pp. 3, 8, 30, 32. कीचक १-४१ इ.,-४८,-५१; pp. 3, 26, 3.1, 36. अग्नि ३-७६, ४-६६, ५-२५,-१११; pp. 7, 10, 11, कुन्ती १-८३ इ., ५-११, -२३, -३७; pp. 4, 9, 29, 31, 35. 10, 27, 31, 32, 36. अञ्जना ३-३८; pp. 7, 31. कुम्भकर्ण ४-२५ इ.; pp. 8, 30. अनन्त २-४७,४-८६. कृत्तिका ३-७७; pp. 7, 29. अनल-अग्नि ३-७१. कृष्ण २-५६, ५-११२ इ., -११६; pp. 5, 12, 27, अनूरु ४-४१, -४४; pp. 8, 30. 30. अरण्यपर्व २-३१; pp. 5, 26. केशव १-७९, २-४१, -४५,-५८, ५-५९; pp. 5, अरुण, see भनूरु. 27, 28. भर्जुन २-६०; pp. 5, 27. खण्डपाना १-७, -८, ४-१४ इ., -१७,-३२, -९४, अर्थशास्त्र ५-१; pp. 9, 26. ५-१,-६,२०,-२४,-३२, -३८, -७०, -७३, अश्वापहृत ३-२२; pp. 6, 28. -९०, -१०४, -१०६; pp. 2, 8, 9, 10, 11. अहल्या ५-३३; pp. 10, 31, 32. गग्गलि (-गागलि) १-४५, p. 3. इन्द्र १-६०, ५-३३ इ.,-३७, -१११; pp. 3, 4, 9, | गङ्गा १-२५,-३४, -५२, -८५, -८८, ४-२८; PP. 10, 11, 29, 31, 32. 2, 3, 4, 8, 26, 27, 29, 30. ईश्वर, see स्वामिन् also, pp. 3, 4, 7. गणाधिपति ५-११४; pp. 12, 33. उज्जैनी १-२, -२९, ५-९१; pp. 2, 3, 11. गन्धारिवर '५-६४; pp. 11, 31, 32. उमा १-४०,-६०,-९२, ३-६०,-६६, -६८,५-२०; गरुड ४-४५, -४७ इ.,-५० इ., -६६, -७२, -७४, pp. 3, 7, 10, 27, 29, 32, 35. -७६ इ., -८३, ८६:३.; pp. 8, 9, 30. उर्वशी ५-११५, pp. 12, 33. गिरिसुता ३-५४. एकचक्र ४-२२, p. 8. गोवर्धन ४-८८; pp. 9, 30. एलाषाढ १-७,२-२६ इ.,-४३, -५२,-७५ इ., ३-१, गौतम १-६३, ५-३३.इ., -३६, -३९; pp. 3, 10, -५२, -८७,-८९,-९२,९८,५-२६; pp.2,5, 31, 32. 6, 10, 23. चक्रायुध ४-८४. चतुर्मुख ४-५६. कण्डरीक १-७, -३१, -३५, २-१ इ., -२६, -३९, चन्द्र ५-१११; pp. 11, 32. -४२, -47, -७१ इ., ५-२३; pp. 2, 3, 4, 5, 'चिन्नकूट ५-१२२p. 12. . 10. जटायु २-६२,-६७, -७४; pp. 6, 28, 34, 36. कद्रू ४-३३, -३५, -४६; p. 8. जमदग्नि १-६३, ३.२.१ इ., -२४; pp. 3, 6, 82. कमलदल २-६, p. 4. जम्बूद्वीप ५-११८. कर्ण ५-८४; pp. 4, 10, 26, 27, 34, B6. जरासंध ३-२६; pp. 6, 28. काश्यप १-६३, ४-३३, -५२,६४, -६६, -७३ | जहु १-२८ इ.; pp.-8, 30. pp. 3, 8, 30, 32. जाह्नवी १-९२, ४-२९, see गङ्गा also. ' ऐरावण ५-३२.

·६७ , .. १ . ज्वलन-अग्नि ३-७०, ५-२४ ६., -२९, -३१. भारत १-१४,३१,३५,-११,-५८,८२,२-२७, तिलोत्तमा १-६५, -७३, ३-२८, -३२, -३६, ३-२०, ४-१४ इ., -१९,५-१६९; pp. 2, 3,1, ५-११५; pp. 3, 6, 7, 12, 26, 27, 33. 5,6, 8, 12,26,30. त्रिपुर-३-७०. भीम २-५९, ४-२२, २४, ५-११, -१९, -६७ ६.; दक्षिणदेश ३-८३. pp. 5, 8, 9, 11, 28, 30, 31, 32. दग्धिका ५-४१%, p. 10. मधुमथ ३-९१, -९६, ४-८८; pp. 7, 9. दशमुख ३-४७. मन्दरगिरि २-३४, -५६, ~६३, -७४, p. G. दशरथ २-६९, -७३, ३-४६. मन्दोदरी ३-४८. देवकी २-४१; pp. 5, 27. मन्मथ (मदन) :-६५, ५-१९९; p. 3. 'दुपद २-५२; pp. 5, 28, 31, महादेव ३-७१. द्रोण १-६१,५-११५; pp. 3, 12, 26, 27, 32, 33. महावीर १-६१; pp. 3,33. द्रोणगिरि ३-५०, -९४; pp. 7, 30. महासेन १-२९, ३-५३, ३-८२, -८५; pp. 7, 20. द्रौपदी २-५२, -५४, -६०; pp. 5, G. माया ५-११७, p. 12. धनद ३-६, -९. मार्कण्डेय २-३१; pp. 5, 27. धर्म ५-१११; pp. 11, 32. मूलदेव १-१२, -१५, -१७, -३२, ५-११, -३८ धर्मपुत्र २-३१, ५-६७; pp. 5, 11. pp. 2, 9, 10, 23. धूर्ताख्यान १-१, ५-१२२. मूलश्री ३-७, -८, २-१; pp. 2, 4, एतराष्ट्र ५-१६, p. 9. यम ३-१३, ५-२७ इ., -३०, p. 10. नर १-८१, ५-११६, p. 12. यमपली ५-२६, -३१. नरकृवर ५-११५; pp. 12, 33. यादव ५-११७; p. 12. नागशर्मन् ५-३९; p. 10. योजनगन्धा ५-१३ इ. p. 9. निपाद ४-६१; pp. 9, 30. रक्तकुण्डलिन् १-७९, pp. 4, 26, 32, निसुन्द ३-२७, -३१ इ.; pp. 6, 7, 29, 33, रवि ५-२१ इ., -२५. निःशल्या ३-५०, p. 7. राघव १-८६, २-६५, p. 4. नीला ५-११; pp. 9, 31. राम २-६४, -६७ इ., -७३, ३-४६ इ., -४९, परशुराम ३-२२, p. 6. -९३; pp. 6, 7,28. पवन ३-४२ इ., ५-८, -११, -१९, -११४; pp. 7, राम(व)ग २-६२, -६८, -७१, ३-९३; pp. 6, 7, 12. पवनतनय ३-३८,-४९. रामायण १-१४, -३१, ८५, २-६२, ३-२०, -९३, पवनसुत १-८६, ३-४५, see हनुमत् ; p. 4. ४-१४ इ., ५-६०, -११९; pp. 2, 3, 4, 6, 7, पशुपति १-६०, -९१; pp. 3,27. 8, 12, 26. पाटलीपुन ४-१८, ५-३९; pp. 8, 10. राहु ३-८८; pp. 7, 30. पाण्डु ५-१६, -६६, p. 9. रुद्र १-७७, -७९, ३-६९, -७२; pp. 3, 4, 29, पाराशर १-६३, ५-१२; pp. 3, 9,32. रेणुका ३-२१; pp, 6, 28, 32, 33. पार्वती pp. 7; 12, 33. लक्ष्मण ३-४९, -९४; pp. 7, 28. पुराण १-१४, -३१, ३५, -५३, २-२७, ४-१५, लक्षा १-८६, २-६८, ३-४६, ५-६०, ५-६२, pp. -२७, ५-६४, pp. 2, 3,5,6, 8, 11, 26. 4,7, 9, 11,30. बक ४-२२, २४, pp. 8, 30. वज्रधर ३-६३. बदरिकाश्रम १-७५, ४-५० इ.; pp. 4, 8. वराह ३-९६; pp. 7,30. बलि ३-९०, p. 7. पसिष्ट :-६३, pp. 3,32. बृहस्पति-सुरगुरु, ५-६६, p. 11. वसुदेवसुत (बासुदेव) २-४३, p. 5. ब्रह्मन् १-३७ इ., -५६, -५९,६९, -७१, -७४ इ., चायु ५-111; pp. 11, 32. -७७, -७९, २-४५, -४७, -४९,५-५९, -११५, वायुपुत्र २-७१, ५-६२ इ. pp. 3, 4, 5, 8, 12, 26, 27, 28, 33. वालखिल्य ४-५६, p. 8. 9, 28. . . .

·६८ .. विचित्रवीर्य ५-१३; p. 9. श्वेतकुण्डलिन् see स्वेद- विदुर ५-१६; pp. 9, 31. श्वेताम्बर ५-१२५; p. 12. विनता ४-३३, -३५ इ., -४४, -४७ इ., -७५;. pp. पण्मुख ३-८२, ५-११५; pp. 12, 32. 8, 9, 30, 33. सितकुण्डलिन्, see स्वेद- विराटराज १-४२, p. 3. सीता १-८६ इ., २-६२, -६४ इ., -६७ इ., -६९ इ., विष्णु १-३९, -५४, ३-९०, ४-८०; pp. 3, 4, 7, ३-४६; pp. 6, 28. 9, 27, 28, 30, 32, 34. सुन्द ३-२७, -३१ इ. pp. 6, 7, 29. विष्णुपुराण २-२७; pp. 5, 26, 27. सूर्य १-८१, ८३, ५-१११, p. 11. व्यास १-४१, ५-१२, -१९; pp. 3, 9, 26, 31. सोमश्री ५-३९; p. 10. शक १-८१, ५-३५, -६५, -७२. शंकर ३-७५; pp. 4, 29. स्वामिन-ईश्वर १-२८; pp. 2, 3. शन्तनु ५-१३; p. 9. स्वेदकुण्डलिन् १-७५, ५-११६; pp. 4, 12, 26, 32. शश १-७, ३-२०, -८८, -९०, -९८, ४-१, -१४ | हनुमत् १-८७, २-६५ इ., ३-४१, -४४, -९४, इ., -१७, -२६, -३१ इ.,-९४, ५-३३, -५९ ४-९१, -९३, ५-११, -१९, ५-६०, -६२; pp. pp. 2, 6, 8, 10, 19, 23. 6, 7, 9, 11, 27, 29, 30, 31, 34. शशिपाल (=शिशुपाल) २-५५; pp. 5, 28. हर १-५२, -६३, ३-५९, ४-२८; pp. 3, 4, 8, शशिभूषण ३-५४. 26, 27, 32. शिव pp. 7, 10, 29, 35. हरि १-६३, -७६, ५-७२, p. 3. शूलपाणि ३-६४. हरिभद् ५-१२४ इ. शैलसुता ५-११४, -११७. हलधर (-बलराम) ५-११७; pp. 12, 33. श्रुति १-५३, -८९, २-२७, ३-८८, ४-२७, ५-६४; हिमवत् ४-६१. हुतवह अग्नि ३-५८, -६५ इ., -७१ इ., ५-२६. p. 26. धूर्ताख्याने समुद्धृतानां पद्यानां वर्णानुक्रमसूची 1 Prākrit Toxt Sanskrit Toxt Gujarati Toxt -- 420 p.65 । 343 अधीत्य शास्त्राणि अवि उर्ल्ड चिम आख्यास्यति पितुः आहारे चैव खजुरी मारुइणो जस्स पभावेणु तव प्रसादात् तेषां कटतट त्यागेन भूतानि पवणुच्चिा आहारो स्त्रीणां कृते हत्थी दम्मद V. 110 V.4 II.73 V. 18 IV.92 II. 50 I. 87*1 IV.20 V: 103 125 p. 54 78 p. 52 (?) 258 p. 59 - V.5. 185 III. 35 III. 67 215 p. 57 p. 57 ·PUBLICATIONS OF THE SINGHI JAIN SERIES 1. Prabandhacintamani of Moruturgâcārya (4. D. 1306): Part I, Toxt in Sanskrit with Variants, an Appendix and Indices of Stanzas. This is an important collection of stories, legends and anecdotes connected with kings like Vikramārka, Bhoja, Kumāra pāla etc. and author-poets like Siddhasena, Mágha, Dhannpāla etc. Critically edited with various research accessories by JINA VIJAYA Mưni. Demy quarto pr. 12+136. Price Rupees 3-12-0. 2. Prātana-Prabandha-Suigraha: This is a noteworthy collection of many old Prabandling similar and analogous to the matter in the Prabandhacintāmaại. Authentically edited with Indices of Verses and Proper Names, a short Introduction in Hindi describing the Ass. and materials used in preparing this part and with plates by JINA VIJAYA MUNI. Demy quarto pr. 15+ 32 +156 +8. Price Rupees 5-0-0. 3. Prabandhacintānani (Complete Hindi Translation): A complete and correct Hindi translation is given in this volume, so as to enable the purely Hindiknowing public to grasp fully the contents of the original. The translator is Pandit Hajāriprasad Dwivedi, Ācārya, Hindi Deptt. Vis'rabhārati, S'āntiniketan. Along with the translation has been given an exhaustive Introduction in Hindi by the General Editor, MUNI JINA VIJAYAJI, which contains useful material for the proper understanding of the text. Demy quarto pp. 12+ 12+156. Price Rupees 3-12-0. 6. Prabandhakos'a of Rūjas'ekharasūri (1. D. 1349): Part I, Text in Sanskrit with Variants, Appendices and Alphabetical Indices of stanzas and all Proper Names. This gives twentyfour biographical Prabandhas dealing with celebrities of ancient India such as Bhadrabahu, Nallavädi, Haribhadra, Sātavāhana, Vastupāla etc. Critically edited in the original Sanskrit from good old Mss. with Variants, Hindi Translation, Notes and elaborate Introduction etc. by JISA VIJAYA MUNI. Demy quarto pp. 878+136+14. Price Rupees 4-0-0. 7. Devānanda-Mahākāvya of Meghavijayopadhyāya (Sam. 1727): This is a Sanskrit poem in ornate style composed as a Samasya-pūrti incorporating some line or the other, in each verse, from the S'is'upālavadha of Măghi. In its seren cantos, it presents a biography of Vijayadevasūri who was honoured by both Akbar and Jehangir. Critically edited from an old Mſs. with Notes, Index and Hindi Introduction, summary etc. by Pt. BECHARDAS J. DOSRI. Demy quarto pp. 8+16+80. Price Rupees 2-12-0. 8. Jaina Parkabhāṣā of Yasſovijaya (A. D. 1624–1688): It is a manual of Nyāya dealing with Pramāna, Naya and Nikṣepa. Edited by Pt. SUKHALALJI SANGHAVI with his Tātparyasaugraha Vrtti and an Introduction in Hindi, Super Royal 8vo pp. 8+8+14+78. Price Rupees 1-12-0.

·2 9. Pramānamimarisã of Hemacandräcārya: This is a treatise on Nyāya leſt incomplete perhaps by the author himself. It propounds the Jaina point of view after reviewing the tenets of other systems. Editod with a valuable Introduction and still more valuable Notes in Hindi by Pt. SUKIALALI SINGIIAVI and Pts. MAHENDRAKUMARA and MALAVANIA. Supor Royal Svo pr. 8+16+56 + 76+144 +36. Price Rupees 5-0-0, 10. Vividhatīrthakalpu of Jinaprabhasüri (1. 1). 1332): Part I, Toxt in Sanskrit and Prakrit with Variants, and an Alphabetical Index of all Propor Namos. This work gives a closcriplion of nearly 60 holy places together with the names of their founders etc.; and thus forms a sort of guide-book or gazetteer of Jaina sacred places of India of the 11th Century. It contains valuable information of historical anil topographical interesti. Critically ciliter with Variants, Notes and olaborate Introcluction etc. by Jix l'ULIYA MUNI. Demy quarto pr. 8+16+1147-14. Price Ruipeos 1-1-0. II. The Life of Hemacınırūcīrya: The eminent (ierman orientalist, Dr. G. Biihler, wrote in 1889, an epoch-making essay in Gorman on Llemacandra (s. D). 1088-1173) who occupies a place of honour in Indian literaturo. This essay is a fine model of historical research; and, as such, for the benefit of English knowing leaders, it has beon translated hero into English by Dr. DANILI PATEL. Demy quarto pp. 16+104. Prico Rupees 3-8-0. 12. Akalarka-Granthatrayam comprising Laghiyastrayant with Svopajña-rrtti, Nyāyavinis'caya and Pramāṇasa ingraha: Theso nro tluroa noteworthy Nyāya works of Akalavikadeva (C. A. D. 720-780), the last tiro being brought to light for the first time. Edited with Critical Notes, Variant Readings, Introduction ( in Hindi ) and Indices etc. by Pt. MaHENDRAKUMARA, Super Royal Svo pp. 8+14+118+184 +60. Price Rupees 5-0-0. 13. Prabhāvakccaritc of Prabhīcandrācārya (A. D. 1277): Part I, Text in Sanskri, witli Variants and Indicos of stanzas and all Proper Names. It presents in ornate style the traditional biographies of twenty eminent personalities including religious teachers like Vajrasvāmi, authors like Haribhadra and Hemacandra and poets like Mānatunga who have contributed to the glory of Jainism and the Jaina church, Critically edited from many old Mss. with Notes, Index and Hindi Introduction by JINA VIJAYA MUNI. Demy quarto pp. 10+6+226. Price Rupees 5-0-0. + -- 14. Bhānucandra-caritra of Siddhicandra Upādhyāya: This is a remarkable composition of Sanskrit litarature in which an able pupil, namely, Siddhicandra has chronicled, without the least exaggeration, acts of social and religious service rondered by his great Guru Bhānucandra. It is not only a biography of the Guru but also an autobiography of the pupil, both of whom had connections with and were honoured at the Moghul court by Akbar and Jehangir. The English Introduction by the Editor is a rich mive of historical information. Critically edited from a single rare Ms. with elaborate Introduction, Summary, Appendices, Indices etc. by M. D. DESAI, Demy quarto pp. 8+12+104 +68. Price Rupees 6-0-0, :.

·3 15. Jfiancbindu-prakarana of Yas'ovijaya Upādhýāģa: This is a systematic manual of Jaina epistemology. The Hindi Introduction of the editor is a brilliant exposition of Jaina theory of knowledge in the back-ground of Indian metaphysics. The Sanskrit Test edited with Introduction, Notes and Index etc. by Pt. SUKALALAJI SANGRAVI, Pt. DALSUKI MALVANIA and Pta. HIRA KUBARI DEVI. Super Royal Sro pr. 12+8+84+136. Price Rupees 3-8-0. 16. Brhatlathakos'a of Harisenācārya: The work contains a number of narrative tales-as many as 157_-on all sorts of subjects including folk-tales and parables which inculcate religio-moral principles of Jainism and glorify men of religion and ascetic lieroes. They have been selected from the different strata of Jaina literaturc. The Introduction which is exhaustive and illuminating, evinces mature crudition of the editor. It is the first of its kind in so far as it presents an outlinear survey of Jaina Kathānaka literature in the back-ground of Indian literature. The Sanskrit test is critically edited with Introduction, Notes and Indices by Dr. A. N. UPADHYE, M. A., D. Litt. Super Royal 8vo pp. 20+128+402. Price Rupees 12-0-0. 17. Jainapustakapras'astisamgraha: Vol. I. The work contains 111 Pras'astis and 544 colophons, attached at ths end of the ancient palm-leaf manuscripts of the Jaina and other works. They throw enormous light on the historical facts, social conditions, the Kulas, Ganas and Gacchas of the Jainas. Thoir historical importance is on a par with that of the inscriptions and the copperplates. Critically edited with an informative Introduction and ten Appendices by Acharya JINA VIJAYA MUNI. Demy quarto pp. 20+180. Price Rupees 6-8-0. 18. Dlürtakhyāna: The Original Prākrit Text of Haribhadra sūri, Sanskrit metrical Version of Sanghatilaka, an Old-Gujarati Prose Rendering; also an elaborate Critical Essay on the Dhúrtākhyāna by Dr. A. N. Upadhye; Critically edited by Acharya JINA VIJAYA MUNI. This is a unique satire in Indian Literature, remarkable for its originality of thought and plot. De luxe edition, Ledger Papor, Super Royal Svo pp. 8+24+56 +70. Price Rs. 5-8-0, Bombay 1944, [ To be Shortly out) 19. Kathākos'aprakarlinan of Jines'varasüri: The Prakrit Test with Sankrit commentary. Critically edited by Achārya JINA VIJAYA NUNI. The commentary contains many Prākrit stories, which illustrate various religious virtues and are interesting from the sociological point of view. The tales are a fine specimen of Präkrit narrative literature. 20. Yuugepradhānc-gurvãvalī. This is a gurvavalí which is unique in Indian Anpals jnasmuch as it records the year-to-year events in the lines of outstanding Achāryas of Kharatara gaccha, from the 11th to 14th century A. D. It is written in simple and popular Sanskrit. Critically edited by Acharya JINA VIJAYA MUNI. 21. Kumāra pālacaritra Samgraha: This is a collection of some unpublished prabandhas connected with the life and times of the great Gurjara King, Kumārapāla of the Chālukya dynasty. They unfold a great deal of fresh historical material. Critically edited with Index etc by Achārya JINA VIJAYA MUNI, ·22. Dharmablyridaya-Mahākávya' of Udayaprabha: This is a stylistic kāvga in Sanskrit celebrating the religious activities of Vastupāla, the great minister of the Gurjara King Viradhavala, and the patron and lover of fine arts & literature. The author is not only a contemporary ljut also the roligious preceptor of Vastupāla. Critically edited with various Indices otc. by Munirīj S'rī PUNYAVIJATAJI 23. Kārtikaumudi and oth:67' Kavyas cto. This volume contains various Pras'astis written by authors who flourished at the time of Vastupāla. Kirtikaumudi of Somes'rara, Sukrtasankirtana-mahākavya of Arisimha, Sukrtakirtikallolini of Udayaprabha and Vastupālapras'astis of Naracandra, Narendraprabha, Jayasimha etc. Included in this rolume are a superb supplement of the Dharmübhyudayamahākayya. Critically cditod by Muniraj S'rī PUNYA poems & VIJAYAJI, To be had from BHARATIYA VIDYA BHAVAN BOMBAY T.

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