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·MARXIST MISCELLANY
A Collection of Essays
2
PEOPLC'S PUBLISHING IIOUSE
LW DLI III
AVCDABAD
BONBAY

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·EDITORIAL STATEMENT in thic Thus, our secondi number, makes its appearance tracth a scar after the first, though we had hoped to bring it out much earlier an important cause for the delay is the allempt to inaintain a certain level of studs and analisis in the essays as well as to provide a certain sancti Wc think that we have attirmed this objective in tnis issue as we had previous one, juigmg in the response from the readers We are anvous to receno more essays ulich elimine m depthi and from « Varust stancipomt problems of the political and mass movements We are no less eager to publish theoretical articles dealing with probleins of the dayclopinent and defence of the incllicul and doctrme of Marvism As in the previous issue the essays are by participants of the mass and political movements who are also devoted to study and realise the value of generalisation Wc appeal to hundreds of sunlar persons to come forward and help us i sending us their work for publication Actionally, we want to cry much enlarge our book Toilet section All essays and comments on essays picuously published, as well as on Marrist Miscellany as a whole, should be at the address of the publishers sent to

·CONTENTS
The Comintern Congresses and the CPI
by G Adhikari
1
66
United Front Experience
by Satya Pal Dang
United Front in the Struggle Against
Monopoly Capital and Wu
by Chitta Bisias
79
Lenin in the Tamil Press (1917 24)
by C S Subramanyam
107
133
Burmis Fight for Fieedom and the
Unforgettable Indian Comı ndes
by Gautam Chattopadhyay
The Struggle for United Front in huli
by C Unni Raja
154
Book Review
by Batuk Vua
176

·The Comintern Congresses and the CPI G. Adhikari The sources of information about the Indian delegates which attended the various congresses of the Communist International, from the First to the Seventh, are the follow. ing: (1) stenographic records of the congresses published in Moscow in Russian, (2) International Press Correspondence (Inprecor, English edition) which began publication from November 1921 and continued probably up to 1941; (3) information supplied by the Institute of Marxism- Leninism of the CC, CPSU, Moscow, to Chinmohan Sehanavis; (4) other sources, eg recollections of Indian comrades who attended some of the congresses. Delegates admitted to the congresses were according to the statutes and rules of the CI of two types. delegates with decisive yote and those with consultative yote. In the earlier Russian published records names were given, later only the number attending and sometimes pseudonyms. All the sources listed above have not been thoroughly gone through. For instance, all the volumes of Inprecor have not been gone through especially for the Seventh Congress. With these preliminary remarks, I set forth the authentic information so far collected, MLM-1 ·2 MARVIST MIISCELLAVI FIRST CONGRESS OF THE CI 2-6 March 1919 The source is the book in Russian prepared by the Mara- Engels-Lenin Institute of CC, RCP(B) Protocols of the Congresses of the Communist International First Congress of the Comintern, March 1919, Edited by E Korotki, B Kun and O Pyatnsski, Party Publications, Moscow, 1933 We have in the Central Archives of the Party a microfilm of eight pages of the book It probably contains no list of delegates From the CPI publication The Communist International (p 8) we get the information that 'It was attended by delegates from 35 proletarian organisations communist parties, communist groups, left-socialist parties and groups from Austria, Bulgaria, Great Britain, Hungary, Germany, The Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Rumania, Soviet Russia, Finland, France, Czechoslovakia, Switzerland, Sweden, Yugoslavia, the United States, Iran, China, Korea, Turkey and other countries So we can safely conclude that no Indian delegates were present--not even anyone from the Indian revolutionaries abroad The Khair brothers--Jabbar and Sattar, who were the first Indians to visit Moscow after the October Socialist Revolution-reached Moscow in November 1918 and returned to Berlin in about a month's time Mahendra Pratap and his team consisting of Barahatullah, MPBT Acharya, Abdul Rab Peshawari and Ibrahim (the servant of Barahatullah) met Lenin in May 1919, 1e after the First Congress SECOND CONGRESS OF THE CI 19 July to 7 August 1920 The source of information here is similar Russian book prepared by the Mary-Engels-Lenin Institute of the CC, RCP(B) with the title Protocols of the Congresses of the Conimunist Infomotional Second Congress of Comintcm, July August 1920, Edited by o Piatniski, D Manuilski, V. Knonn, B Kun anci M Zorki, Party Publications, Mos- 1933 со, ·3 RIES THE COWINTERV CONGRESSES AND THE CPI ! We have in the Central Architect tytonicrofilm of 51 pages of this book which contains baconaostot-India On piges 621 and 622 there is a list of delegates to the congress, with columns for the country and the party they represented M N Roy and Allen (?) are listed as delegates from Neuco, from the Communist Party of Mexico Abanı Mulherzi and Acharya are listed as delegates without (decisive) vote from India In the party column against their names there is a question mark On page 625 are gnen the names of the delegates elected to the National and Colonial Commission It contains the names of Roy and Allen (Mexico) and Allen (British India) (?) The Memoirs of Roy confirms that he had a mandate from the CP of Mexico to attend the Second Congress of the CI as a delegate from Mexico He does not mention a second delegate nor mentions anything about Evelyn Roy (Allen--?) who accompanied him to Moscow in the spring of 1920 Roy mentions that Abanı was a delegate but does not mention Acharya According to the information obtained by Chinmohan Sehanavis from the Institute of Marxısm Leninism, Mos cou, Abanı Muhherji and Acharya were delegates from India Abanı was listed in brackets as Leftwing Socialist" and Acharya as IRP, which probably stands for Indian Revolutionaries' Party or Committee in Tashkent That such an organisation existed in 1917-20 is known to us from other sources, including Soviet sources THIRD CONGRESS OF THE CI 22 June to 12 July 1921 Here we have the source the book with the title Thud Congress of the Communist International, Stenographic Report (Seal of RSFSR bearing the motto “Knowledge Is Strength), Petrograd, State Publications, 1922 We have in our Archives 22 pages microfilmed from this book, wluch contain references to India On pages 89 15 reproduced the circular convening the congress It says "Indian communist group to be invited, without yote On page 694 there is a reference to four delegates from India ·MARXIST MISCELLAVY (Communist Party) This tallies with the information brought by Sehanavis from the Institute of Marxism- Leninism which says there were four representatives from India but only M'N Roy's name is mentioned in the proceedings" By June July 1921, no communist group had been yet formed in India Dange's Gandhı us Lenin had not yet been published, at least not reached abrond, after which his correspondence with M N Roy started None of the Muhajirs had yet returned after which Inqulab wasstarted in Lahore (1922) Nalını Gupta reached India some tune in November of December 1921 He had brought with him the Mss of the Manifesto to the Ahmedabad Congress” (December 1921) which was signed Communist Party of India' By July 1921 Muzaffar Ahmad had not yet been contacted by Nalini Gupta But the CPI had been formed in Tashkent on 17 October 1920, and in June July 1921 a number of Indians were in Moscow Firstly, some 20 Muhayırs were studying Marusm Leninism in the University of the Peoples of the East, many of whom had alread joined the CPI There were, besides, some 14 Indın resolutionaries, headed by Virendranath Chattopadhyaya and Dr Bhupendra Nath Dutta, present at that time in Moscow to negotiate with the Bolshevik leaders about assistance to India's struggle for independence Among these were the following personalties M Barahatullah, Pandurang Khanhlioje, Abdul Rab Peshawarı, Mandıyam Pratiwadi Bhayankar Tirumal Acharya, Birendra Nath Das Gupta, 'Dud Ah' Datt, GAK Luhamı M N Roy of course was there Abanı Vukheri was not present nt the time of the Third Congress, according to Roy (Memoirs) he was in Tashkent But with all this, we have absolutely no clue from the sources available to us as to who those other thrce Indian delegates were further, does the mention of Communist Party in brackets against the mention of four delegates from India mean that the formation of the CPI in Tashkent is recognised by the CI? If so, why does the circular convening the Third Congress, issued after the formation of thic Parts in Tashkent, speak of Indian communist groups ·THE COMINTERN CONGRESSES AND THE CPI 5 to be invited without vote" (emphasis added)? We must also take note of the fact that M. N. Roy's manifesto to the Ahmedabad Congress is signed “Communist Party of India". Perhaps the CPI (Tashkent)l was recognised as the CPI. According to the Memoirs of M. N Roy, he was elected to the presidium of the Third Congress of the CI. FOURTH CONGRESS OF THE CI 5 November to 5 December 1922 We have no microfilm extracts from the Russian stenographic report of this congress. Devendra Kaushik who brought us the microfilm extracts from the other volumes says that the volume of the stenographic report of the Fourth Congress of the CI was missing in the library of the Tashkent University where he was worhing. However we have the information brought by Selanavis from the Institute of Marxism-Leninism which says that four delegates were invited from India but only one came and his name is not mentioned. This is confirmed by two references in the Inpreco. In volume II of this journal in No. 112, page 941, we have the report of the credential committee submitted by Eberlein. It says referring to India: "The CPI cannot represent definite membership since its work is illegal Four delegates were invited, one has come and has been admitted to the congress with the right to vote." In the same volume, in No 116, pages 1. S. A Dange in his book When Communist Differ says. The Communist Party of India was first founded in Tashkent by a group of emigre revolutionaries in the year 1920 As some of the leading figures like M. N. Roy and Abani Mukherji and others were already in the Comintem, the Communist Party was immediately given affiliation to the International. It published a journal in English, which was des cribed as the organ of the Communist Party of India, section of the Communist International." (This "journal" was The Vanguard whose *sue No 7, Vol II, dated I March 1923 bears the legend "Central Organ of the Communist Party of Inda (Sec. Communist International). The joumal was started abroad on 15 21 1922 when it was called The Vanguard of Indian Independence and its earlier Issues did not bear the above subtitleA) ·6 MARVIST MISCELLI 988-90, we have a brief summary of what "Roy (India)" reported on the “Eastern Qucstion”. Thus at the time of the fourth Congress of the CI we have unambiguous reference in the official documents of the CI to the functioning of the Communist Party in India itself (Cberlein's Report) There is another such unambiguous and clearer reference In his speech wending up the plenary session of the Fourth Congress of the CI, Žinovies, the president of the CI, is reported to have said The creation of a strong nucleus of a Communist Parts in a distant country has now more political importance than the Versailles treaty, than the Lausanne conference The creation of a nucleus of a Communist Parti in India, for example, is from the historical point of view a much more important matter than all these conferences' This is quoted in Communism in Indu, 1924-1927, bv Lt Col Ceci] Kaye, compiled by the Intelligence Bureau of the Government of India and published then as a "confidental' report for government and police use from Cal. cutta in 1927 This has to be checked up from the original Russian protocol of the congress all the same a number of important events in the middle of 1922 prove that the communist movement in India had already emerged and a nucleus of the CPI was already attempting to establish all India contacts V N Roy's first paper The Vanguard of Indian Independence began publication from 15 May 1922 (date of first issue) and by Junc the British Indian police began intercepting it The Muhajirs began returning to India by the spring of 1922 Bv Mav-June 1922 the Peshawar Conspiracy Cases started convicting the accused to vanous terms of rigorous imprisonment The 17 Muhajirs whom Roy had trained in Tashkent and Moscow in 1920 21, and whose return to India in 1922 was announced by him in one of his earliest letters to Dange, were all arrested or traced on crossing into Indi? (Ibid, p 20) All the same Ghulam Hussun starts Inquilab (Urdu) from Lahore sometime after June 1922 The Socialist edited by S A Dange began publication from August 1922 In the Inprecor sted 17 Jubs 1922 there ·THE COVINTERV CONGRESSES AND THE CPI 7 is a brief item inviting the Indian Communist Party to send delegates to the Fourth Congress of the CI By the autumn of 1922 the British Indian police were writing in their confidential report that Roy's contacts in India were Bengal-Muzaffar Ahmad, Bombay-- A Dange, Madras-Singaravelu Chettiar, UP-Shauhat Usmani, Punjab-Ghulam Hussain M N Roy knew that an insertion in Inprecor could not enable Indian delegates to come to the Fourth Congress So in September 1922 Roy sent Charles Ashleigh secretly to India on behalf of the CI to meet Dange and also to contact Muzaffar Ahmad Carlier Roy wrote a letter to Muzaffar announcing Ashleigh's arrival In this he also wrote that lie wanted Chiraranjan Das and Subhas Bose to come to the Fourth Congress of the ci and asked Muzaffai to transmit these letters Roy sent Ashleigh to Dange in order to invite him to the Fourth Congress of the CI or to send a representative This becomes clear from two letters from Roy to Dange dated 26 September 1922 and another dated 3 October 1922 In the first letter Roy says "I hope you have already received other messages from me through a different channel and trust the message will be responded to satisfactorily.* Through a different channel obviously means Ashleigh's visit What response' Roy expected from Dinge becomes clear from the next letter In that letter (dated 3 October 1922) Ros acknowledged a letter from Dange which appears to have contained Dange's proposal for startıng a Socialist League for India Rov wrote that this had better be post poned until after the Fourth Congress of the Comintern) which he invited Dinge to attend in person, or to send a representative, and promised "suitable arrangement and support for The Socialist as well as literature and literary contributions' (Ibid, pp 32-34) Ashleigh's mission proved a fulure Soon after he started from London the Scotland Yard suspected that a "communist emissar was on the war to India and alerted the British Indian police here Thus Ashleigh was under police surveillance right from the time le landed in Bombas Probably his passport was taken as ? and lie was forced to leave ·8 MARVIST MISCELLA VY India by the next boat (he amned on 19 September 1922 and left on 22 September) Now as stated earlier Ashleigh's arrival was notified to Muzaffar Ahmad in advance, with the code name "Nandalal”, and Cecil Kaye in his Communism in India (p 26) says that Muzaffar sent Jatın Mitra to Bombay to see Ashleigh and he did meet him. ASHLEIGH VISIT CONTROVERSY Here I would like to mention the fact that Muzafar Alimad has recited the whole story of 'The Remarkable Charles Ashleigh" on pages 262-63 and again on pages 316-26 of his book Myself and the Communist Party of India and I take the opportunity to refute the new slander which Muzaffar with his characteristic blind prejudice is trying to spread against S A Dange in this connection This new slander is that Dange 'pocketed the money" which Charles Ashleigh allegedly gave him for sendmg four delegates from India to the Fourth Congress of the CI which was to meet at the end of the year Undaunted by the firsco which the ‘Dange Letters” slander he sponsored in 1964, and which he has repeated in his book again, suffered, Muzaffar has continued his researches into the British police records in the National Archives and has made nen "discoveries" on which he bases his new slander This time the new slander has been contemptuously disregarded by the public and no wonder, because the socalled evidence he has advanced only exposes Vuzaffar Ahmad himself On 319 of his book Muzaffar says "Ashleigh then handed over to Dange the letters, documents and the passage money for delegates to the Fourth Congress I do not know what the exact amount was, but, according to Masood Ali Shah, the British spy it was £800, possibly in eight one hundred-pound notes So evidence No 1 is the gossip Muzaffar collected from one whom he himself condemns as a British SPX Shauhat Usmanı who went to Moscow a second time in 1928 with Masood Ali Shah and two others also sass he was a spv (his unpublished Memoirs) page 3 ·THE COVINTERY CONGRESSES AND THE CPI 9 Muzaffar's second evidence is an extract from IPI Report W/MISC 422, Home Dept Political File No 956 of 1922, page 11 This document is a report which British agent IR", stationed in Paris, sent about what he learnt from George Slocombe, a well-known representative of Daily Herald, who was known to Charles Ashleigh and is supposed to have met him in Paris after the latter's return from India The relevant passage in this “report” is *Ashleigh met a certain Indian with whom the editor was in touch, and handed over to this Indian passage money for delegates, who were invited to join Roy, and the invitation issued by Roy Slocombe added that the English editor was a communist” (Ibid, pp 324-25) Now Muzaffar Ahmad had no direct information about the actual visit of Ashleigh to Bombay He himself says on page 320 of his book “Dange told us everything that I have written above about Ashleigh, barring the fact of is taking the money" (emphasis added) For bolstering up his lie Muzaffar relies upon gossipwhich he himself picked up from a "Bntish spy", Masood Ali Shah, and which a British agent picked up allegedly from George Slocombe in Paris in 1922 and which his * research workers” picked up from the National Archives When Aluzaffar wrote his article on the alleged "Dange Letters" in 1964 he never mentioned this lie of Dange tahing money from Ashleigh But the Masood Ali Shalı "evidence" must have been with him then for Masood All went to Moscow a second time with Shauhat Usmanı and never returned He brings out the lie now after he gets the alleged Slocombe evidence! And what is the worth of his evidence? The Indian police had tlie "evidence” in their hands in 1922, 1 e long before thev launched the Cawnpore Conspiracy Case against Dange, Muzaffar and others From the Sessions Court judgement in that case we found that Ashleigh's meeting with Dange is considered an important link in the "conspiracy" Dange who admitted in his statement before the court that Ashleigh met him and that he had “issued a statement in the vemacular press on 57 1923 stating the facts as they were", also stated that he had differences ·10 MARXIST MISCELLANI with Roy on the question of programme and that he had told Ashleigh this But the sessions judge disbelieving Dange's statement, the latter part of it-says in the judgement Dange did tell Ashleigh he (Dange) would support Roy's conspiracy Now, if the police and British government in India had in their hands already in 1922 this evidence that Ashleigh paid Dange the passage money for sending delegates to the Fourth Congress of CI why did they not bring it forward to further strengthen the question of conspiracy against Dange and Muzaffar? Obviously because they knew that evidence was worthless and could not be proved But what is thrown away as worthless by the class enemy is picked up by the great revolutionary Muzaffar in his holy ciusade agaist revisiomsm! This may appear as a digression but in dcaling with the question of delegates from India to the Fourth Congress, the exposure of Muzaffar Ahmad's slanderous charge against Dange in this connection is unavoidable In spite of these efforts no delegate, direct from India, went to that congress We have N N Roy's letter to Dange dated 12 December 1922, in which he says 'The absence of anybody straight from India atas lamented' (Exhibit 7, Cawnpore Bolshevik Conspiracy Case, emphasis added) 2. We have already quoted the official record which says "four invited--one came-admitted with right to vote" În Inprecor, Vol II, No 116, dated 22 December 1922, ne OS A Dange in his latest book Where Communist Differ on page 3 section 6 says The Bombay group had come into existence on the basis of the book Candhi us Lenin which I had written and published in March 1921 I had also organised and started the publication of an English weekls paper called The Socialist from August 1999 The book and the paper came to the attention of Lenin and the Communist inter national They invited me to go to Moscow, and the ECCT of the Communist International put me in charge of the work in India Dange s trmarks are confirmed by M Roy's letter (lated 11 Novem- Ixer 1922 in which he sais "The old man is interested in your bookand also 1 another letter from Noy datel 19 December 1922 "in which he issues instructions consequent on the decisions of the Fourth Congress of the CI-he appointed Dange to be the centre in Indian (Communim in Irda rr 24 and 651 ·THE COMINTERN CONGRESSES AND THE CPI 11 find that M. N. Roy presented the Draft Theses on the Eastern Question, which were prepared by all the Eastern delegations present at this congress in cooperation with the Eastern Section of the Communist International' and made the principal report on the same Was Roy the one dele. gate who camer It is quite likely that Roy attended the congress as a member of the ECCI and as a member of its Eastern Section" and the 'one delegate came” and who was not straight from India was probablv either Santokh Singh or Rattan Singh, both of whom we definitely_know went to Moscow at the end of 1922 to attend the Fourth Congress of the CI This fact is of course mentioned by Ceci Kaye 3 But apart from this we have the evidence of Dr Bhupendia Nath Dutta who met them in Berlin at the end of 1922 when they were going to Moscow (Aprakashita Rajnaitih Ithas, pp 349 50) It is quite certain that both attended the congress One of them was a delegate with a right to vote Nalını Gupta in his statement to the police dated 27 December 1923 describing his arrival in Moscow in October 1922 (when he came out from India the second time) saus arrived in Moscow on the 3rd October via Petrograd. I was detained in Moscow up to middle of December 1922 Roy himself arrived in Moscow shortly before the congress of the Third International which began on the 5th November The Indians who attended the congress are myself, Ali Shah, M N Roy and two delegates who came from India (?) and belonged to the Ghadr Party The name of one of them was Anup Singh These two persons held private conferences with Roy, Tuel (Comintern secretary for Middle East) and Safarov, the general secretary of the CI for the East I noticed these two individuals writing 3 On page 50 of Communism in India se find "The Ghadr in Calfomit sent to representatives Santohh Singh and Rattan Singh to attend the Fourth Congress The same author quotes the remark of Zinovies, president of Ci his summiog up speech mentioned earlier Roy is reported to have said "The Communist International is satis fied with the progress so far made in India where promising results have been obtained with a small outins of moner(loc cit) ·12 VIRVIST WISCELLAVY long reports on the worh donc in the Punjab for the information of the Comintcml" (National Archies of India, GOI, Ilomc-Pol Filc 21/1, 1924) TIITII CONGRESS OF THE CI 17 June to 8 July 1924 This congress was held soon after the death of Lenin, and the first in which he did not participate it was attend, ed by 504 delegates from 49 Communist and Worhers' Parties and one revolutionary people's party Delegates from other international mass organisations like the RILU, Communist Youth Intemational, International Workers' Relief, etc also attended The Stenographuc Report of the Fifth World Congress of the Communist International - 17th June to sth July 1924, Part I, State Publications, Moscow, 1925, Leningrad, mentions that ‘Roy (India) was clected to the presidium of the congress and also to the political and programme commissions of the same " Inprecoi, Vol IV, No 34, on pages 343-44, mentions that three comrades were elected to the National and Colonial Commission Accordmg to the information obtained by Sehanavis from the Institute of Marxism Leninism, there were two delegates with decisive vote at the congress, viz M N Roy and Mohammad Ali Who was then the third Indian comrade on the National and Colonial Commission? This is likely to be Clemens Dutt, who was later associated with M N Roy and Mohammad Ali in a roreign Bureau" of the CPI This is just a guess and will have to be checked up The Vanguard of Indian Independence, Vol IV, Nos 11-12, dated 1 and 15 May 1924 (joint No) curred on pige 5 the agenda of the Fifth Congress of the Communist International Item 6 of this was National Questions and section (b) of this was '(b) The resolutionary movement in the East and the colonies (India and others) Reporters Katayama, Rov and other comrades” M N Roy's speech is gren in Inprecor, Vol IV, No 38, dated 27 June 1924 Roi's intervention on Zinovicv's report on the activities and tactics of the CI is given in the same ·THE COMINTERN CONGRESSES AND THE CPI 13 joumal in Vol IV, No 42, 17 July 1924 The antuar appeal issued by the congress on the occasion of the 10th anniversary of the first imperahst war was signed among others bi Roy as a member of the presidium of the congress 4 The Fifth Congress of the CI took place soon after the arrests for the Cawnpore Bolshevik Conspiracy Case had taken place These arrests were effected in all the four provinces where communist groups had come into existence or were in the process of formation Ghulam Hussain was arrested in the Punjab, Shauhat Usman in UP, Muzaffar Ahmad and Nalını Gupta in Calcutta, and S A Dange in Bombay There was a wariant of ariest for Singaravelu Chettiar but it was not implemented because of his illness Ghulam Hussam made an approver's statement to the police and he was not produced for trial and the case against lum was withdrawn The point here is that the arrests having taken place some time before the case was actually launched in April 1924, it was not possible for any delegate to go from India What was not possible in 1922, because of the elementarv stage of the movement, could have been possible in 1924 had it not been for the arrests This is shown by the fact that at the beginning of 1924 Gopen Chakravartv did manage get away from India secretli with the help of Nalini Gupta, who after his several trips since the end 1921 to the beginning of 1924 had acquired sufficient experience in this matter Gopen recalls that lie heard of the Kanpur arrests just when he lid reached Berlin He says he was present at the Fifth Congress along with M N Roy and Mohammad Ali He says Rahmat Al Zahina and Noor 4 Inprecor, Vol IV, No 50, dated 25 July 1924, contains Roy's concluding speech on the Colonial Question (Vo 54 of 4 August 1924 gres Manuilskis speech in which he says that Roy is still taking the sectarian position on the question which Lenin criticised at the Second Congress) The same issue also records that at the 18th session of the Fifth Congress a resolution condemmng the Kanpur prosecutions was read out by the British delegate Maclaunus It also confirms that India had two decisive votes and that Roy was elected a candidate member of the presidium and adds that India was granted 10 mandates and that Roy was elected to the ECCT ·14 MARXIST MISCELLAVY Ahmad were also present Perhaps all of them were obser- Vers or delegates without vote EVENTS BETWEEN FIFTH AND SIXTH CONGRESSES The four years between the Fifth and Sixth Congresses of the cl--the years from 1924 to 1928-witnessed a remarkable development of the communist movement in India Far from being crushed by the brutal repression launched against it by the British impenalısts through such conspiracy cases as those of Peshawar and Cawnpore sentencing communists to long jail terms, the Communist Parts emerged during these years, at the head of an upsurge of militant struggles of workers and peasants, building a mili: tant class-conscious wing of the trade union movement It came forward building legal workers' and peasants' parties, acting as an independent political force as well as a nucleus of a leftwing in the National Congress advocating complete independence and a programme of democratic revolution It came forward popularısıng among the masses the idea that the international working-class movement fighting for socialism, the first socialist state the Soviet Union-born out of the great October Socialist Revolution in Russia, and countries like China fighting for their independence against the common enemy, British imperialismwere allies of India in its own independence struggle It came forward popularising the ideas of scientific socialism as the guide for the future development of independent Indı? On the ce of the Sixth Congress was published a voluminous report of the activity of the ECĆI from the Fifth to the Sixth Congresses summing up the activities of Communist Parties in all the countries of the world betu een the years 1924 to 1928 The book is entitled The Communist International Bottocen the 5th and the 6th World Congresses, 1924 28 (A Report on the position in all the scctions of the World Communist Party) (Reports up to Mav 1928), Publication of the CPGB, July 1928 The section on India is on pages 463 to 477 This report was probably prepired by the Eastern Bureau of the CCCI ·THE COVINTERN CONGRESSES AND THE CPI 15 sometime between May and July 1928 This means the report was prepared after I N Roy left Moscow, which he did some weeks after the ninth plenum of the ECCI held in February 1928 (Acmons--Lpilogue, pp 580 81) It is well known that thereafter Roy never returned to Moscow, that he did not participate in any way in the preparation of the Sixth Congress, and that he did not attend that congress At the Sixth Congress, the decolonisation theory" attributed to M N Roy was sharply criticised Before we quote from this report extracts which sum up the organisational position of the Indian party in the period since 1924 to the beginning of 1928, it would be useful to briefly catalogue the lughlights of the activities of the ECCI and of M N Roy during the period The fifth enlarged plenum of the ECCI elected at the Fifth Congress met in Moscow from 21 March to 6 April 1925 This session undertook a detailed examination of the National and Colonial Question and on 6 April 1925 adopted a resolution on the situation in India, Indonesia and Egypt which made certain recommendations on the programmatic and tactical questions to the communists of these countries About India it said One of the most important tasks of our comrades in India at the present moment is to work actively in the national freedom movement on the eve of a decisive struggle for the independence of India commended to the Indian communists to continue their work in the Indian National Congress and the all-India mass organisations, with the aim of creating "a national revolutionary mass party and an all-India antı imperialist bloc”, to find ways and means "to force the Indian bourgeoisie to conduct a decisive political struggle and to support all militant actions against imperialism on the basis of an antı-imperialist unted front" The plenum emphasised that the main task of the Indian communists was to work for uniting the communist groups and elements in order to build a strong party of the working class, the Communist Party (The Communist International-A Short Historical Outline, prepared by the Institute of Marxism-Leninism of the CPSÚ, 1969, German edition, pp 277-78) >> It re- ·16 MARVIST MISCELLAVI The same plenum gave the slogan to the communists of the East to take initiative to form people's parties or workers and peasants' parties or to work in them if already tormed, and seek to make them political organisations of an anti-imperialist front (ibid, p 280) As an elected member of the LCCI Roy participated in this plenum and was elected to the presidium and was also included in the political and colonial commissions of the saine (Inprecor, Vol V, No 26, dated 4 April 1925) After the reports of the First Communist Conference convened by Satyabhakta, 26-27 December 1925, reached Roi, together with the account of its proceedings with the emphasis on “national communism” in the specches of Sats abhahta, Hasrat Mohanı and Singara clu, Roy wrote a letter to Bagerhatta on 20 March 1926 Bagerhatta, along with S V Ghate, was elected secretary of the CEC at the conference In this letter Roy recommended that in the next meeting of the Central Committee a resolution be passed repudiating the previous statements’ (those by Satyabhahta and others) and deciding 'to affihate the CP of India with the CI and officially communicate the latter the resolution The formal affiliation cannot be effected until the next World Congress to which a delegation the partı must be sent-there will be plenty of time for it" (Meerut Case Records, Prosecution Exhibit, P 2169/1) It was about this time that a bureau consisting of M N Roy, Mohammad Ali and Clemens Dutt was in charge of India on behalf of the Eastern Bureau of the ECCI, which included Roy This was functioning from Berlin, probably After the First Communist Conference at Kanpur (December 1925) Roy recommended that this bureau should find a place in the Constitution of CPI as the 'Foreign Bureau” The article on the 'Foreign Bureau is in the Constitution of the CPI-—1927'-as article No 14 (see printed pamphlet, The Communist Party of India- Anntial Report—1927, Bombav, p 9) This bureau with Roy at its head published from abroad a fortnightly The Vanguard of Indian Independence from Vav 1922 to December 1924 In between it changed its of ·THE COMINTERN CONGRESSES AND THE CPI 17 name to The Vanguard and to The Advance Guard. Only the issue of 1923 of The Vanguard bore the legend "Organ of the CC of the CPI-Section of the CI”. The Vanguard of Indian Independence was succeeded by The Alasses of India which began publication in January 1925 and continued as a monthly up to December 1927. The sixth enlarged plenum of the ECCI met from 17 February to 12 March 1926. M. N. Roy was elected chairman of the Eastern Commission. The plenum heard a report of the Eastern Commission submitted by Roy, adopted unanimously a resolution on the situation in China while the resolutions on other colonial countries were referred back to the presidium for precise formulation (Inprecor, Vol. VI, No. 17, dated 4 March 1922; No. 22, dated 15 April 1926). Journals popularising ideology of communism (scientific socialism) and advocating class struggle and organisation of workers and peasants and emphasising their role in the struggle for complete independence, which were started after the Cawnpore Conspiracy Case, were Mazdur (Urdu); Langal (Bengali weekly), Calcutta, on 16 December 1925, Kirti (Punjabi monthly), end of 1926; Mehnatkash (Urdu), Lahore,' 1927; and Kranti (Marathi weekly), Bombay, 7 May 1927. They were followed by Krantikari (Hindi weekly) organ of Kisan Sabha, from Jhansi 17 November 1928 and Pyam-i Mazdur (Urdu weekly) from Bombay in the beginning of 1929. Langal, which is associated with Muzaffar Ahmad from the beginning, in its evolution reflects the genesis of the workers and peasants parties. It started publication under the chief editorship of Poet Nazrul Islam as the organ of the Labour-Kisan-Swaraj Party (Sampradaya was the word used) of the Indian National Congress. This was carrying forward the earlier ideas of S. A. Dange and Singaravelu (see the Manifesto of Labour-Kishan Party May 1923 and Dange's The Socialist of May-June 1923). From 15 April 1926 Langal became the organ of the Bengal Peasants and Workers Party. It carried on the front page Rabindranath's blessings in the meaningful lines : MM-2 ·18 MAXIST MISCELLANY Awake, awake, O Balaram Hold-up your desert-brcaking plough; Give us strengthGive us fruit ! Silence this senseless commotion. Langal stopped publication on 10 April 1926. It was revived again as Ganavani on 12 August 1926, again as the weekly organ in Bengali of the Peasants' and Workers Party of Bengal. Under the cditorship of Muzaffar Ahmad Ganavani became the organ of the Workers' and Peasants Party of Bengal sometime in the beginning of 1928 5 In July 1927 it was still the organ of the Peasants and Workers' Party of Bengal. Though the Communist Conference held in Kanpur in the last days of December 1925 was convened by Satyabhahta, the representatives of genuine communist groups functioning in Bombay, Calcutta, Madras, Lahore and UP mustered strong and captured the central body formed at the conference. This Central Executive contained Muzaffar Ahmad, S. V. Ghate, Abdul Majid, K. N. Joglehar and R. S; Nimbkar. S. A. Dange was in jail. According to the annual reportó submitted to the Annual Conference of the party held from 29 to 31 May 1927 in Bombay, this central body met soon after the Kanpur session in Calcutta. From Calcutta a manifesto on the Hindu-Muslim problem was issued in the name of the CPI (middle of 1926, probably drafted and sent from abroad by Roy). This was proscribed by the government later. At the end of 1926 (December) at the Gauhati session of the INC, a CPI manifesto was distributed (drafted by Roy). According to the same report, an attempt was made to function a central office of the CPI from Delhi by Bagerhatta and S. V. Ghate who were elected secretaries at Kanpur. There was a police raid on the office and the 5 "It was renamed Workers' and Peasants" Party of Bengal in March 1928" after the Second Conference of the Peasants and Workers' Party of Bengal held in Calcutta, 19 20 February, 1927 (Muzaffar Ahmad, Communist Party and Its Formation Abroad, 1962, p 161). 8 The Communist Party of India--Annual Report, 1927, published by Comrade Vijay Singh Mehta, 236 Kalbadevi Road, Bombay, for the CPI ·THE COMIINTERN CONGRESSES AND THE CPI 19 attempt had to be given up (end of 1926). About the same time the Laliore group decided to call a general conference of the party at Lahore in February 1927 and invited S. D. Saklatvala, who was to arrive in India in January 1927, to preside over the conference, Saklatvala on his arrival issued a statement to the press stating that he could not associate with a Communist Party which was not regularly affiliated to the Communist International. Thereafter, Muzaffar Ahmad and other members of the Central Executive went to Bombay and held a meeting which adopted a resolution criticising Saklatvala for giving his statement to the press. At the same time the Central Executive members met Saklatvala both in Bombay and later in Delhi and the latter agreed to the necessity of having a Conimunist Party in India. It was then decided to call the general meeting in Bombay on 29 May and to adopt a constitution and to elect the executive. The Bombay meeting held in January 1927 also adopted a resolution to form workers and peasants' parties in the different provinces and adopted a programme for the same which is identical with the programme of the Bengal Peasants' and Workers' Party or the Labour-Kisan-Swaraj Party of Bengal (Meerut Record, D 362-CPI file of Bagerhatta). According to the annual report quoted above the general conference actually met on 31 May 1927 in Bombay and adopted a Constitution, elected the executive and passed a number of resolutions. The pamphlet entitled Annual Report quoted above gives the text of all these decisions taken by the meeting of 31 May 1927. These throw interesting light on the question of the affiliation of the CPI with the CI and on the question of delegates to the next World Congress. They also throw light on the relation of the CPI to the workers and peasants' parties being formed in the different parts of India, and which were leading the mass upsurge of the class-struggle and class-organisation of workers and peasants which spread all over India particularly in the industrial centres and in its rural surroundings in 1927-28. We liave already referred to article No 14 on "Forcign Bureau” which is included in the Constitution of the CPI ·20 MARXIST MISCELLANY adopted at the May meeting (1927) in Bombay This article is not there in the Constitution adopted at the Kanpur Conference (see Meerut Records, Exhibit P 1142 and P 1145) The 'Foreigu Bureau” article was included later on the recommendation of M N Roy (typed letter from M N Roy to Bagerhatta, dated February or March 1926, Exlubit D 375 of Meerut Records) It is interesting to com. pare the text about 'Foreign Bureau” suggested by Roy in the abovementioned letter and the actual wording as in; cluded in the Constitution as adopted in Bombay and printed in the Annual Report Roy's suggestion reads as follows The Communist Party of India will maintain a 'Foreign Bureau' as the ideological centre composed of comrades who are not in a position to work inside the countri The Foreign Bureau will be representative of Central Committee and will act as the organ through which the international relations of the party will be muntuned The CP. of India will be section of the Communist International" (Alecrut Records, Exhibit D 375, emphasis added) The same file contains a typed draft Constitution of the CPI consisting of 21 articles In this draft the Central Ere cutrc is defined as composed of president, secretariat and members of the CCC, all clected at the congress Article No 18 is on Foreign Bure nu, wluch is word for word the simc as above except for the last sentence (italıcısed above) which has been deleted The Constitution adopted in Bombas (M11 1927) ans! printed in the Annual Report, consists of 21 articles Jere the CCC is composed of the presidium consisting of five munlı is, tlic general secretary and the treasurer and eight other memlicrs all elected at the congress Article No 14 on the Foreign Burrit is reformulated thus *Foreign Bureau-The Presidium with the sanction of the CC wull muntan a Foreign Buretu as an iclcological contre composed of comrades who are not in 7 position to work inside the countn Mie roreign Bureau will Ixe representative of the CE and will act as the organ through which tle inte rutional relations of the parts will be maintained But it will not act in any way inconsistent with the ·THE COMINTERN CONGRESSES AND THE CPI 21 party's programme and resolutions. The Foreign Bureau will have a regular office at place at their convenience and will keep a constant touch with all the CPs and the Comintern and will give publicity to Indian affairs" (The Annual Report, 1927, pp 9-10, emphasis added). Here a brief comment on the question of affiliation to the CI, summing up the position from 1921 to 1928, is necessary. As we have pomted out earlier, the Indian dele. gates to the Third World Congress of the CI (1921) were for the first time listed as from the CPI and this can only be on the basis of the temporary affiliation granted to the emigre CPI formed in Tashkent. In 1922 when communist groups came into existence in India Roy tried to get their representatives to come to the CI (lus letter to Dange, Ashleigh's visit, etc.). When this effort failed Roy tried to get Indian comrades to come to Europe for a conference with him for the same purpose This was in 1923. But this elfort also did not succeed because of the arrests preparatory to the Cawnpore Conspiracy Case and because of the actual case launched in April-Níay 1924, i e. just on the eve of the Fifth Congress. Since the Kanpur Conference (December 1925) Roy insisted that the Central Executive which had then come into existence should adopt a resolution deciding to affiliate the Indian party to the CI and making an application to that effect. The Central Executive responded to this suggestion of Roy in the form we have given above. Without saying anything about the affiliation, the Constitution adopted creates and maintains a bureau which is to keep in constant touch with the CI and other CPs. This article on the "Foreign Bureau" in the Constitution adopted by the Central Executive in May 1927 means full acceptance of the principle of affiliation to the cr br the party in India. This is proved by the fact that when at the beginning of 1929, before the Afecrut arrests, a draft Constitution of the underground CPI was made, defining the party as the section of the CI and mentioning the princi. ple of the dictatorship of the proletariat in the preamble, that draft contains the identical article on the Foreign Burcau, word for word (ecruit Records, Exhibit P 41617).

·20 MARXIST MISCELLAVY It is important to note that Roy was insisting that the party formed in India should take the decision in its Central Executive to affiliate to the CI. IIc did not consider that the affiliation given to the CPI formed in Tashkent is ipso facto transferred to the party formed in India. This became particularly necessary bccausc at the Kanpur Communist Conference convened by Satyabhakta, there was a strong trend of “national communism”. Satyabhakta and his colleagues were saying that the CPI should be a party of "national communism and should not be affiliated to the Communist International. This trend was defeated and Satyabhakta and his supporters left the conference. Though the conference did not pass any resolution about CPI affiliating itself to the CI, the groups which were already maintaining relations with the CI* dominated the CEC elected at the conference. But the speeches and statements of Satyabhahta at the time of the conference had “made a bad impression abroad”. When Roy got full reports of all that had hap: pened at Kanpur, he wrote as above and asked the neit meeting of the CEC to pass a resolution about affiliation and he sent the draft about the "Foreign Bureau”. Inclusion of that para in the amended form in the CPI Constitution at the Bombay meeting of the CEC in May 1927 has the full force of the decision to affiliate, despite the words. The same meeting adopted a resolution saving: "The CPI desues, that à delegation composed of Comradeş J. P. Bagerhatta, Muzaffar Ahmad, R. Ŝ. Nimblar to travel to Great Britain and the continent to study labour conditions in those countries. The delegation shall subnut a report to the party.” This again confirms that the CEC was desirous of sending a delegation to establish direct contact with the CI to formalise the question of affiliation. Of course putting it in that harmless way would never have got the comrades mentioned in the resolution passports to go abroad from the British government. They had to go illegally, if they wanted to go, but that did not materialise Another wrong idea of the initiators of the Kanpur Conference was that the Communist Party of India can be organised legally and could function legally. This wrong ·THE COMINTERN CONGRESSES AND Thifter Ryba idea arose because of the wront under dit te vhat the High Court Judge had said in his jungement or the Cawnpore Case. He had said that propaganda of communism ipso facto was not illegal. He said the accused in the case were convicted because they were conspiring to overthrow British rule in India. Satyabhahta's illusions about legalism arose out of his economism. He failed to see that communist propaganda and the organisation of workers and peasants for their political class demands could not be separated from the main task of the CP at the time, viz to work for complete independence, for the overthrow of British rule over India. Communists who came to the conference were clear on this point. They ame there to that the CPI is not captured by bogus people in the name of holding a legal conference. Besides they also wanted to probe the possibilities of functioning the party legally. This question was discussed systematically in the communist press after the Cawnpore Case. It was raised in Bagerhatta's open letter to M. N. Roy published in The Socialist, Vol. II, No. 38, 21 September 1924. Roy replied to it in detail in a letter from Zurich of 22 October 1924. The reply made it clear that while we fully utilise all legal possibilities of work, the CPI as such has to work and function illegally, while forming such broad parties as workers' and peasants' parties to fight for raising the struggle for independence to a militant and revolutionary plane. At Kanpur in 1925 even the communists to a certain extent were affected by the legalist illusion Muzaffar Ahmad in one of his earlier works has made a self-criticism to that effect though in the latest book Myself and the CPI he puts it all on the head of Dange, who was not even present in Kanpur, being then in jail. In his pamphlet Communist Party of India-Years of Formation, (1921-1933) published in August 1959 (NBA, Calcutta), Muzaffar Ahmad wrote about the Kanpur Conference as follows: {"We brought together the communists of various places in the country and constituted for the first time the Central Committee of the Communist Party of India in the Kanpur Conference itself. The conference was held openly. There- ·24 MARXIST MISCELLANY fore the committee was also constituted openly For this we had to face plenty of criticism both at home and abroad We deserved this criticism But there was no other way either Had we not joined the conference at Kanpur, Satya bhahta's separate communist party would have considerably hındered our work in the future” (p 20, emphasis added) When the first Central Committee of the Com munist Party was constituted in Kanpur, Comrades S V Ghate and JanahPrasad Bagerhatta became joint secretaries" (p 21) But the same Muzaffar Ahmad, now after the split, the high priest of the anti-Dange slander campaign under the banner of the CPM, attacks the CPI for stiching to the agreed decision of the united party that the foundation date of the party should be the date of the formation of the first Central Committee of the party at the Kanpur Conference (26 December 1925) This is what he writes about the Kanpur Conference now, in his latest book "Anyway, I think the Communist Conference in Kanpur was a disgraceful affair After the three communist conspi racy cases in Peshawar and the Kanpur Communist Conspiracy Case, how could one think of tracing the foundation of the Communist Party to the farce staged by Satyabhahta? We, some of us, formed--rather were forced to form-a committee in Kanpur Satyabhahta tarnished the name of the Communist Party If Satyabhakta had not contrived his farce, the Communist Party would have been an underground organisation and Dange perhaps would not have joined it” (Ibid, page 413) The counterpoising of the two paragraphs speaks for itself No further comment is needed here Muzaffar's earlier paragraph corresponds to our earlier common understand ing and we still stand by it Legalıst allusions at the con. ference were reflected in the resolutions adopted there, especially in the follow ing resolution That the conference resolves that the Labour Kisan Party of Hindusthan be dissolied and the Labour Kısan Cazette be the organ of the Partı" (Meerut Records, Exhibit D 374/22) All this was corrected in the subsequent meetings of the ·THE CONTERY CONGRESSES AND THE CPI CEC, particularly in the meeting held on S1 May 1927, to which we have referred to earlier. In the Annual Report (pp. 13-14) the relationship between the CPI and the svorkers and peasants' parties being formed in different provinces is correctly put: "The Communist Party of India approves of the programme laid down by the workers and peasants' parties of Bengal and Bombay and Rajputana and enjoins the members to work on this programme. The members shall try to form similar organisations where such do not exist." This meeting also reconstituted the CEC. Comparing the CEC elected at Kanpur with the one reorganised in Bonbay (May 1927) we find that Azad Sobhani, Satyabhakta, Balaram Chaubey, Radha Jolian Gokuljee, Ramachandra and Kameshwar Rao are dropped and in their places arc taken S. A. Dange (then still in jail), Abdul IInlim, Gaur Rahaman (Darveshi), S. N. Tagore (Saumyendra Nath Tagore) and S. M. Alistry. S. V. Ghate is general secretary and S. M. Mistry treasurer. S. A. Dange is in the presidium together with Muzaffar, Gaur Rahaman, K. S. Iyengar and Bagerhatta. In the Executive besides thesc are Singamvelu, Hasrat Mohani, R. S. Nimbkar, 11. A. Majid, K, N. Joglehar, S. N. Tagore, Abdul Ilalim and S. D. Ilussain (Lalore). Ganacani, Nichnatkash and Kranti are listed as "organs (nonofficial)". Significantly, neither Kirti nor Kirti-Kisan Party (Punjab) is mentioned. Another significant fact is that Saumyendra Nath Tagorc is listed as member of the CEC. According to Muzaffar Ahmad, S. N. Tagoro "remained in the Workers' and Peasants' Party from January 1926 to April 1927. Meanwhile lie had also joined the Commu. nist Party of India” (The CPI and Its Formation Abrond, p. 158). In the same place Muzaffar also states that S. N. Tagore left for Europe in April 1928. Later lic appeared in Moscow at the time of the Sixth World Congress of the CI and was clected clclegate to that congress. We will come to this point presently; lierc wc only want to state that Muzaffar Ahmad nowhere mentions that S. N. Tngoro was elected to the CEC of the CPI in May 1927, though this could not take place without Muzaffar's recommen. dation.

·20 MAISIST MISCELLA11 After this long digression about the developments in the communist movement in India between 1924 and 1928 let us quote how the same situation is summed up in the report of the CI-CI Bcticcn the Fifth and thic Sixth Congresses We are only quoting relevant generalisations from a 14-page printed report in the abovenamed volume. After summing up the “economic position", thc "political situation”, the policies of the bourgeoisie, and the class struggle in India in the cities and in rural arcas, the report goes on to say: "The problem of the organisation of a genuine Commu. nist Party as thic vanguard of the proletariat, which must be the leader of the national revolution, is still to be solved. Simultaneously with the attempt to form a legal Communist Party, there appeared in the various provinces a number of workers and peasants' parties in which communist groups have taken a part. Growing originally as leftwing organisa. tions within the Indian National Congress, these parties have since acquired an independent status as self-contained political parties. Of the four WPPs formed during 1925-27 those of Bengal and Bombay alone have been politically active and have given themselves certain organisational shape. The Bengal WPP (originally called the Labour-Swaraj Party) was formed at the end of 1927 and has already held three annual conferences. Its policy is formulated in the report of the Executive Committee of the Bengal WPP submitted to the last annual conference held in March-Apni About the Bombay WPP the report said that it has "succeeded in acquiring a predominant influence' among the large industrial proletariat of Bombay. It was by its initiative in organisation that 30,000 workers of Bombay assembled in a separate political demonstration with revolutionary slogans on the occasion of the Simon Com. mission to India and in connection with the national campaign of boycott against the commission." About the strike wave in 1927-28 and the emergence of the red-flag (class-conscious) unions, the report says: "It is, however, in connection with the present strikes that both tlıc Bengal and Bombay WPP have shown themselves to be in the closest contact with the industrial prole- 1928."

·THE COMINTERN CONGRESSES AND THE CPI 27 tariat in big centres Both in the railway strike in Bengal and the textile stnke in Bombay, the members of the WPP have not only taken the most active part in organising strike action but have also gained the enthusiastic confidence of the workers to the extent of being chosen by them as their leaders in preference to the bourgeois reformists who have up till now led the trade union movement "A conference is now being convoked where the existing WPPs propose to form themselves into an All-India Workers and Peasants' Party" As we see from these formulations and from the report as a whole, the CI was accurately seized of the situation in India This is not at all surprising The cordon sanitaire so to speah, which the British imperialists sought to clamp round India to isolate it from the international workingclass and communist movement had broken down, thanks to the upsurge of the working class and peasant movement in India itself in the latter half of the twenties In hundreds of mass meetings of striking workers and demonstrating peasants in all the centres of struggles throughout the country the message of the October Socialist Revolution and its significance for India's freedom struggle were being openly preached The same was being done by Kranti (Marathi), Ganauanı (Bengalı), Krantıkarı (Hindi), Kırtı (Punjabı), Mehnatkash (Urdu), Pyjam i Mazdur (Urdu) in print week by week Mirajhar and Spratt who were being prosecuted for the pamphlet India and China calling for solidanty with China's liberation struggle and to which Szklatvala wrote a one-line foreword asking "my Indian friends to do likewise”, were declared "not guilty" by the jury, thus quashing the prosecution launched by the government The two British communists, Bradley and Spratt, who did not hide their adherence to the international communist movement, were functioning semiopenlv in working class and communist movement in 1927-28 But the Public Safety Bill being forged to get such "undesirable" British citizens expelled was at least for the time being blocked by the bold action of the then spraker of the Central Assembh, Vithalbhai Patel Inspired by this workers' and peasants' miss upsurge, ·28 MARLYIST MISCELLANY youth leagues and Congress leftwing were demanding a new round of national struggle for independence, which was in the offing. British business in India was demanding drastic action against working-class and communist leaders and the British government was preparing for roundup of these for a new conspiracy case to smash this left movement before the national struggle started. On a world plane, the communist movement was getting a broad mass base in the world working-class movement as well as in the freedom movement of the oppressed peoples. The first conference of the League against Impe: rialism, symbolising this militant unity in the spirit of Lenin's slogan, “Workers and oppressed peoples of the world, unitel” was being held in Brussels in February 1927. The Indian National Congress had sent Jawaharlal Nehru as its official delegate to this conference. The veteran Indian revolutionary Virendranath Chattopadhyaya (now for years in exile abroad) was the general secretary of this league. Among Indian students and Indian national revolutionaries abroad the trend towards communism was growing, It was in this situation that the Sixth World Congress of the Communist International was convened by the ninth plenum of the ECCI meeting in February 1926. The congress was to meet in July 1928. The leading comrades in India knew in the beginning of 1928 that the Sixtli Congress of the CI was to be held in the autumn. They also knew that M. N. Roy was no longer in the leading bodies of the CI nor was he at the headquarters of the organisation. Roy's articles on India continued to appear in the Inprecor up to March 1929. But comrades in India Inew in the early months of 1928 that "Roy was all but actually Ousted” (Xfuzaffar Ahmad, Ibid., p. 453). From the same reference one can conclude that leading comrades in India had advance information of the coming Sixth Congress of the CI. This is not surprising. Despite the customs cordon of the British Indian police, issues of Inprecor were slipping in and Spratt and Bradley, who were already functioning in the Indian movement at the time, were also in close touch with the CPGB. All the same the party does not seem to bave made an effort to send any official delegates This was probably ·THE COMINTERN CONGRESSES AND THE CPI 29 because of the heavy pressure of the mass upsurge of strike struggles and the difficulty of releasing responsible comrades for the job. However when towards the end of the year Inprccor issues carrying the reports of the congress began to arrive, it was noticed that a number of Indian delegates were not only present but their speeches at the congress were reported. SIXTH CONGRESS OF THE CI 17 July to 1 September 1928 The congress met from 17 July to 1 September 1928. According to the official history of the CI recently published, there were 532 delegates representing 57 Communist and Workers' Parties and organisations like the RILU, International Workers' Relief, and the YCL at the congress. The total affiliated membership was given by the credential committee as 17 lakhs 99 thousand, of which 12 lakhs 10 thousand were accounted for by the CPSU(B). The proceedings of the congress are found in various issues of Inprecor, Volume VIII, No. 39 of 25 July 1928, reported that Sikandar Sur from India was included in the presidium as well as his speech greeting the congress. No 44 of 3 August 1928 gives another speech by Sikandar Sur and one by Raza, both from India. In No. 55 of 25 August 1928 the speech by Mahmud (India) is reported. Another speech by Sikandar and also by Raza are reported in No 61 dated 11 September 1928. Still another speech by Sikandar and one by Narayana are given in No. 66 of 25 September 1928. One of the main reports on "The Revolutionary Movement in the Colonies and Semicolonies" by Otto Kuusinen is given in No. 68 of 4 October 1928 along with two co-reports on the same subject: one by Ercoli and another by Sikandar Sur. There were further speeches on the report, tlose by Narayana and Clemens Dutt (India)—these are given in No. 76 of 30 October 1928. Speeches by Raza and Sikandar are found in No. 78 of 8 November 1928. At the conclusion of the debate on the colonial report there were declarations by Lulani and Sikandar Sur which are printed in No. 81 of 21 November 1928. Tlic English translation of The Theses on thc Recolu- ·30 MARAIST MISCELLANY ? tionary Movement in the Colonies and Semicolonies was published in full in No 88 dated 12 December 1928 According to authentic information got recently from the Institute of Marxism-Leninism of the CC, CPSU, there were three Indian delegates with decisive vote and three others at the Sixth Congress Their "names' have been listed as follows With Decisive Vote Others 1 Sikandar Sur 1 Clemens Dutt 2 Raza 2 Mohammad Ali 3 Spencer (?) 3 Indian delegates who spoke at the Sixth Congress according to Inprecor were (1) Sihandar Sur, (2) Raza, (3) Narayana, (4) Mahmud, (5) Clemens Dutt, (6) Luhani Of these, Mahmud (Mohammad Alt), Clemens Dutt and Luhani are real names All these three were working under the Eastern Bureau of CI at that time Mohammad Ali and Clemens Dutt were members of the Foreign Bureau of the CPI together with M N Roy This Foreign Bureau formed by Roy and which was functioning under the Eastern Burenu of the ECCI probably ceased to exist after the Sixth Con gress (at the end of 1928) The article regarding the Foreign Burcau as we have pointed out earlier existed in the drift Constitution of the CPI (1929) prepared by the leading Meerut comrades" just before their arrest The point here is that Luhant seems to have stepped into the place of M N Roy and these three were the delegates at the Sixth Congress on behalf of the Eastern Bureau (India) This leaves the three with decisive vote, being pseudomums-and these are those who come secretly from Indi? to attend the congress It is well known that though the CPI sent no official delegates Shrukat Usmanı together with three Muhajir communists left Indn secrcth and without the knowledge of the party, and some of them were admitted as delegates from İnden It is also ucll known that Sikandar Sur is Shizukat Usmunt It is also known that Suumi endra Nath Tagore who was in Moscos from the middle of 1927, was also a delegate at the Congress and Mariana is Stimy ondra Nath ·TIIE COVIXTERN CONGRESSES AND THE CPI 31 About Shaukat Usmani and his collcagues we have two versions from Muzaffar Alimad. In his Communist Party of India and Its Formation Abroad (p. 94) he writes: "It was on the cve on the congress that Shaukat Usmani, Muhammad Shafiq, Habib Ahmed Naseem and Masood Ali Shah reached Moscow. There was hardly any time for scrutiny of their credentials. Besides it is very likely that the Icaders of the Communist International were cutremely happy to see delegates arriving from India. Thus all four were given the status as delegates, perhaps Habib Ahmed Nascem represented India at the Young Communist International. It was long after the Sixth Congress was over that news reached regarding the spurious character of their credentials." In his latest book Myself and the CPI (pp. 449-50) Muzafar gives lus revised version of the same in the following words: "Usmani and party reached Moscow just when the Sixth Congress of the Communist International was about to commence. Everybody was glad to see them, for it was the first time that an Indian delegation had travelled all the way from India to Russia in this manner to attend any congress of the Communist International. The delegates had not only heaps of credentials with them, they were also known persons. Shauhat had been released after serying his term of conviction in the Bolshevik Conspiracy Case. His name was recorded in the register of the Communist International. Muham mad Shafiq was the first secretary of the emigrant section of the Communist Party of India, which was still a section of the Communist International. Shaukat Usmani and Shafiq were accepted as delegates to the Sixth Congress of the Communist International and the other two were possibly sent to the Con. gress of the Young Communist International. As for Shaukat Usmani, he was even elected to the Presidium of the Sixth Congress." This second version is more accurate. We knorn from other sources that Raza is dlohammad Shafiq. So it appcars that Shaukat Usmani and Mohammad Shafi vero flir two of the three delegates with decisive vote. Whi98: "Sparnicer"?

·32 MAR VIST MISCELLA VY session Is he Luhanı or Saumy endra Nath Tagore? According to Muzaffar Ahmads chapter, Saumyendra Nath Tagore's Illegal Booklet” in his The Communist Party of India and Its Formation Abroad (p 167), S N Tagore was still stay ing in Moscow when the Sixth Congress of the CI held its He was allowed into the Congress as a delegate but without voting rights, that is to say, he could make speeches but could not cast his vote" Takıng for granted Muzaffar's information that S N Tagore (Naravana) was a delegate without vote or with consultative vote (ie right to make speech) is correct then 'Spencer' must be Luhanı The fact that Luhanı made ? declaration at the congress after the discussion on the colonial report may be taken as a proof that he was a delegate with a decisive vote So the position is that the three Indian delegates with decisive vote at the Sixth World Congress of the CI were Shaukat Usmani, Mohammad Shafiq and Luhani wlule those with consultative vote were Clemens Dutt, Mohammad Ali and S N Tagore But the delegation that went from India was not a delegation from the Communist Party of India nor had it a mindate from the party This became known in Moscow after the congress ended and even after Shaukat Usmını left for India He rrived in India in December 1928 and appeared openly in Calcutta when the First All India Workers' and Pensınts Conference was holding its sessions So it is necessary to find out and record what action was taken subsequently and what was the Inter history of the members of this socalled delegation First let us briefly summarise what Muzaffar Ahmad shy's about this in his latest book and mostly in his own words Attempts, of course, were being made to collect information from Indıı about these delegates By the time we received a cryptic telegram from London in Calcutt? and sent also a similarly cryptic replı, the Sixth Congress had ended We informed that delegates, without a single exccp tion, had gone with forged credentials and there was ono suspicious character among them, the rest being fools” (p 450) "According to Raj? Mahendra Pratap, he lund sech Shafiq, Habib and Ali Shah going about together in Moscow ·THE COALINTERN CONGRESSES AND THE CPI 33 even in April, 1929: they used to stay at Hotel Look" (p. 451). Again quoting Mahendra Pratap's letter to him (Muzaffar), he says: "one day at the dead of night one of these three was awakened and taken away to an unknown place and nothing had been heard of him since. The Soviet government must have found out that Masood Ali Shale was a British spy and he must have been taken to the place of execution that night" (p 450). Towards the end of 1932, when the Meerut Case hearings had ended and the judge was writing the judgement at that time Shaukat' Usmani received a letter from M. Shafiq. This was sometime in the latter half of 1932" (p. 451). Muzaffar Ahmad savs he had read that letter "The contents, as far as I can remember, were as follows: Shafiq had landed the previous day, he liad come vir Europe (wliether it was via London, I cannot remember). Shafiq had written further. What's the good of your undergoing so much trouble? The affiliation of the Communist Party of India with the Communist International has been kept in abeyance'” (p. 452). Muzaffar says, he does not know how Shafiq returned to India and what happened to him in Moscow between April 1929 and 1932. He does not know what happened to Habib. As for Masood Ali Shah, he says, quoting Mahendra Pratap's letter, he was sentenced to death". Muzaffar Ahmad puts together all the known evidence to prove that Masood Ali Shah was a British agent and adds something new. This new cvidence is photostat of papers preserved in the India Office, London, which is a confidential report of the British intelligence officer attached to the British commercial mission in Moscow, sent to Lord Curzon, foreign secretary of the British government from 1919 to 1924. From these papers one learns that Masoost contacted this British intelligence officer in Moscow as well as two other British officers in Berlin, gave them his code name as a British agent and said he knew Cecil Kaye, then DIG, CID in India, and made them a report (pp. 445-46). Muzaffar does not give the date of these papers but from the fact that the report includes the statement that Masood MM-3 ·34 MARXIST MISCELLANY was at the Fourth Congress of the CI (5 November to 5 December 1922) and from the fact that the communication is addressed to Lord Curzon as foreign secretary it must be sometime in early 1923. Nalini Gupta in his statement to the police after his arrest on 27 December 1923 confirms the fact that Ali Shah was at the Fourth Congress (quoted by us earlier). Muzaffar Ahmad reaches three conclusions: (1) Usmanı knew that Masood was a suspicious character and still he decided to go with him because he thought that once in Moscow, he would snuff out the party in India at one breath” (p. 444) and if possible oust M. N. Roy and step into the vacancy (p. 453). (2) But Roy was already "all but actually ousted” and Shaukat Usmani "would have been in danger if he had not run away hurriedly" (p: 453). After returning "he surrendered to the party through me... "I'I, Usmani said 'submit to whatever punishment you may give me. Send me to work in some village” (p. 449). (3) At the meeting of the Communist Party of India held in December 1928, at the time of the All-India Workers' and Peasants Party Conference, “Usmani's actions in going to Moscow with forged credential in violation of party directions were not discussed. Everything was buried on the consideration that he had prayed for pardon immediately after his retum. How weak was our party, at that time! But it was decided at the party meeting that Shaukat Usmani should choose his place of work with Lahore as the centre” (pp. 452-53). That Masood Ali Shah7 was a British agent is a wellestablished fact. Apart from plenty of other evidence the 7. Later the actual document referred to was located by the writer in the Nahonal Archives of India. It is in the Home Department Political FDe of 1924, No. 115, the "subject" noted on it is "Report of Syed Masud Al Shah on the Bolshevik Activities in India" It consists of two secret despatches addressed to Marquess Curzon of the British Foreign Office, London, from the British Commercial Mission in Moscow. They are dated 2 January 1923 and 10 January 1923 respectively. These letters are reports made by the intelligence official in the British Mission in Moscow of what Ali Shah told him when he (Ali Shah) contacted the mission ·THE COVINTER CO\GRESSES AND THIC CII 35 photostat of the India Office documents which Muzaffar Alimad quotes perfunctonly without giving dates etc is quite conclusive. But there are morc facts which Muzaffar has not mentioned There are also contradictions in the facts mentioned by Nuzalar Muhajir fellow travellers of Masood bad suspected him, as Muzaffır says Masood was in person or 27 December 1922 and January 1923 The relevant facts which immerge from Ali Shals statement as ghen in these letters are as follows Svec Vlasud u Shah was in one of the Vuhayır batches which crossed from Afghanistan into Soviet Russit in September 1920 Ile was in Tashkent Nilitary School between February to April 1921 He returned to India wa Iers a on 15 December 1921 He ngan left India in June 1922 and reached Moscow in July 1922. travelling by land route via Tehran In Tehran he contacted Capt Nanline On 21 August he left Moscow for Berlin and on 13 September he saw Major Green at Wilhelmstrasse who directed him to Major Folly (?). through whom he received on 14 October a telegram from India remitt ing one hundred pounds Irom Berlin he returned to Moscow where he attended the 4th Con gress of the CI (5 November to 5 December 1922) In Moscow he was to be contacted by someone as the contact failed he contacted tho British Mission on 27 December 1922 He produced before the official of the same delegate cards for the 4th Congress of the CI and for the Con gress of the Young Communist International issued in his own name He (Ali Shah) told official that his identification word was "Bellmount" and he referred to "his relations with Col Laye" By the time Ali Shah contacted the British Mission in Moscow a second time on 4 January 1922 the official had transmitted the facts given by Ali Shah to the Bntish intelligence official in Berlin who numbered telegram dated 4 January 1922 confirmed all these facts In his second vist Ali Shah told the official that Roy had instructed hun esther to stay in Moscow or to return to India with a group of Indians wh ch was going back via Persia But Ali Shah was keen on going to Berlin where he said a conference of Ind an communists called by Roy was to meet His difficulty was that on the Persian passport suppled to him through Roy the German consulate in Moscow was refus ing him visa That is why Al Shah bad contacted the British Mission a second time The most revealing thwg are the handwritten remarks by Lt Col Cecil haye (D rector Central Intelligence Government of India) in which haye espresses hs dissatisfaction that Ali Shahs real name is mentioned in Gles He adds Ali Shah is already a suspect among Roys followers and hopes that he (Ali Shah) is able to get away (from Moscow) before the suspicion becomes a certainty in an un ·36 MARXIST MISCELLANY not arrested when he came back sometime in 1921 and went back to Moscow in 1922. Usmani in a letter to Roy dated 15 February 1923 refers to Ali Shah thus: “They (imperialists and bourgeoisie) send lackeys, henchmen in our organisation... They come in guise of Mustafa Saghirs, Ali Sahaks, Roys and R. Bhattacharyas... These plague germs must be butchered. .. and ruthlessly. No compromise. No mercy..." This was Exhibit. No. 43 in the Cawnpore Conspiracy Case and was quoted in part in the Šessions Court judgement and Usmani has given a lengthier quotation from the same in his unpublished autobiography from which we have quoted above. That Masood went back to Moscow again in 1922 is known to us from three sources: (1) Nalini Gupta's state. ment to the police dated 27 December 1923 (N.AI, quoted earlier), (2) Cecil Kaye's account in Communism in India, 1924-27, page 19, (3) photostat of India Office papers quoted by Muzaffar Ahmad. Nalini Gupta says: "I met only Ali Shah who returned to Berlin from India via Persia and Moscow after I was there. I learnt from him that he visited Bengal and other parts of India and got into touch with several Congress leaders and labour agitators." He says further: "The Indians who attended the Congress (Fourth Congress of CI, 5 November to 5 December 1922-GA.) are myself, Ali Shah, M. N. Roy and two delegates who came from India (?) and belonged to the Chadr Party." According to India Office papers, Masood was simultaneously keeping in touch with British intelligence officers both in Moscow and Berlin in 1922 These papers are as a communication addressed to Lord Curzon who was foreign tary only up to the end of 1923. Now Cecil Kaye states that "Roy had received letters from India denouncing Masood as a spy". This is quite correct. We have quoted Usmani's letter to Roy. But did Roy take action on this information? We think he did not and Cecil Kaye's account that “Masood was arrested and imprisoned and later managed to escape" etc. seems to be totally false Muzaffar also does not believe it. From 1922 onwards we do not have any record of Ali Shah's movements till 1925 end. Towards the end of 1925 secre- ·THE COMINTERN CONGRESSES AND THE CPI 37 S. V. Ghate recalls that. Masood Ali Shah contacted him and told him he had just come from abroad and showed him a brief identification letter signed by Evelyn Roy wntten on his cuffsleeve on the inside. The communication said that he should be taken to the Kanpur Conference which was to be held at the end of December 1925 and to which Ghate was preparing to go. Ghate suspected him but because of the letter, which he identified," he asked him to accompany him to Kanpur and to be at the station at the appointed time. Ghate says, Masood did not tum up and he did not liear of him till after one year or more. In 1926 Masood Ali Shah again sought out Ghate and met him somewhere in the open and insisted on talling to Ghate, who did not want to do anything with him. But Masood would not leave him and said: "I must tell you about myself. Aly father is a great friend of Petigara who was then DIG, CID and had asked me to do what he (Petigara) tells me. That is how I got into this.” This is the gist of what Masood told him in 1926, Ghate recalls. Ghate says, he informed this to leading comrades and to Usmani after he came out of jail in 1927. Shaukat Usmani would probably deny that he got this information from Ghate before he decided to go with M. Shafiq, Habib Ahmad and Ali Shah to Moscow in the beginning of 1928. But even if Usmani had kept in mind the full significance of what he had himself written to Rov about Ali Shah in 1923 he would not have launched on that journey. Usmani, in his latest unpublished autobiographical manuscript, does criticise himself for undertaking that journey and says he protested to Shafiq about Masood Ali Shah's being included in the team and even threatened to withdraw, but finally agreed to go accepting a milder version of Ali Shah's doings in the past which Shafiq gave whitewashing Ali Shah's real role. Let us quote Shaukat Usmani's own words: "If I do not criticise and expose myself here, I would be doing a great deal of harm to the young revolutionaries. I fell in a bad trap. Shafiq pinned me down in a very awkward position. He inflicted the news that Masood Ali Shah would be accompanying us. I was aghast with amaze- ·38 MARXIST MISCELLANY ment. I told him plainly that I would far better drop out... I said, 'I would not go with Masood Ali Shah who had darkened his past. But Shafiq disagreed with me and Habib supported him that Ali Shah was not at fault; it was M. N. Roy's instructions he had carried out in whatever he had done." When Usmani argued, "Why go with a man who was not welcome at Moscow", Shafiq explained, “it was for the purposes of rehabilitating him with Moscow and exposing Roi". Usmani says: “I fell in against my will” because he thought “the safe trip would vindicate Shah and fulfil my long cherished desire to go back to Moscow”. He concludes: “Yes, I should be frank enough to state that I was wrong. I ought to have given up this trip for a better occasion. But what they call destiny was working against me and sun of reputation had to set. My downward course began with this agreement. I was in an eclipse which had to take a long time to clear” (p. 190). Shaukat Usmani gives a scrappy account of his own experiences at the Sixth World Congress, who were all the Indian delegates, what happened to Masood Ali Shah and his other companions, what talk he had with Comintern leaders before he left. But the following facts are recorded by him in his unpublished work quoted above: (1) Their joumey commenced in June 1928 through Iran and they reached Moscow just on the eve of the opening of the Congress on 17 July 1928. (2) "Shafiq, Habib Ahmad and myself who had prison terms to our credit were selected as... delegates to the congress... I was pushed into the presidium of the Comin. tern Congress and found myself seated third from Stalin."8 (3) "Shafiq and Habib kept their word in handing over Masood Ali Shal to the Soviet. I do not know Ali Shah fared well or bacl. . . He had violated the Soviet law during previous visit in 1923 (?) and he had admitted himself as such. Different rumours about liis fate prevailed during our Meerut trial. I do not know anything about their truth or otherwise" (p. 190). 8 Als Quatril in his namnblo ·THE COMINTERN CONGRESSES AND THE CPI 39 (4) He had two private interviews one with Bukharin and another with Stalin. He says, he communicated to them the message of Indian revolutionaries (terrorists) who wanted help for their “actions" to "blow up" the Simon Commission while it was touring India. Reply in both the cases was obviously negative; Bukharin told him "to inform the revolutionaries to desist individual acts and prepare for mass actions" (p. 194). (5) Usmani writes, he "was offered a seat on the Executive Committee of the Comintern. The seat was to be temporary till the consent of the comrades from India was obtained. I knew that the comrades who had opposed my going away would vehemently oppose such a move... hence refused the offer. ...I proposed to return. I was advised not to take such a step” (p. 194). A little further, Usmani writes: "There were some chances of my remaining on the Executive of the Communist International... one gentleman (S. N. Tagore) from Bengal in Moscow vehemently opposed my being elected to the EC and because of this opposition organised by him, I was offered a temporary seat on the Executive Committee which I refused to accept and preferred to come back" (p. 209). "One gentleman (s. N. Tagore)" is Saumyendra Nath Tagore, who as we had mentioned ealier was a delegate with consultative vote at the Sixth Congress and whose speech at the same is reported in Inprecor under the pseudonym "Narayana”. Usmani never mentioned this fact in his autobiography. About the election of two members of the CPI to the ECCI Muzaffar Ahmad says this in his CPI—Years of Forination, 1921-1933: "TVc leamt while our Central Committee was meeting! that at the Sixth World Congress of the Communist International two of our party members were elected as alternative members of the Executive Committee of the Communist International This matter was also discussed in the 9 In December 1928 at the time of the conference of the All-India Workers' and Peasants' Party.

·40 MARXIST MISCELLANY meeting of our Central Committee. It was decided to send one of these two members to the headquarters of the Communist International. But before anything could be arranged, the Meerut event descended upon us” (p. 28). Muzaffar does not give the names of the two members elected to the ECCI as alternate members nor does he say if Usmani was one of them. Ghate cannot recall this at all. It is not recorded for obvious reasons. But this generally confirms Usmani's information. Muzaffar who accuses Usmani and his colleagues of going to Moscow with forged credentials says the same thing about Saumyendra Nath Tagore, who was in Moscow already six months before the Sixth Congress began: "Saumyendra Nath had a genuine passport but his credential letter was dubious, for the signatory to it never knew anything about it, let alone signing it” (The CPI and its Formation Abroad, pp. 167-68). But Muzaffar himself had sent him enough credentials which "helped him a great deal at the international level": “In November, 1927, the tenth anniversary of the Russian revolution was celebrated... The Peasants and Workers' Party of Bengal had an invitation sent on behalf of the Russian Rural Cooperatives. On my suggestion the Party sent a wire intimating that Saumyendra Nath Tagore would participate in the celebrations as the representative of our party, which he did. "On Qarch 31, 1928, the third conference of the Peasants' and Workers' Party of Bengal was held at Bhatpara, a big jute mill area. It was mentioned in the report to the conference that the party's General Secretary, Saumyendra Nath Tagore was touring Europe in order to study the working class movement. All this kind of thing helped him a great deal on the international plane” (Ibid., p. 164) Aluzaffar says: "... in spite of whatever we did for his sakc, he did not truly have the right to be our representative". He points out inaccuracies in his address to the Sixth Congress of the Communist International". IIc reports that "the representatives of the Communist International began a lengthy and exhaustive discussion with him regarding the movement in India and the problems of party.

·THE COMINTERN CONGRESSES AND THE CPI 41 building. They asked him to return to India and report back to the party the discussions that had taken place” (Ibid., pp. 165-66). S. N. Tagore did not return till after six years or more. He got the opportunity to study in the International Lenin School but did not make good use of it. On his return to India in 1934, S. N. Tagore wrote a book Hitlerism or Aryan Rule in Germany in which he stated that the reasons for Hitler's emergence were the treachery of the German Social-Democrats and the 'fatal error of the Communist Party of Germany". Comrade Abdul Halim criticised this approach of the book, namely the criticism of the Communist Party of Germany, in terms of the understanding of the Comintern then It was after this difference of opinion that S. N. Tagore left the Communist Party of India. Muzaffar has written all this about S N. Tagore in a sharp cnticism of the latter's booklet, Historical Development of the Communist Movement in India in the last chapter of his book CPI and Its Formation Abroad. Like Shaukat Usmani, S N. Tagore was a delegate at the Sixth Cominter Congress without a proper authorisation from the party. Shaukat Usmani returned immediately, surrendered to the party, admitted his mistake and began to work under the party, was arrested and heavily sentenced in the Meerut Case. It was only at the end of 1932 when he read Shafiq's letter that his mind was unhinged and he began to act erratically and in an antiparty way in jail and that is how he came to be removed from the party. But S. N. Tagore did not return immediately as he was asked to do, but only after five or six years. He found no urge to take his place in the front of struggle which was raging then in India in 1928 and in the early thirties. After his retum he left the party and his booklet mentioned above is an essay in antiparty slander under the guise of historical notes. If Shaukat Usmani went to Moscow and became a delegate to the Sixth Congress without party permission or authorisation, the same is not entirely the case as far as S. N. Tagore is concerned and Mſuzaffar must bcar at least partly the responsibility for his being clected as a delegate.

·12 MARXIST MISCELLAVY In the Meerut Case Records there are 18 letters addressed by S N Tagore to Muzaffar and three by the latter to the former The correspondence passed bets een them in the penod from January 1927 to November 1928 As we have pointed out above, Muzaffar himself admits that the various credentials sent to S N Tagore, who was then the General Secretary of the Bengal Workers' and Peasants' Party, by hım at the former's request "helped him (S N Tagore) considerably on the international plane” So it is not surprising that S N Tagore was elected as a delegate to the Sixth Congress of the CI in these circumstances, when it was extremely difficult for Indian communists to get out of the country Here was a General Secietary of a Provincial WPP, a member of the CPI and even a member of the CEC of that Party and with letters and credentials from one of the leading CEC members of the CPI Muzaffar has least reason to be surprised that S N Tagore was elected as a delegate to the World Congress The congress opened on 17 July 1928 S N Tagore made his contribution to the discussions sometime in August 1928 These things were not immediate- Is known in India in these days But in September 1928 Mfuzaffar must have known that the congress had opened In a letter dated 8 September 1928 Muzaffar Alimad is writing to S N Tagore, among other things, the following I her that four or five men from India have gone to Europe If they attempt to join any labour movement there on our behalf enter a strong protest in our names There is plenty of work to be done in India They have gone abroad to do mischic of the four men one is of a very suspicious character That is not unknown in labour circles in Europe" (\leerut Records, P 1865 (T)) This is an extract from the police translations of the onginal Bengalı letter sent by Muzaffar Ahmad from Bom bri The police may have kept a photo copy and let the onginal go as they used to do, in order to get more letters as evidence In this case S N Tagore mu hne recen ed it some time after the session ended (1 September 1928)—and this may be the reason why he opposed Usmani's being nominated as an alternate member to thic ECCI This mi or my not be ·THE COMINTERN CONGRESSES AND Tile CPI true, but thint is not the point we want to stress This reference once again shows that Muzaffar is wanting S N Tagore to act as the accredited representative of the CPI with the CI authorities It is needless to labour the point any further Muzaffar himself admits "My conduct vis a is Saumyendra Nath Tagore has been faulty, it was the conduct of a goody-goody person, not of a revolutionary" (CPI and Its Formation Abroad, p 163) Such is the story of the Indian delegation to the Suth Congress of the Comintern The speeches of the six delegates, three with decisive vote and three with consultative vote, are reported in summary form in the issues of the Inprecor from 25 July 1928 to 21 November 1928 There are seven interventions to the credit of Sikandar Sur, je Shaukat Usmanı, three to that of Raza ie Mohammad Shafiq, two to that of Narayana, ie Saumyendra Nath Tagore, and one each to the credit of Mahmud (Mohammad Ali Sipassı), Clemens P Dutt and GAK Luhanı Shaukat Usmani, as stated earlier, was elected to the presidium and as its member he made a greetings' speech to the assembled delegates at the opening (inprecor, Vol VIII, No 39, dated 25 July 1928), he made a co-report to Kuusinen's report on the Revolutionary Movement in the Colonies and Sumicolonies, and he made a declaration at the conclusion of the debate on the above report (Inprecoi, 4 October 1928 and 21 November 1928) The plenary session of the Suth Congress concluded on 1 September 1928 but the Editorial Commissions set up for the finalisation of the programme, the basic reports and theses continued functioning thereafter For instance, the Programme of the CI was published in English in Inprecor dated 25 November 1928 which also published the Theses on the International Situation and the Tashs of the CI The Theses on the Revolutionary Movement in the Colonies and Semicolonies was published on 25 December 1928 This last document, briefly known as the Colonial Thesis of the Sixth Congress', so important for Indian communists in as much as it gave an integrated anılı sis of the strategy and tactics of the national movement in dependent countries wis not available in full text to Indian communists till the carlı- ·MARVIST MISCELLAVY months of 1929 Extracts from the same where references were made to India werc however put before the Calcutta Central Committee meeting (December end 1928) by the writer of this article, who had amicd from Berlin at the beginning of December 1928 As stated carlier M. N. Roy was not in Moscou whicn the preparations for Sixth Congress were going on Both the interim report on India quoted carler as well as the draft 'Colonial Thesis” and Kuusinen's report on the same were drawn up without luis participation On the eic of the congress he appeared to have sent to the congress a lengthv document incorporating his views In the debate on the draft Colonial "Thesis" and Kuusinen's report the socalled theory of "decolonisation" attributed to M. N Roy came up for sharp criticism and repudiation This referred to the view often expressed by Roy in huis writings that in the industrialisation in India after the First World War, im. perialism was making concessions to an influential section of Indian industrial bourgeoisie and drawing it into a joint partnership with British imperialism Such an exaggerated estimation of the imperialists' allowing the development of some industries for their war-purposes could lead to both reformist as well as sectarian deviations-to adventurist overestimation of the role of the proletariat on the one hand and to the oversimplified perspective of captunng the National Congress by petty bourgeois revolutionary ele ments. The official history of the Communist International says that some delegates at the congress held this wrong view about the “decolonising” role of imperialism and decided that it was necessary to unmask this chatter of the imperialists and their lackeys about their policy of "decolo nisation” The theses adopted maintained that “imperialists hinder the industrialisation of colonies and prevent the full development of its productive forces” (p 349) Reviewing the perspective of the revolutionary developments in China, India and in other oppressed colonies, the congress stated that the revolutionary movement in these countries was in the bourgeois democratic stage and the bourgeois democratic revolution the colonies in 178 ·THE COMINTERN CONGRESSES AND THE CPI 45 directly linked up with their freedom struggle against imperialıst yoke. The official history further states, that both in the discussion and in the theses, considerable time and space were given to the role of the bourgeoisie in the national-liberation struggle. It was stated in the theses that the national bourgeoisie of the colonial countries does not adopt a uniform attitude towards imperialism. A section of the bourgeoisie serves directly the interests of imperialism and tahes up antinational and proimperialist position. "The remaining portions of the native bourgeoisie, especially the portion reflecting the interests of the native industry, support the national movement and represent a special vacillating, compromising tendency which may be designated as national reformism (or in the terminology of the theses of the Second Congress of the CI, a bourgeoisdemocratic tendency)” (Revolutionary Movement in Colonics and Semicolonics, London, 1929, Modem Books Ltd., p. 24). The congress warned that an underestimation of bourgeois national reformism, which is distinct from the imperialist-feudal camp and exerts influence on the mass of the petty bourgeoisie, the peasantry and partly also on the working class, could lead to the isolation of the communists from the masses of the working people. It is stated in the theses that: "On the other hand, however, the demonstrations of the bourgenis opposition against the ruling imperialist-feudal bloc, even if they do not have any deep foundation, can evert a certain accelerating influence on the process of the political awakening of the wide masses of the toilers; the concrete open conflicts of the nationalreformist bourgeisic with imperialism, although of little significance in themselves, may under certain conditions, indirectly serve as the cause of the unleashing of even greater revolutionary mass actions“ (Ibid., p. 31). The official history of the Comintem also points to certain wrong and contradictory formulations in the colonial theses which led to sectarian mistakes: "At the same time the theses contained some wrong and ·46 MARTIST MISCELLAVY Pp 344-45) contradictory appraisals of the strategy and tactics of the national-liberation movement and about the role of the national bourgeoisie Although the resolutions of the con, gress made a distinction between bourgeois national reformism and the imperialist-fcudal camp, its general estimate of the role of the national bourgeoisie bore a sectarian character for instance it has been stated in the course of the theses that the national bourgcoisie has not the signi, ficance of a force in the struggle agunst imeprialısm' (Ibid page 31) Further they proposed that it was 'necessary to reject the formation of any kind of bloc betu cen the Com munist Party and the nationalist-reformist opposition (Ibid , p 33) Later, O W Kuusinen, speaking at the 20th Congress of the CPSU, and stated that the appraisal of the role of the national bourgeoisie of the colonial and semicolonial countries macie at the Sith Congress bore a certain slant towards sectarianism (The Communist International- A Short Historical Outline, German edition, Berlın, 1970, Before we conclude with the account of the unsuccessful attempts to send a delegation from India to the Seventh Congress of the Communist International (1935) which was the last congress before its dissolution in 1943, we will deal with certain developments and events in the period be tween the Sixth and the Seventh World Congresses, both in India and in the International which throw light on the question of the affiliation of the CPI to the CI In the debate on the Colonial Thesis at the Sixth Congress, not only the “theory of decolonisation" attributed to M N Rov was sharpl criticised but also Roy by name in the debate it appears that the British delegation (CPGB) wis nccused of taking a stand which amounted to a support to the theor of decolonisation There is a declaration of the British delegation on the theses on the colonial question which is on record (see Inprccor, Vol VIII No 91, dated 22 December 1928) in which the accusation is repudrated is baseless, and it is said that the delegation has decided to vote against the acceptance as a basis of the theses moved by Comrade Kuusinen" The delegation further- ·TIL COVINTCRV COXGRESSES AND TIIE CPI 17 morc tabled an amendment to the theses which it requested to be voted upon at the congress. The Indian delegation, as it appears from their speeches recorded in the Inprccor, took their stand not only against the theory of decolonisation but supported in general the draft colonial thcscs presented by Kuusinen Roy's organisational work in the outgoing ECCI does not seem to have come up for discussion at the congress. IIe was not elected to the new ECCI on polıtical grounds. India got two seats on the ECCI and two names were proposed as recorded by Muzaffar, but he does not say what those two names were. M. N. Roy was not expelled at that time. He remained a member of the party and continued to function in Berlin under the CP of Germany. Roy's articles continued to appear in the Inprccor after the congress was concluded on 1 September 1928, up to March 1929. His artıcic on "The Indian Constitution" appeared in Vol. VIII, No. 54 of 24 August 1928, on "The Indian National Congress” appeared in No. 91 of 27 December 1928, i e. on the eve of the Calcutta session. His articles in 1929 published in Inprecor, i e. in Volume IX, are as follows: 1. "The Ways of the Indian Revolution", No. 4, 18 January 1929. 2. "Counter-revolution in Afghanistan", No. 5, 25 January 1929. 3. "The Conference of Workers' and Peasants' Party of India" (ie. on the AIWPP Conference held in Calcutta at the end of December 1928), No. 6, 1 February 1929. 4. “The Heroic Struggle of the Indian Proletariat", No. 8, 15 February 1929. 5. "The Bourgeoisic and the National Revolution in India", No. 9, 22 February 1929. 6. “Indian Communists in the Election Struggle" (Re Muncipal election in Bombay, February 1929), No. 12, I March 1929. Thereafter Inprecor ceased to carry any more articles by M. N. Roy. On 25 March 1929 Inprecor (Vol IX, No. 16) carried one article by Paul Schubin on the same theme of ·48 MINXIST MISCELLANY the AIWPP Conference held at Calcutta, in which "Comrade Roy” was criticised. Paul Schubin was applying the Suth World Congress line in appraising the results of the First AIWPP Conference. Roy was being criticised for tailing behind the Congress and the Independence League, the line taken at the ATWPP Conference was supported, the criticism of the Independence League made at the conference as well as the offer of united front with the Independ. ence League made there was welcomed. After Inprecor stopped publishing Roy's articles, he (Roy) came out openly with his alliance with the rightıst opposi. tion of Brandler and Thalheimer in the German Communist Party and began to contribute openly to their press. Thus it was that at the tenth plenum of the ECCI, M. N. Roy came in for sharp criticism. He was accused of pursuing "the opportunist policy of a bloc with national bourgeoisie" and “contributing to the press of Brandlerite renegades”. It was stated at this plenum that “M. N. Roy had placed himself outside the pale of the International” (Inprecor, Vol. IX, No. 40, dated 20 August 1929). EVENTS BETWEEN SIXTH AND SEVENTH CONGRESSES At Calcutta at the end of December 1928 when the AIWPP Conference met, there was no question of imple menting the line and the decisions of the Sixth World Congress. Only extracts referring to India from the Colonial Thesis of the Sixth Congress became known towards the end. The Inprecor article on the AIWPP Conference referred to above criticised Indian communists for not having concretised the slogan of complete independence in a sufficiently revolutionary way. The AIWPP Conference in its resolution called for an Independent Democratic Socialist Republic. The demonstration which the conference led to the Congress pandal bore the banner “Long Live the Socialist Soviet Republic" but the resolution of the AIWPP Conference did not give a call for setting up Soviets. Leaders were "lagging behind the consciousness of the masses" "—was the implication of the criticism!

·THE COMINTERN CONGRESSES AND THE CPI 49 But at the CEC meeting at Calcutta it was noted that the Sixth Congress of the CI had stated with reference to India, that the workers and peasants' parties were two-class organisations, it could be a bloc which communists form with revolutionary and democratic elements in the national movements to galvanise the same but they could not replace the Communist Party. “So the congress set before the Indian communists as the most important task the unification of all communist groups and the creation of an independent and centralised party”, (The Communist International, p. 345). What was emphasised, as quoted above, was the strengthening of the party as a mass Communist Party, as a centralised and sed mass force. It is interesting to note that the same official history records that on the eve of the Sixth World Congress the process of the formation of the communist movement in the East was characterised by the increasing political maturity and the organised nature of the labour movement. Concretising this the official history of the Communist International states: "In December 1925 the foundation conference of the legal Communist Party of India took place, in April 1925 the foundation conference of the Communist Party of Korea met and in the same year the first Marxist organisations in Indonesia were formed” (Ibid., pp. 341-42). At Calcutta, the Indian communist leaders discussed the question of putting the Indian party on a sound organisational footing and subsequently some steps were taken to implement the collective advice of the Sixth World Congress. For instance we have in the Meerut Records a Draft Constitution of the Communist Party of India (1929) (Prosecution Exhibit, P 476/7). This (draft) Constitution differs from the earlier constitutions which we have referred to in three respects. The present draft defines the Communist Party of India as a section of the Communist International.10 Secondly, it calls for organisation of fractions not only in the trade unions 10 And states as its ultimate object the establishment of socialism ...the siezure of power by the working class and the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat in accordance with the programme of the Communist International. MEI-4 ·50 MAR VIST MISCELLAVY pre but also in the workers and peasants' parties and in the National Congress. Thirdly, it contains, word for word, the same article on the “Foreign Bureau” contained in the vious constitutions which we have quoted earlier. The clear-cut and principled definition of the party and its objective set forth in this draft means that the party is to be organised and to function illegally. Secondly, it is demarcated from the WPP while it organised the same as its legal forum and also works inside the National Congress. Thirdly, the retention of the article on “Foreign Bureau”, and the fact as stated by Muzaffar that the Sath Congress had allotted two seats on the ECCI to India and the Calcutta meeting had decided to send one leading comrade for the work, meant that an attempt was to be made to reorganise the machinery to keep in contact with the CI in place of the one manned by Roy. This was now for the first time to be realistically based on the Indian party organisation, which had now become a sizable mass political force in the working-class and national-liberation movement of the country, But the British imperialists had also taken note of this last fact and they struck at the party by a countrywide arrest of the leadership of the party for the famous Meerut Conspiracy Case and this organisational work and the work of applying the general line of the Sixth World Congress to Indian conditions was disrupted When the task was taken up a little later, the left-sectarian slant inherent in the guidelines of the "Colonial Thesis” of the Sixth World Congress, coupled with the inexperience of the young ship which came forward to shoulder the burden in the face of severe repression against the working class and the party, landed the party in a position in which it kept away from the great national struggle of 1930 launched by Mahatma Gandhi. "The struggle launched by Mahatma Gandhi was not revolutionary, it was anti-imperialist and democratic in content though its technique surely songht to limit mass action. All the same, it set vast masses into motion and infused in them the spirit of national revolution. Our opposition to it not only isolated the party from the national leader- ·THE COMINTERN CONGRESSES AND THE CPI 51 movement but also led to a split in our mass trade unions which were already facing the combined offensive of victimisation and police repression after the Níeerut arrests. We were virtually out of the Congress and tried to form an Anti-imperialist League as a rival organisation The central trade-union organisation liad two successive splits leaving the rump of a Red TUC in our hands Our party itself split, though temporarily” (Communist Party and India's Patli to National Regencration and Socialism, by G Adhihai, p 65) It was from 1933 that party began correcting its course and taking steps to icunify its ranks But it would be wrong to conclude that it was all bleak in the years between 1929 and 1933 as far as the party was concerned the period immediately following the Meerut arrests was a period of strike struggles of textile and Tailway workers Workers were defending themselves against the offensive of wagecuts and retrenchment which the capitalists had launched to shift the burden of the depression of the early thirties on to the shoulders of the workers Imperialists hnd launched massive repression against militant trade unionists Despite this repression, working-class cadres were being trained. Young Workers' Leagues were formed Communist Party was tahing root among the workers—in the Red-Flag-minded working-class mass base created by the upsurge of 1927-28 Imperialist strategy was to crush the upsurge of militant working-class struggles led by the communists which preceded the national movement of 1930, to denounce the former as antınational and as instigated from abroad and thus to drive a wedge between the two The incorrect tactics of the party in those days-adventurism in the tradeunion field, sectarianism and self-isolation from the national struggle-came hands to the imperialists to attach thic tuo forces one by one The basic policy of the party at that time was reflected in the Workers' Weekly-uluch was the party's central organ and appeared from Januan 1990 to Junc 1930 when It was suppressed It was reflected in the Draft Platform of Action of the CPI which was prepared in the latter part of 1930, first published in Inprccor, Vol X, No 58 dated ·52 MARXIST MISCELLAVY 16 December 1930 and distributed at the time of the Karachi session of the National Congress (March 1931) in two or three languages At Karachi, when the Congress leadership had withdrawn the struggle, to enable Mahatma Gandhu to go to the Round Table Conference and where the leftwing was mobilising against compromise and was demanding a more radical programme and an intensification of struggle, the Draft Flat form had a good reception among the left Its call against compromise, its radical anti-imperialist and antılandlord programme, its perspective of peasant struggles, general strike and armed uprising were in tune with the radical left sentiments But the Draft Platform, tahıng the sectarian slant of the Sixth World Congress Colonial Thesis” to its logical conclusion, had put forward a programme and strategy which could not enable the party and the working class to play an effective role in the national independence struggle but only isolate it from the same It equated "complete independence” to the setting up of a Soviet power and the proclamation of the Indian Federation of Workers' and Peasants' Soviet Republics It had denounced the national bourgeoisie as counter revolutionary, as virtually gone over to the camp of imperialism and denied the fact that it was participating in the antı imperialist struggle After the failure of the Second Round Table Conference the national struggle was again resumed In certain parts of the country under its impact the peasant masses were galvanised--struggle was spreading in the vast countryside Though the national leadership was seeking to curb the movement, to keep it within the bounds of nonviolent sity agralia, the leftving clements and the fighting were surging forward to raise the tempo of the movement A peasant upheaval seemed to gather momentum The fact that the parts and the trade union movement were split at such a crucial moment became a matter of great concem to the communist leadership inside the Meerut jail and also to the interational communist movement At that time, in 1932, the communists in the Mecrut Conspiracy Case had converted the prisoners' doch into a trimasses ·THE CONINTERN CONGRESSES AND THE CPI 53 bune of fullfledged anti-imperialist working-class propaganda, explaining the role and the policy of the Communist Party in building a united militant trade-union movement, fighting peasant organisations and in revolutionising the national independence movement. Though the statements of individual communist leaders and their joint general statement were guided by the “Colonial Thesis” of the Sixth World Congress and the Draft Platform (December 1930), the keynote of their court declarations was the fight for unit. ing the working class in militant trade unions, for building anti-imperialist front by working inside the National Congress to fight reformism, compromise and to revolutionise the national independence movement. It is with this outlook that the communist leaders made every effort possible from inside jail to unify the party outside They studied the party documents relating to the split and formulated their proposals for uniting the party on a principled basis for discharging the abovenamed tasks. 11 lIowever, much could not be achieved till most of the leaders were released, ie till towards the end of 1933 and the beginning of 1934. The concern of the Communist International was expressed in the joint open letter of the CPs of China, Great Britain and Germany (Inprecor, Vol. XII, No. 22, 19 May 1932) and later in the open letter of the CC of the Communist Party of China (Inprecor, Vol. XIII, No 51, 24 November 1933). They were a help to the released communist leaders in their efforts to restore the unity of the party. At the beginning of 1934 the party was unified by the setting up of a new provisional CC and on the basis of the Draft Political Theses which summated the experience of the struggles and adopted the demands of the Draft Platform of Action as its programme, The reunified Communist Party, despite its temporary weakness, had quickly shown its capacity to bring about the unity and revival of militant working-class organisations and activity. The textile general stnkes of Bombay and 11. The Calcutta Committee of the party took the initiative in early 1933 to circularise a statement to all the communist units to come together and settle the differences and to restore the unity of the all-India Communist Party.

·54 MARXIST MISCELLANY Sholapur in the spring of 1934 as well as the revival of TU activity in other industrial centres were significant proofs Simultaneously the party was struggling to find its beaning and role in the national liberation movement The cıvıl disobedience movement being finally withdrawn in May 1934 and the jail delivery begun, the leftwing cadres of the National Congress were raising the questions Why was the revolutionary upsuge of the thirties allowed to peter out? How to harness the revolutionary energy of the masses for the over throw of the imperialist rule? These cadres as well as those of the 'terrorisť movement were turning to scientific socialism and to workers' and peasants' class organisations The Communist Party was opening a dialogue with the newly formed Congress Socrulist Party as well as with the "terrorist” groups There emerged the possibility of the Communist Party acting as the focus of the newly emerging mass leftward swing The British imperialists foresaw this possibility before even the party itself was properly aware of it They launched another round of repression in April May 1934 Communist leaders and cadres who could be got hold of were arrested and put undei detention without trial all over the country Within two months, ie by July 1934, the Communist Party and all the allied mass orgínisations were banned and declared illegal The blow was struck before the task of unification was completed, before the organisation was set up, which would ensure the functioning of the illegal party centre and units and the organisation of open work in the mass organisations The Draft Political Theses of the provisional CC had given the slogan of building the antı imperialist united front The practical implementation of this slogant required a redefinition of the attitude towards the National Congress The workers and peasants' parties had in the intervening period censed to exist Thic Congress Socialist Parts and other left parties had arisen under noncommunist ſcadership Prollems of united front with them to buuld united militant trde union and kesan organisations and a loſt wing inside the Congress lid to be sols ed In the intcmitional field, in the context of the great cco- ·THE COMINTCRY CONGRESSES AND THE CPI 55 nomic crisis and the depression of 1929 and the early thirties, Hitler fascism had emerged in Germany temporarily suppressing the working class under brutal and bloody repression. Imperialist offensive against the working class and the oppressed peoples was being intensified. To counter this offensive, a united working-class front was being forged. The Red International of Trade Unions (RILU) was again opening negotiations with the reformist International Federation of Trade Unions (IFTU) for joint action to defend working-class living standards. While at the same time unity of action was being forged at the bottom, in factories and in strike struggles. Popular fronts were being formed to block the path of fascism in countries where it had not yet succeeded. The policy of class against class was being replaced by the policy of united front of the working-class and democratic forces against fascism and imperialism. The preparations for the convening of the Seventh Congress of the Comintern which was to finalıse the policy of united antifascist front were under way. It was at this time, sometime in the latter half of 1934 that the batch of Ghadar Party cadres, young Indian emigrants from California, Panama, Mexico, who had gone to Moscow's University of the People's of the East, for training, had begun to trickle back into India illegally. One of the earliest to come back thus was Teja Singh Sivatantar,12 who probably had toured round the Indian emigrant centres in the USA and Latin America and had sent selected Ghadar Party cadres for training in the Moscow Communist University. On his arrival in "Bombay he contacted the underground party centre, at that time manned by S. S. Mirajkar. Swatantár had brought with him the message that the Seventh Congress of the CI was scheduled to meet in the late summer or autumn of 1935 and the Indian party should make preparations to send a delegation to the same The party centre decided that (late) S V Deshpande, S s. Alirajkar and Santoshi Kapur should form the dele- 12. He was preceded by (late) Iqbal Singh Hundal who returned illegally to Bombas early in 1934. with reports.

·56 MARXIST MISCELLAVY gation and make the necessary arrangements to leave the country secretly According to the information supplied by S S Mirajkar, the first to leave India secretly was S V. Deshpande which he did in December 1934 He was followed by S S Murajkar himself and Santoshi Kapur on 21 January 1935 Towards the end of March 1935, the Indian daily press announced that S V Deshpande and S S Miraj, kar were arrested in Singapore and brought back to Bombay According to the account of Mırajkar, the contact arrange, ment planned for Singapore did not function They waited for two months Santosh returned to India safely, but Mirajkar and Deshpande who continued to wait were spotted accidentally by a police agent who had known Mırajkar in the Meerut case and this led to their arrest The whole story will be told in the memoirs which Mırajkar is now engaged in preparing for the press Both of them were set free after being brought to Bombay as no crminal case could be made against them but after two months or so they were arrested under the Preventive Detention Act and taken to Ahmednagar and detained there for over two years until the Congress ministries came to office some months after the General Election of February 1937 SEVENTH CONGRESS OF THE CI 25 July to 21 August 1935 According to the official history of the CI, 76 Communist Parties and international mass organisations were affiliated to the Communist International at that time At the congress itself 513 delegates were present They represented 65 Communist Parties and a number of international mass organisations Among the delegates from the Communist Parties of colonial and dependent countnes were Ho Chi Minh (Indochina), Khaled Bagdash (Syna), Wang Ming (China) No delegate from India was present at the congress The Seventh Congress was the last congress of the Comintem before it was dissolved in 1943 The congress storhed out the strategic and tactical line of building the broad antifascist people's front and of building the anlı imperialist front to fight the forces of fascist aggression, intensifying ·THE COMINTERN CONGRESSES AND THE CPI 57 colonial oppression and of war which were raising their head in the context of the great economic crisis of the early thirties. Actually the Seventh Congress did much more. It initiated a new orientation in the policy and the general line, in the strategy and tactics and in the organisational set-up of the Communist International. This new orientation and its determined implementation by the Communist Parties of the world in the succeeding years made the international communist movement a world force fighting against imperialism and capitalism and war, for socialism and for the independence of nations, for world peace and brotherhood of nations. The new orientation enabled the Communist Parties to become a progressive national force in their respective countries. This new orientation initiated a new organisational pattern for the world body, according to which the task of the leadership at the world level was restricted to collectively working out the common tasks and line, which all the parties have to carry out in the struggle for the free. dom of the peoples, for world peace, for democracy and socialism; while each party is independent and autonomous, working out the line and tasks of revolutionary advance in its own country applying the common ideology and the common general line in terms of the specific concrete situation there. The problems of the national-liberation struggle in the colonies and dependent countries were not put forward as a specific item on the agenda. But in terms of the new orientation of the general strategic and tactical line of the International, important conclusions inevitably emerged for the national-liberation movement. In formulating the line of the anti-imperialist united front, the line of uniting all who are capable of taking a stand against imperialism, including the national bourgeoisie whose contradictions with imperialism were sharpening, a sharp break had to be made with sectarian conceptions and habits. This was emphasised at the congress : "The determination of the character of the revolution which was developing and maturing in the colonics and ·58 MARSIST MISCELLANT dependent countries became a task of the greatest importance for the destiny of the national liberation movement. "The Seventh Congress rejected the left-sectarian formulation that the revolution in the colonial countries has only a bourgeois-democratic character and rapidly grows over mto a socialist one The representatives of the Communist Parties of the colonial and dependent countries emphasised at the congress that the slogans of the workers' and peasants' revolution and of a 'Soviet government formulated earlier were premature for most of these countries and meant an underestimation of the general national and anti-imperialist tasks “It was decided at the congress that for the majority of these colonies and semicolonies, the first step of a real popular revolution would be a national-liberation struggle against the imperialist oppressor "To fight against the mounting imperialist exploitation of the country, against the cruel enslavement of the people, to fight to drive out the imperialists and secure the independence of the country This was now the main tasks of the Communist Parties in the colonies and semicolonies, formu. lated in the resolution on the main report of Dimitrov, adopted at the congress' (The Communist International, German edition, p 473) The Communist Party of India had already put forward the slogan of an anti-imperialist front in its Draft Political Theses of December 1933 (published in Communist, Vol 1, No 1, January 1934, and in an abridged form in Inprecor, Vol XIV, No 40, dated 20 July 1934) But as pointed out earlier, this document had put forward the slogan of "Soviet republic of workers and peasants" and had demanded as a put of the programme for national independence "the con: fiscation of all factories, banks, mines and plantations" removing the qualifying words 'belonging to British imperusts contained in the carher Draft Platform of Action of the CPI (December 1930) With such nurou concer; tions a broad antı impenalist front inclucling the national bourgeoisie could not be formed, nor could the controversy regarding the attitude towards the Indian National Congress be sol cd These cufficulties were soli ed in the course ·THE COVINTERN CONGRESSCS AND THE CPI 59 of discussion of the decisions of the Seventh Congress of the CI and the struggle to apply the same to the concrete conditions of the country. In the beginning of 1936 the Party published two documents-On the Anti-imperialist United Front and The United National Fiont. A new leaf was turned in the life of the party and in the succeeding years of struggles leading to the independence of the country it became a significant national political force. QUESTION OF AFFILIATION TO THE COMINTERN In concluding this rather long and discursive paper on the Indian delegations at the various congresses of the Communist International it would not be out of place to put together all the facts and statements known to us on the question of the affiliation of the CPI to the Communist International—a question which is inseparable from the main theme of this paper. At the outset let us quote what has been stated on this question in the latest official history of the Comintern: “In India the communist movement was practically cleprived of the central leadership between 1925 to 1933. All the members of the Central Comnuttee of the Communist Party of India wcie in jail. In 1933 an important step for the unification of the Indian communists was taken, a new Central Committee was elected, which took over the all-India leadership in its hands. In the same year the Indian Communist Party became a member of the Communist International” (Ibid., p. 388; emphasis added). The statement that the CPI was affiliated to the CI for the first time in 1933 is made by the authoritative editorial board of the book, presumably on the basis of the records of the CI. This is rather puzzling and appears contradictory to the references (though indirect) to the same question made in international documents earlier. Let us recite the facts and references to the subject chronologically. In 1920 at the time of the Second Congress, the Indian delegates, apart from M. N. Roy who was listed as a delegate with a mandate from the CP of Mexico, were not listed ·00 MARTIST MISCELLANY as delegates of the CPI which did not exist then. Abani Mukherji was listed as a left socialist and M. P. B. T. Acharya as representing Indian Revolutionary Association (Tashkent?). In 1921 at the Third Congress M. N. Roy was listed as a delegate from the CPI which was formed in Tashkent. Was it on the basis of temporary affiliation? In 1922 at the Fourth Congress, we have the following stated in the report of the credential committee submitted to thc congress: "The CP of India cannot represent a definite membership since its work is entirely illegal. Four delegates were invited, one has come and has been admitted to the congress with the right to vote" (Inprecor, Vol. II, No. 112, dated 14 December 1922). It appears from the published records seen by us that M. N. Roy spoke there on the theses of the Eastem Question as a delegate of the CPI-no longer of the party formed in Tashkent but on the basis of the party in India. Report of the ECCI presented to the Fourth Congress of the CI states the following: "We have had valuable results in India. I can communicate to the congress that the work of our comrades during the past few months has been crowned with success Comrade Roy with a group of friends is issuing a periodical whose task is to smoothen our way in India" (Inprecor, Vol. II, No. 106, dated 2 December 1922). The periodical referred to is obviously The Vanguard of Indian Independence issued by M. N. Roy from abroad from 15 May 1922. It is noteworthy that this fortnightly, from 15 February 1923 when its first issue of Vol. II was published, appeared under the changed title of The Vanguard under which was written : Central Organ of the Communist Party of India (Sec. of the Communist International). The journal continued to appear under this title and this legend below it up to 1 December 1923, i.e. up to Vol. III, No 8. The first anniversary number of 15 May 1923 carried a message of greetings signed by the presiduum of the Communist International. The succeeding issues from 15 December 1923 onwards again reverted to the original title of The ·THE COMINTCRN CO\GRESSES AND THE CPI 61 Vanguard of Indian Independence and the words "Central Organ" etc were omitted. The journal continued up to the end of 1924 and was replaced by The Masses of India which began to appear from 1 January 1925 as a monthly. It carried on the front page a congratulatory telegram signed by "the President of the Communist International”. In winding up the session of the Fourth Congress, Zinoviev, President of the Cr, refers to the "creation of a nucleus of Communist Party in India" which has been already quoted earlier. Besides, at the Fourth Congress M N. Roy was elected to the new ECCI (from India) (Inprecor, Vol II, No. 118, dated 30 December 1922) At the Fifth Congress in 1924 we have two delegates from India-M. N. Roy and Mohammad Ali, with decisive vote. Roy was elected to the presidium of the Fifth Congress of the CI (Inprecor, Vol IV, No 43, dated 18 July 1924). This reference states that on the 10th anniversary of the beginning of the first imperialist war, an antiwar appeal signed by M. N. Roy, a member of the presidium, was issued. A statement condemning the sentences on the communists in the Cawnpore Bolshevik Conspiracy Case was read out at the 18th session of the Fifth Congress (Inprecor, Vol IV, No 50, dated 25 July 1924) In the same number it is stated that "India had two decisive votes and 10 mandates granted at the Fifth Congress. Roy was elected to the ECCI He was also made a candidate member of the presidium' All this goes to show that at the Third as well as at the Fourth and Fifth Congresses the CPI though a small party was treated practically as an affiliated party. At the Third Congress it seems to be affiliated on the basis of the CPI formed at Tashkent while at the Fourth and Fifth Congresses it is on the basis of the party formed in India itself. Between the Fifth and Sixth Congresses, i.e. between 1924 and July 1928, there were five sessions of the ECCI, viz from the fifth to the ninth. In all these sessions and between them M. N. Roy functioned as a member of the ECCI and sometimes was the chairman of the Eastern ·62 MARXIST MISCELLANY >> Commission At the Fifth session of the ECCI there was a resolution on India in the Colonial Commission (Inprecor, Vol V, No 39, dated 28 April 1925) We have not seen the text But India figures in the report-- "The Communist International between the Fifth and Sixth World Congresses”—which was “a report on the position in all the sections of the World Communist Party" and included reports up to Maich 1926 The report was prepared for the Sixth Congress It contained a section on India from which we have quoted This report, which was prepared without the participation of M N Roy and after evaluating the position in India independently, made the following state ments (1) ‘The problem of the organisation of a genuine Com munist Party as the vanguard of the proletariat which must be the leader of the national revolution is still to be solved" (2) “Simultaneously with the attempt to form a legal Communist Party there appeared in the various provinces a number of workers and peasants' parties (3) “It is clearly out of question that the Workers' and Peasants' Party should be substitute for the Communist Party, the organisation of which is absolutely necessary (4) "The class-consciousness, good organisation and selfsacrificing spint of the working class in India manifest in the present strike struggle make one confident that the Indian proletanat—has correctly appreciated the role of the Indian bourgeoisie, which has descended to the depths of a shameful capitulation before imperialism and has understood its tasks as the lender of a million strong pesantrı in the new stage of the revolution This means that the proletanat of India will build up, and has already begun to do so, its Communist Party, whose leadership will guamntec victory This report cannot be interpreted to mean that the CPI-- though small-which has already begun to build un" was not then affiliated Others ise how do we explain that at the Sixth Congress delegates who had come from India wcrc admitted to the congress and one even elected to the presidíum? That it was proved later thint ther had no mandate from the party in India as was communicated by the 91 ·THE COVITERY CONGRESSES AND TIIE CPI 63 party later does not alter the situation regarding the affiliation. The "Colonial Thesis” adopted at the Sixth Congress defined the tasks of the Indian communists as: "The union of all communist groups and individual communists scattered throughout the country into single, independent and centralised party represents the first task of Indian communists. While rejecting the principle of the building of the party on a two-class basis, the communists must utilise the connections of the existing workers and peasants' parties with the toiling masses for strengthening their own party, bearing in mind that the hegemony of the proletariat cannot be realised without the existence of a consolidated, steadfast Communist Party armed with the theory of Marxism” (pp 51-52). This paragraph contains in a concentrated form the same ideas which were contained in the interim report from which we have just quoted. The stress is on the point that "the communists (Indian) must utilise the connections of the existing workers and peasants' parties with the toiling masses for strengthening their own party...” This para formed part of the extracts from the "Colonial Thesis" which were before the meeting of the CC of the CPI which met in Calcutta at the end of December 1928, at the time of All-India Workers' and Peasants' Party Conference. The decision to strengthen the organisation of the party functioning illegally taken at this meeting found its reflection in the 1929 draft of the Constitution of the CPI. Here, as distinct from the earlier Constitution of the Party, the CPI is described as the "section of the Communist International”. In December 1930 The Draft Platform of Action of the CPI appeared first in the Inprecor, dated 18 December 1930, and was printed in Indian languages and distributed in March 1931 at the Karachi Congress This also carried the title "CPI-section of the Communist International”. In 1932, the Meerut prisoners' communist group in their general statement did make the following assertion : "Our party, the Communist Party of India, was not at the time of our arrest duly affiliated to the Communist International, and we were not all members of any Communist Party. But ·64 MARTIST VIISCELLAVY nevertheless we fully subscribe to the system of thought and the well-thought-out and scientific political programme laid down for the world revolution, by that most powerful worldwide revolutionary organisation, the Communist International (Communists Challenge Imperialism from the Doch, NBA, 1967, p 2) Such a statement, also made in the individual statements of all communists in the case, was made for legal tactical reasons to avoid technically pleading guilty of the consple racv” alleged by the prosecution and which contred on the Communist International, to get the chance to boldly defend all the policies and activities, to expose the imperialist attach and to propagate from the dock the policies and programme of the CPI Now it is true that a provisional CEC of the CPI was reformed at the end of December 1928, after some of the communist leaders were released from Meerut ail, and this CEC adopted Draft Political Theses based on the Draft Platform and on the statements of the Meerut accused in the beginning of 1934 on the basis of this draft, initiative was taken to heal the party split that had taken place in 1932 and to reunify the party The documents of the CEC, namely the ‘Draft Constitution” and the abridged "Draft Political Theses” were published in the Inprecor on 11 May 1934 and 20 July 1934 respectively, We do not know on the basis of what archival and documentary evidence the authoritative editorial board of the official history of the CI has made the statement that the CPI became a member of that world body only in 1933 or more accurately in 1934 after the Provisional CC was formed That is why we have summarised above all the facts and documents known to us, from 1921 to 1934 From these two conclusions emerge (1) At the Third (1921), Fourth (1922) and the Fifth (1924) congresses of the CI, the CPI was considered an affiliated Communist Party, first on the basis of the emigre party organisation formed abroad, ie Tashkent, and later on the basis of the all India nucleus of the CPI formed in India itself ·THE COVINTERN CONGRESSES AND THE CPI 05 (2) After the formation of the party at the end of 1925, after the First Communist Conference at Kanpur, when the first CEC was formed and the first Party Constitution was framed, we have documentary evidence of efforts being made to get the party in India making a formal application for being affiliated to the CI and as a result of these efforts the para on ‘Toreign Bureau" appears in the Party Constitution of 1927 and 1929 At the Sixth Congress delegates from India were treated as delegates from an affiliated party. It is true that in January 1934 when Bradley, on his release from Meerut Case, left India, he carried with him and to the International centre all the papers of the Provisional CC meeting (December 1933) and about the subsequent unification of the party Relevant documents of the Indian party were subsequently published in Inprecor, but the Indian CP did not consider that event as an act of affiliation to CI, but only as a renewal of old links of affiliation MM S ·United Front Experience Satya Pal Dang With the split in the Congress and with no parts in the country in a position to get absolute majority in the Loh Sabha, besides a similar position in most of the states, the question of unted front of left and democratic parties has assumed heightened importance and urgency Much controversy and discussion about it are going on in the country The breakup of the united fronts in Kerala and Bengal, in both of which the Communist Partı (Marvist) was the strongest component, has added new dimensions to this controversy and discussion One cannot reach a correct understanding about this question and its various aspects, if one discusses it in isolated form, instead of in the context of the strategic tasks of the revolutionary forces in the present stage of the revolution Any policy formulated keeping in view some immer dute gains and without regard to the longterm interests of the revolutionary movement is likely to prove both wrong and livmful in the long run It is generally not a point of disagreement amongst those who chum to be Marxists that the present stage of revolution in India is not socialist The tasks of the democratic ·UNITED FRONT EXPERIENCE 07 revolution have yet to be completed. Imperialism, remnants of feudalism, and monopoly capital are the main hindrances today in the way of rapid development of India's productive forces. Revolution is to be carried out against them and not against the Indian bourgeosie as a whole. These class forces-monopoly, feudalism and imperialism (foreign monopoly capital)--are the class enemies to be fought, vanquished and eliminated in the present stage of the revolution. Obviously the working class alone cannot carry out this task. It needs allies. All those classes or sections of classes whose objective interests will be served by the revolution can become allies, The strategic task therefore is to build a united front of such classes and to isolate the main enemy to successfully carry out the revolution. The working class is destined to play a decisive role in building such a united front. Worker-peasant alliance will be its basis. National bourgeoisie- the nonmonopoly sections --can and must be drawn into this front. Building of the front is a complex process. It involves a struggle to achieve unity of the working class itself and to build worker-peasant alliance. It involves the task of working class and its party coming forward to champion and to support the objective interest of middle classes and the national bourgeoisie in so far as they are directed against monopoly, feudalism and imperialism. It involves the task of supporting their struggles for such interests and of fighting for the same. It means a policy of unity as well as struggle towards the national bourgeoisie and the kulaks. The united front has to be antiimperialist, antifeudal and antimonopoly. PARTY AND CLASS It may be said that all this is simple and elementary. Yet, sometimes even those who claim to be hardened revolutionaries in the country fail to draw correct conclusions from it and instead draw obviously wrong conclusions. Obviously, for any stage of the revolution, the question of the main enemy, of firm allies, of vacillating allies, of components of the united front necessary to carry out the Tevolution have to be in terms of classes and not of political ·68 MARXIST MISCELLANY parties Of course, classes operate through political parties and a political party in the list analysis represents the interests of some class or the other It will be sheer moon shine to imagine that all the class forces from working class to the national bourgeoisie, objectively interested in the antimonopoly, antifeudal, anti impenalist revolution can be or will be rallied under the banner of the Communist Party The strategic unity needed to carry out and complete the present stage of the revolution will therefore take the organisational shape of united front of political parties, groups, mass organisations, etc representing one or other of the classes objectively interested in the revolution Thus it is obviously wrong and absurd to raise the slogan of united front of classes instead of and against a tinted front of parties as was recently done by some of the leaders of the Communist Party (Marxist) Such a slogin in fact amounts to giving up the slogan of united front It repre sents gross sectarianism and can only lend to complete isolation of the revolutionary vanguard of the working class At the same time, one has to remember that sometimes the character of a poltical party can undergo er en far reaching changes as a result of a split, etc developments It is therefore wrong to work out one's strategy for the entire penod on the basis of a particular political party being the main enemy without regird to the alignment of the class forces at any particular time The banner of blind anti Congressism first unfurled by the late Ram Manohar Lohia and taken up also by the Communist Party (Minist) is not 1 revolutionar banner The slogan of uniting cuen with the devil against the Congress was neither correct when it was first rused nor is it correct to dr Such slogan hinders the task of rusing the anti imperialist, antifeudal and antimonopoly consciousness of the people and of bulding their uniti on the basis of such consciousness It is this slogan which is landing today the SSP and the CPM in the 21singh Sindicate Swatantra bandwagon Again it is because of this slogan that in the current lind movement the SSP has chosen as its targets not the big form of Birlas the big landlords ctc hut forms of leaders of Congress (R} even when they happen to be or some other ·UNITED FRONT EXPERIENCE 69 as small as four-acre farms and thereby actually harming the land occupation movement. LEADING ROLE Coming back to the antimonopoly, antifeudal, antiimperialist strategic united front, one must take note of a vital point of difference between the Communist Party of India and the Communist Party (Marxist) regarding the leadership of this front Such a front cannot come into existence without the working class and the worker-peasant alliance having a very important--even decisive-place in it, without that the revolution cannot be carried out, the tasks of the revolution cannot be completed At the same time, the CPI visualıses the possibility of such a front coming into existence without the working class having acquired erclusive leadership of the same. CPM denies such a possibility and puts forward the slogan of a people's democratic front with working class exercising exclusive leadership within the front. The position of the CPM is somewhat analagous to the position the united Communist Party took during the period of British rule in India. The Communist Party then believed and propagated that India's freedom could not be achieved unless the working class came to occupy the position of exclusive leadership of the national movement. The result of this sectarian and wrong slogan and the practice following from it, instead of helping the working class to acquire the leadership-even a key position—isolated it considerably. The result of the wrong understanding of the CPM cannot be very different today. It is not at all a question of CPM wanting exclusive working-class leadership and the CPI not wanting the same. To pose the question in this manner is to make mockery of Marxism. If it were a question of “wanting" and "having", why not "want” socialist revolution here and now? There is enough experience in the history of the communist movement in India to learn that if one underestimates the potentiality of the role of classes other than the working class, the results that follow are quite negative for the ·70 MARSIST MISCELLANY working class and its communist vanguard as well as for the cause of the revolution. One more question needs to be considered in relation to the united front needed to carry out the antimonopoly, antifeudal, anti-imperialist revolution. In the course of carrying out the tasks of the revolution, differences are bound to arise within the front on many questions, including the speed and the extent of the thoroughness with which these measures are to be carried out for clearing the way for socialism. Struggle within the united front is inevitable. It should however be obvious that the working class must carry out this struggle within the united front in such a manner as not to jeopardise the unity necessary to carry out the task of the revolution. Through a correct policy of unity and struggle, the weight of the working class within the front will increase and changes in the front may also take place, but at the proper time. Any attempt on the part of the party which claims to be the vanguard of the working class to dictate to all others and to demand of them obedience and subordination in the name of having the right to "lead” can only result in the breakup of the front, isolation of the working class from its allies whose role is not yet exhausted and even split within the working class Such a situation can only benefit the enemy and must not be allowed to arise. ELECTORAL ALLIANCES Having discussed some aspects of the strategic united front needed to carry out and complete the present stage of revolution, let us now come to the question of electoral alliances (united fronts) in connection with elections to state assemblies and for formation of governments in states if and when possible an issue which is not only very much a subject of hot discussion and controversy in the country but which is also a matter of much concern in view of the negative experience in Kerala as well as in Bengal. It should not at all be difficult to understand that in today's concrete situation of India, it would be wsong and even suicidal for any revolutionary party to keep out of the clectoral battles and to boycott the elections such a policy, ·UNITED FRONT EXPERIENCE 71 instead of serving the cause of revolution, would only isolate the revolutionary forces from its potential allies. Not only that. It would also be incorrect in today's situation to adopt a policy of entering the legislatures with the idea of not forming any government even if such a possibility is there. The correct tactics is to ensure maximum possible representation of left and democratic parties in the state assemblies and of forming governments of such parties if and when such possibility offers itself. Except for the Naxalıtes, all the left and democratic parties in the country are agreed on this, even though reasons may be different in different cases. 'When the united Congress had the monopoly of power throughout the country and used it to develop capitalism in India leading to emergence and strengthening of the monopolies, the left and democratic parties were agreed on the necessity of breaking this monopoly and reducing the Congress strength as much as possible. At the same time there were serious differences CPI held fast to the view that the. question of electoral allsances and united fronts must not be considered in isolation from the stiategic tasks in the present stage of the revolution, that long-term interests of the cause of the revolution must not be lost sight of and sacrificed for any immediate gains. The CPI tlıerefore advocated the necessity of forming united fronts in the states of left and democratic parties on the basis of minimum programmes, progressive programmes Only such tactics in relation to the elections could help to mobilise masses and also to raise their antimonopoly, antifeudal and antiimperialist consciousness Only such tactics would help people to go forward in the direction of strategic united front necessary at the present stage of the revolution. The CPI opposed the Lohia thesis of united front of all anti-Congress parties-from Jana Sangh to communists. Such a thesis obviously could not raise the political consciousness of the people, could not help them to understand their class enemies, allies, etc. Such a thesis alates er its merits from the viewpoint of some immediate gains rent counter to the entire strategy of the resolution. The CPNS too adopted the same thesis except for the states in which it considered the forination of alternative governments a practical possi- ·72 MARXIST MISCELLAVY bility And Kerala was only the state in which, according to the CPM, this possibility existed in 1967. Apart from the fact that the CPM estimate about many other states tumed out to be wrong, the subsequent developments in the country ----ıncluding the functioning of the 1967 non-Congress goverments in UP, Bihar, etc, split in the Congress on all-India basis etc --have sufficiently proved the incorrectness of the Lohia thesis GOVERNMENTS IN 1967 A question can be asked as to why the CPI joined the governments in Bihai, UP and Punjab in which the Jana Sangh too was a party The concrete situation that had arisen in these states after the 1967 election must be kept in View Prior to the election, efforts of the CPI to build programme based united fronts of left and democratic puties in these states had not succeeded except partially and that also too late in Punjab, while the CPI popularised its concept of UF during the election campaign, the other left parties particularly the CPM and the SSP popularised the Lohia thesis of blind anti-Congressism After the election a situation arose in these three states in which either all non Congress parties had to come together or the Congress would have succeeded in forming governments with the help of defectors etc thus reversing the verdict of the people The sentiment of the masses was “Anyone or any combination but Congress' --a sentiment strengthened by SSP and CPM Any party taking the onus of letting the Congress come back to power by refusing to be in an anti-Congress government with Jana Sangh would have heavily lost It would have been a case of running too far ahead of the consciousness of the masses at a crucial moment and thereby losing one's capacity to change and raise that consciousness it was necessary to help the people to learn from cipcrience the futiliti of the Lohia slogan The CPI therefore joined the governments together with Jani Sangh but without compromising anv principle The Fronts in the assemblies for forming these governments adopted policies which were in accordance with the CPI ·UNITED FRONT EXPERIC VCC 73 policies and contrary to the policies of the Jana Sangh. The CPI made clear to the people as to why it had joined these governments. Tlie reactionary and disruptive role of the Jana Sangh within the fronts was never sought to be covered up but exposed concretely and fully. The CPI knew that the parting of the ways would come soon and it did not hesitate to come out of the government in UP when the situation was ripe for it. The midterm elections held in February 1969 conclusively proved that the people did learn from their experience and as a result thereof the Jana Sangh emerged considerably weaker and not stronger It must be mentioned that the situation that arose in these states was not inevitable at Jeast in Bihar and Punjab. A programme-based united front of left and demociatic parties in Bihar and a similar front of left parties and the then Sant Akali Dal in Punjab would have come into eustence if the SSP in Biliar and the CPN in Punjab had adopted conect tactics as advocated by the CPI instead of the Lohia thesis. And there cannot be the least doubt today that both these fronts would have won majorities in their respective state assemblies and been in a position to form non-Congress progressive governments without any parties of right reaction. UNITED FRONT CRACKUP One of the main reasons which prevented the formation of a single united front of all the left and democratic parties in Bengal in connection with the 1967 clection was the serious difference of opinion between the left parties regarding the question of attitude towards the Bangla Congress, The CPI and some other left parties considered this party as one which should be brought into the programme-based progressive united front, as one which represented the upper middle class and a section of the bourgeoisie. The CPM and its supporter parties on the other hand condemned Bangla Congress as being as bad and reactionary as the Congress. They advocated a policy of no truck with it and even cited CPI's evaluation of this partyma breakaway from the Congress—as yet another proof of its being an

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·UNITED FRONT EXPERIENCE 73 was the CPM that was mainly responsible for the breakup. In both the states, a number of parties which had originally been with the CPMI had shifted their stand and stood on the "other side" when differences became sharp ultimately resulting in the breakups. Any serious study of the events and developments leading to these breakups would show that they were in the main the result of the differences over two matters : Firstly, the purpose and aims of forming the UF governments within the present bourgeois Constitution of India. Secondly, the question of relationship that should exist between the various parties constituting the fronts, CPM believed that it was destined to be the "leader” in these fronts, that to act as the “leader” was its right as well as its duty, that other parties in the fronts must accept it as the "leader” and act in accordance with its dictates. Anybody who would not do so and demanded equal position, anybody who wanted differences to be resolved by fratermal friendly discussions was branded revisionist. The CPM believed that it was its “revolutionary” duty to pursue tactics that would strengthen it at the cost of other parties in the fronts. Any number of examples from its conduct as well as the utterances of its leaders have been and can be quoted to prove that the CPM was having this grossly sectarian understanding. Uncalled for interference in the work of the departments held by CPI and other ministers, refusal to call a meeting of the coordinating committee, insistence that this committee in Kerala should have only one convener belonging to the CPM, misuse of the labour department to weaken the unions led by the parties other than the CPM, the demand in Kerala that the decisions of Namboodiripad should be final since he was the chief minister and refusal in Bengal to concede that the chief minister had any special position amongst the ministers, the misuse of the police against other parties in the front, etc. are only some such instances. Such conduct on the part of the CP11—the strongest amongst the components of the UF-could not but lead to more and more disruption within the two fronts and also ·76 MARXIST MISCELLANY could only make more difficult the longterm task of build ing the strategic UF on the national plane instead of facilitating it. POSSIBILITY OF ADVANCE The CPM again liad sectarian understanding with regard to the aim and purpose of forming and participating in state governments which had to function within the framework of a bourgeois constitution. Undoubtedly, the basic aim must be to strengthen the revolution, to raise the political and class consciousness of the masses, to facilitate the task of building the antimonopoly, antifeudal, and antiimperialist strategic UF. The question however is: How, precisely? The CPI believed that it was not correct that nothing could be done for the people under the present bourgeois constitution, that with the hielp of powerful mass movement a good deal could be done. It also took note of the fact that the masses in general too had this understanding, that unless whatever was possible was done, big sections of the people would become demoralised and lose faith and that the vanguard of the working class would get isolated instead of emerging stronger. The CPI further believed that only by doing for the people whatever was possible and by making them see through actual experience what could not be done, it would be possible to make more and more people realise the limitations of the bourgeois constitution. The CPM on the other hand believed that nothing much was possible, that any attempt in that direction would only sow illusions amongst the masses and was therefore wrong, that the main thing was to use the state governments to wreck the constitution. It was this wrong understanding of the CPM because of which there were repeated attempts to bring about artificial confrontations with the centre. It was the same understanding of the CPM because of which the record of the Namboodiripad ministry in the matter of implementing the minimum programme of the UF was dismal. In actual practice, instead of advancing the revolution, the CPM only succeeded in widening the ·UNITED FROT EXPERIENCE 77 gulf between the working class and its such potential allies as the middle classes IDEOLOGICAL STRUGGLE Given the above understanding about the aim of parti cipation in ministries and mutual relationship between the front partners it was not surprising that the CPM went to the extent of indulging in favouritism and nepotism in the matter of appointments of using questionable methods and misusing official position to collect funds for the party and of even making deals with vested interests—all in the name of strengthening the CPM the only revolutionary partyand thereby advancing the revolution Such practices on the part of the CPM in power could not advance but only retard and did retard the cause of the revolution Recent utterinces of A K Gopalm and some other leaders of the CPM show that no lesson has been learnt br the CPM and that it intends to continue pursuing its sec tarian and disruptive policies In fact the recent resolution of the Central Committee of the CPM virtually branding the CPI and the Congress (R) as the main enemies its readiness to strike deals with the Syndicate etc is in Kerala clearl show that it is going to be even more disrup tive than hitherto The lesson is obvious that it is not possible to build the united front without 1 bitter ideological struggle gunst the wrong theoretical positions of the CPMI besides building unity in action through muss struggles whenever that is possible An ideological struggle is necessary not only in relation to the wrong ideology of the CP\[ It is also neces sary in relation to the SSP The policy of the dominant leadership of the SSP helps directly anil openlv the Tana singh Svndicate Swatantri combination and the forces behind them Such has been its role in the current land Occupation movement Another important aspect has to be hept in vien mutualls agreed minimum progressive programme on a state level is considerably easier to arrive at amongst all the traditional left parties than at the all India level Tlus is so ·78 MARXIST MISCELLANI because of differences regarding foreign policy etc wluchi in tum are because of the proimperialist and anti-Soviet stand which the SSP and some other left parties often take. It is high time that these differences are debated upon by the people as much as possible, that there is ideological confrontation between the different left parties This ideological struggle however must be carried on heeping in view that the aim is to make the ranks of these parties realise the real character of the policies pursued by their leaders, how they weaken the left and serve the 1eaction, so that the ranks assert themselves and make their leaders either to change or to step aside ·United Front in the Struggle Against Monopoly Capital and War Chitta Bisivas world war, After experiencing the horrors of two world wars in one generation, the natural question that is agitating the minds of millions of people all over the world is Whether or not a third world war is inevitable? Is it possible, they ash, to prevent the outbreak of another when all efforts failed to halt of the mad drive for war by the German imperialists? Is it not an illusion to think that the US imperialists, who are a hundred times stronger than the German imperialists, can be prevented from unleashing the third world war? Is it not futile to talk of peace when a series of local wars are being waged by the US imperialists? The question of war and peace is therefore no longer a matter of academic debate or discussion The realities of life force us to face this question squarely In order to find an answer to this complicated question, it is necessary to go into the causes of war, to trace the historical background of the international developments, the correlation of forces—both positive and negative—that eusted before the two world wars and to examine the Various factors that led to the outbreak of the two world ·80 MARXIST MISCELLAVY wars. It is essential to attempt an objective analysis of the international situation as it developed after the second world war, the forces that are operating-both for and against the war-in order to find a possible answer to the question. The Marxist approach to the question of war and peace is determined by class approach. Proceeding from the correct analysis of history, communists tried to bring home to others that war is the creation of imperialism which Lenin described as the highest stage of capitalism. It is therefore necessary to analyse the trend of presentday imperialism or clomination of finance capital which has attained a new height as a result of transformation of monopoly capitalism into state monopoly capitalism and the unprecedented con. centration and centralisation of capital. “ The trusts and cartels of the monopolics have pooled together into giant corporations. The influence of the financial oligarchics, which combined industrial capital with banking capital, is growing. They are invading all spheres of cconomic life of captalist countries and are dictating the state policies of imperialist countries. The evergrowing tendency of mona poly capital to switch over to the arms industries has resulted on the onc hand in the aggravation of international tension, and on the other in increasing hardships for the masses living in the imperialist countries. INTER-IMPERIALIST CONTRADICTIONS But thic des clopment of capitalism and the flourishing of thic "various finance capitalist groupings and industrial powers talc place at unesen rates, according to the histori. cal conditions and stage in cach case, and docs not corresund at any monent in tlic existing clivision of the world, reflecting the consequences of a pres fous stage of clevelopment. licncc arises sharpening cconomic conflict against the barriers of monopolist control, culminating in the endeavmir to batter thrigh the barriers by military forcr. Thils is the central dinamic of imperialisin and of imperial. ist war (R. Palmr Dutt, World Polnics, 1916-1930). One of the characteristic features of imperialism har ·UNITED FROVT AGAINST VO\OPOLY AND WAR 81 a always been to attempt at resolving mternal contradictions by military force and war Apart from the two world wars unleashed by imperialism viilun the first fou decades of this century, the imperialist powers have been responsible for conductmg scicral other wars–the Boer war the Russo Japanese war, the two Bulhan wars, Ital's mvasion of Abyssinia, the imperialist occupation of Pehing the series of armed conflicts in the years 1905 1908 and 1911 prior to the first would war, and for wagmg 55 local wars since 1945 The process of uneven economic and political development--which accentuates the contradictions among imperialist countries forces a particular imperialist power or group of powers, who might unite foi a tempoiarv period to serve their particular interests, 'to suppress other countries and crowd them out of the would mulets, thereby creating the precondition for military clashes”, as Lenin puts it The situation prior to the first would w z was marked by this growing clash of interests among the impeırılıst powers Britain dominated the major part of the world by extracting the wealth and resources from the chain of colonies, next was France in lier colonial possessions, Germany--which was a comparatively more developed capi talist country with her increasing rate of production and technological development wlule Britain was lagging belund i spite of her unlimited nesouces exploited from the colonies--did not have the proportionate share of the colonies The "central dynamic of impenalısm” was reflected in the rapidly growing contradictions of the imperialist countries--between Germany on one side and Britain and France on the other Explaining this contradiction, Lenin said opposed to this, mainly Anglo-French group, we live another group of capitahists, an even more rapacious, even more predatory one, a group who came to the capitalist banqueting table when all tlic seats were occupied, but who introduced into the struggle new methods for developing capitalist production, improved techniques, and superior organisation, which turned the old capitalism, the capital- MM-6 ·82 VIRVIST VISCELLAVY ism of the free competition age into capitalism of grant trusts sindicates and cantels This group introduced the be ginings of state controlled capitalist production, com binng the colossal power of capitalism with the colossal power of the state into a single icchanism and bringing teos of millions of people within the single organisation of state capitalism Here is economic fustori, here is cliplo matic history, coi erig scveral decades, from which no one can get away It is the one and onlı guide-post to a proper solution of the problem of war it leads you to the concluson that the present war, too, is the outcome of the policies of the classes who have come to grips in it, of the two supreme giants, who, long before the war, had caught the whole world, all countries, in the net of financial exploitation and economically cluded the globe up among them sclves They were bound to clasli, because a redivision of this supremacy, from the point of view of capitalism, had become mevtable” (War and Revolution", Collected Worhs Vol 24, pp 403 4) So, in their bid foi a icdivision of the world into their spheres of supremacs, the imperialist powers did clash There was no escape from the 'mcutable” The laws of capitalist development, however, provide no formula for permanent resolution of the capitalistic antagonism The first world war, therefore, could not resolve their differences, antagonism and contradictions on the contrarv, after a bref pause, the interimperialist contraclıctions manifest- (d in a cuersified manner and a number of new contrache tions de cloped Germmy was stripped of her colones lost her nicli coal and iron resources, heai. burden of u ar debts was put on her shoulder bi the victoi poucrs Germans was clefcated and humiliated She wanted breatlung time to tihe ruienge for the inglorious defeat CONTRADICTION BETUI CON CAPITALISV AND SOCIALISTI In the intervening periol, contradiction between labour and capital slırpened in the c.ipitalist countries and in the colomies national-liberation movement started taking shape ·UNITED TROVT AGAI\ST VOTOPOLI AD WAR S3 In the aclianced metropolitan countries and in some of the colonial strongholds of the imperial powcis, communist parties appcared as important factors m the national life with the Communist International as the advanced detachment of the struggle of the working class agamst the bourgcoisic The capitalist sistem of production alternately cycled lictu cen ups and downs, as a result of mherent cuisis of capitalism, culminating in the general depression of 1929 Thic general cnsis of capitalism began The most important contradiction of the period following the first world war was that of tuo diametrcally opposite social sistems So long capitalism suſiced from its own intemal ou mterimperialist contrachctions After the victory of the October Rei Olution capitalism was confionted with the challenge of an entuel different social sıstem, where capitalist cyploitation and the circ foi profit by the bourgeoisie arc cimmunted once and for all The October Socialist Revolution unleashed the ici olutionar forces of the working class agunst the bougeoisie Capitalism was confronted with the challenge of a supeno social system For the first time in hustorv, working class became the master of its dlestiny on one-sth of the globe, took over the means of production and comerted the workers Souets into the organs of state power bi smyshmg the bougeois state 'machmery A new cralisation was born, a sen ushered in, a new phenomenon in world politics emerged "The work was thus clivided into two social sistems-capitalısın and socialism The course of hision was cluy crted In addition to the internal contraclictions of capitalisman C\ternal contradiction was added after the first world war The bourgeoisie becanic alert and conscious of the impending danger In spite of then own antagonisms, they (tuickly united to clestroy the neu Soviet state, only to find their cfforts fiul miserabl in the face of the fierce resstince of the deternmed working class and working people of Sexact Russia under the leadership of Lenin But tlier did not gue up their attempts to crush the Souet Union They picked up Germans as their potential alls for launching a crusade agamst the Soviet Unon eia was ·84 VIRXIST VISCELLAVI RISE AND CONSOLIDATION OR FASCISV ENCOURAGED - Germany was already whipping up national chauvinism with a view to rousing the whole nation to avenge the defcat of the first world war Offensive against the German working class was unlcaslıcd) Frantic efforts to recover the colonics, wluch were snatclic away from lier is the victorious imperialist powers, vcrc being made in the German ruling circles In a statement Ilıtler said m 1931 th it his puts refuses to give up its claim over former German colonies We do not deny the importance overscas colonies mas huc for resettling and for supplying our cconomy with colomal pro- Cucts and raw milcrials On no account arc we rejecting possible colonial acquisitions in the future, since thus world serve the above aims" Hitler demanded the colomes brach from Britain, France and Belgium Ihs eves were also on the Portuguese colonies He wanted the colonial possessions bach from Japan He wanted to colonise, wInat he called, the "German East" which lie described as the "cxtension of the state terntory beyond the present castern imperial frontier" He intended to anncı tlie Ukraine too And in all his efforts the imperialist bloc, particularly the Anglo-French group aided by US imperialism, cive all assistance Within three years of his commg to power, Hitler neceived economic assistance to the time of $150 million for reaiming the Germin forces Thc impenalists did not try to conceal then purpose Llyod George, fore, most spokesman of the western imperialist powers cleclared in a speech in the House of Commons of 28 Vovember 1934. "In a very short time, perhaps in a year or two, tho conservative clements in this country will be looking to Germany as the bulwark against commumisni in Europe the Germans could make a better job of it than any other country Do not let us be in a hurrt to condemn Germany We shall be welcoming Germans as our friend This collaboration with Germany started in 1 calculitect manner Hitler, a shreud politician tned to burgun alter natciy with Britain and France and also separatch using .

·UNITED FRONT AG UXST MO\OPOLY AND WAR 85 the “Bolshevih bogi" to gain the maximum benefit for Germany. And the British and French imperialists, obsessed by the growing strength and consolidation of the socialist Sovict Union, continued to appcase Ilitler even to the cxtent of allowing him to annet the territories of some of llie East-European countries. The appeasement of Hitler and fascism by the restern imperialists emboldened the German fascists to go alıcad with their plan of unleashing the, second world war. Ilitler already established close ties with his counterparts, Mussolini in Italy and Tojo in Japan, who aligned together in that notorious "anti-Comintern pact". Ruthless suppression of the working-class movement and communist parties rei calcd the ugly face of fascism Iitler was given the final green signal for unleashing the war by the shameleșs betrayal of thic western powers at Munich. WARNING BY COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL The communist movement warned the working class, and the people at large, against the dangerous implications and farreaching consequences resulting from the rise of fascism to power. The Sixth and especially Seventh Congresses of the Communist International devoted considerable attention in their clelibcrations to the various aspects of the danger of the rise and consolidation of 'fascist dictatorship. The thirteenth plenum of the Executive Committee of the CI characterised fascism as "the open terrorist-clictatorship of the most reactionary, most chauvinistic and most imperialıst clements of finance capital". Dimitrov said: "German fascism is acting as the spearhead of international counter-revolution, as the cluef instigator of imperialist war, as the initiator of crusade against the Soviet Union, the great fathe land of the working people of the whole world." The CI ciposed the expansionist designs of German fascism as follows. "The adventurist plans of the German fascists are very farıcaching and count on a wai of ra enge against France, dismemberinent of Czeclioslovakia, anneration of Austria, destruction of the independence of the Baltic ·86 VIRXIST VISCCLL INI states which they are striving to convert into a base for attack on the Soviet Union ind the wresting of the Soviet Ukraine from the USSR They ne cleminding colonies and ure endeavourng to urouse moods in favour of a world war for a new repartition of the world Proceeding from a profound Murust Leninist unilysis of class relations the CI made this prophetic forecast which later proved to be hundred per cent correct German fuscism diagged the whole world to the catastrophe of the second world war The second world war could not be averted In spite of repented uppeals by the communist movement the social demociats blinded by anticommunism refused collaboration against fascism to cooperation with communists The westein powers used Hitler is their gendarme The working class movement too had its weihness in so far as it could not build up a powerful imited front of the antiu ir forces US IMPERIALISVI CVCRGES AS LEADCR OR IMPERIALIST CAMP The second world war ended with the victory over fascişm Millions sacrificed their lives propesties worth billions were destroyed Cities and villages were levelled to the ground The cost of victory over fascism was incalculable The whole world now earned for peace--no more war and no more des istation no more killing and destruction But the protagonists of monopoly capitalism crre little for the people Their class interest is supreme in their mind and that is the only guide to all actions of monopoli capital Monopoly capitalism cunot survive without war and militarism The conspiracy gainst the Sovict Union 175 being hintched by the then ringleader of the British ifiperi Thism Sir Winston Churchill eren wlien tlie British government forced by the course of events was fighting as part of the allıcd powers against the 1815 powers This was sevenlod from his secret message to the militar command u the latter ·UNITED FRO\T AGAI\ST VO\OI OLI I\D IN 87 part of the second world war And n the postuar period, he was the first to initiate thic cold war with the infamous Fulton speech a liere he first used the term “ron curtain" barron cd from Goebbels, who had used it for the first time only a car before. But Britain cmerged as the second grade poner after the second world war. US imperialists took over the leadership of the imperialist camp US imperialism suffered little and eamed fabulous profits from the two world wars During the five scars of the second world war alone US monopol capitalists carnci a profit of 107 4 billion dollars whereas their average profit from 1936 to 1939 amounted to 54 billion dollars per annum In the first five years after the war the profit incrcased further and reached the figure of 1545 bulion dollars The assets of Pentagon aic stcadık increasing In 1967 the wcie 183,600 million dollars, which accounted for 53 per cent of thic total assets of the US Sovemment. US ARMS INDUSTRIES FLOURISII The noteworthy feature of US economy is that it is inercasingly being geared to rapid militarisation programme Military supplies in aircraft industry account fo 91 per cent, in skupbuilding industas 61 per cent, and in radioclectronic mdlustry 40 per cent The arms industries in the United States are so profitable a business that US monopols sharhs shudder at the very idea of clısarmament. The us publicist Norman Thomas brilhantly describes the psychological makeup of the tested interests connected with arms production in the USA In his book The Prerequisites for Peace, le says 'Many powerful groups of Americans live so gicat a stake in the arms race that consciously on instictively they reject the idea of total dısarmament the generals, wlio hive a vested mterest in their profession, prestige and income, the scientists in their research funds and ini estigations, and the stockholders and managers of countless corporations in the profits they derive from then business and connection with the Defence Department, the world's luggest single customer" (12 54) ·88 MARUST MISCELLANY Let us now see how this "world's biggest single customer" of arms utilises the purchased arms. US imperialists have established a network of military bases surrounding the Soulet Union and the socialist countries to use them as their operation bases in the event of a world war--in Europe NATO, in Asia and Middle East SEATO and CENTO (though this former Baghdad Pact does not include now Iraq after the overthrow of the Nur Syeed regime), NEATO (combining South Korea, Formosa and Japan, officially the US government does not admit the existence of this military pact, though it is no secret that it exists very much), ANZUS roping in Australia and Newzealand, and a number of bilateral military pacts concluded by the US goverment in all regions of the world and over tlıree thousand military bases spread all over the world. The Okinawa base is used for sending bombers and fighters to continue the dirty war in Vietnam. The direct military expenditure of the US government, between 1964 and 1968, amounted to 350,000 million dollars, 20 per cent above the figure of the second Tlus, of course, does not include the astronomical figure spent by other imperialist partners of the US government In his book Armament and Disarmament in the Latter Stage of Capitalism, Fritz Wielmann estimated the expenditure 011 armaments of the capitalist comtries as follows: between 1901 and 1914 the capitalist countries spent on armaments to the tune of average 4,000 million dollars annually, during the first workl war annual as crage was 65,000 million dollars, on the eve of the second world war 130,000 million dollars annual avcrage, and thic cost of the second world war was 730.000 million dollars every vear for the war period. Thic ideologues of imperialism are taking great pains in putting fonvard justification in fasour of such colossal expenditure on war preparations. A lcaching Il'est-Gerinan military tlıconst Ilans Karl Gunther is advancing the argu. incnt inat "the arınament race must continue... tintl onc of the systems (socialısın or capitalisın) collapses .. the west is given a chance at victori 1x continue arming, bercas .. gerural disarinament would take this chance away, world war.

·UNITED FRONT AGAINST MONOPOLY AND WAR 89 * In addition to the increase in arms production and military budget, US imperialists have other ways too. Since their target is the destruction of the socialist system, they qlo not spare any efforts to achieve this goal. In the official bulget allocations of the US government, funds were carmarked for espionage activities inside the East-European socialist countries to try to destroy them from withiin by organising subversive activities. The vast network of the notorious CIA machinery has been working surreptitiously as in auxiliary invisible unit of the US State Department. CORRELATION OF FORCES CIIANGES While pursuing tlic global policy of war and aggression, US imperialism is underestimating one basic fact of historv. The world is not the same as it was before the two world wars. In 1917 the first socialist state was born. In 1945, a socialist bloc had come into existence. The imperialist powers have lost their colonial possessions. Barring a few colonies, whicre fierce battle for 'liberation is going on, the overwhelming majority of the colonies have gained political independence. The massive economic assistance from the socialist camp is helping the former colonial possessions of imperialism to reduce their dependence on the western capitalist powers. China has broken away from the orbit of the capitalist world. The Soviet Union has developed into a mighty power. She can counter the economic and military challenge of the imperialist powers including the USA. And the cconomy of the socialist countries is on solid foundation, free from the crises frequently experienced by the capitalist world system. Thus "the outcome of the second world war brought vast social and political changes in its train further weakening and restricting the old order of imperialism, and carrying forward the advance of socialism and national liberation to new sweeping victories” (R. Palme Dutt. Introduction to revised edition of World Politics, 1918-1936). The stake in a global war this time is much higher. One should not tlierefore be misled. The growing aggressiveness of US imperialists can only frighten those who do not ·90 VARXIST MISCELLANY see the growing resistance to the US war efforts. The mad ventues of US imperialism only indicate their desperateness to survive as the decadent bourgeois social order. We must not forget that the days are gone when imperialism could clictate the course of world events. “Imperialism can neither regain its lost historical initiative nor reversc world development. The main direction of mankind's development IS determined by the world socialist svstem, the international working class, all revolutionary forces”, declared the Conference of Communist and Workers' Parties held in Moscow in June 1969. In ou assessment of avoild developments we must always take into account the positive factors-thic ciergrowing strength of socialist countries the rapid growth of working. class movement in the capitalist countries, the resistance of democratic masses in the newls-liberated countues of Asia, Africa and Latin America to the US veocolonialist designs, and the organised offensive by all peaceloving forces and organisations. The combined efforts of these forces can certainly foil the conspiracy of imperialism and prevent the US imperialists froin succeeding in their sinister and cynical efforts to unleash a new world war. STRUGGLE FOR PEACE MEANS STRUGGLE AGAINST MONOPOLY CAPITALISM The world communist movement repeatedly emphasised the need for intensifying the struggle for world peace. The Moscow Conference of the Communist and Workers' Parties adopted a special "Appeal in Defence of Peace". It says: "Tlie policy of aggression and war, pursued for the profit of monopoly capital, intensifies, in the capitalist countries themsches, the exploitation of the masses, kindles racial discrimination, cultivates brute force, leads to curtailing of democratic freedoms and jcoparcises the vital interests of the people. The militarisation of the economy desnurs luge material resources, presses down the standard of living and places a heavy burden on the shoulders of working people. Imperialism is responsible for channelling the greatest achievements of science and technology, which throw open ·UNITED TRO11 AGAI\ST VIO\OPOLI AD HIR 91 new vistas to humanity, for purposes of destruction, while at thic sume time hundreds of millions of people suffer from hunger and poverty That is why the struggle for peace merges with the struggle for freedom of the peoples for progress and democracy, for deliverance from alen domimation, from colonialism and neocolonialism, reaction and fascist dictatorshup' For communists, the struggle for peace is, therefore not merely a humanitarian question There is no denuing of the fact that the humanitarian aspect of the struggle is no less important and communists, who love mankind most are certamly inspired by tlus At the same time communists View all struggles from the class point of view For communists, the struggle for world peace is a part of their all out struggle agamst thc class enemy --thic bourgeoisie, the monopoly capitalists, who impose var-global or local—on the working people, As Lenin pointed out All wars are inscpırable from the political systems tlint engender them The policy which a gren statc, a given class within that state pursued for a long time before the war is inevitably continued by that same class during the war, the form of action alone being changed" "How can a wr be accounted for without con sidering its beuring on the preceding policy of the given state, of the given system of states, the given classes? I repeat this is a basic point which is constantly overlooked Failure to understand it makes nine tenths of all war dis cussions merc wrangling so much verbinge (Collected Works Vol 24, pp 400 & 402) The Marust Leninist approach to theiquestion of war and peace is therefore, determined by the class appronch, fast and foremost Failure to grasp this important aspect of the struggle for peace has been n senous weakness of the communist move ment in our country 5 UNITED FRONT IN THE STRUGGLE FOR PEACE The consistent efforts of the international communist movement, the passionate appcals issued by the Commu nist International to unite all forces opposed to fascism and ·02 MARXIST MISCELLA VY war, before the outbreak of the second world war, clearly show the importance communists attach to the struggle for peace. Explaining the weakness of the communist movement in the thirties Dimitrov said: "The growth in the aggressive, ness of German fascism and of the Japanese military clique is first and foremost the result of the fact that the international proletariat did not succeed in acting unanimously with all the power of its gigantic forces, ilid not rally around itself all the tworking people and all the friends of peace into a mighty front against war.” The CI repeatedly emphasised the importance of builling up united front, popular front, peace front against fascism and war. Dimit. row dealt elaborately with the question of united front, its nature, score, composition and cliaracter. While the "resolute action of the revolutionary proletariat" was the most important guarantee in halting thic march of fascism and war, the formation of united front with all other scctions of the working masses was an imperativc nccd to achieve It is nccessary for us to learn from thic shortcomings of the past and work ceaselessly to mobilise all sections of people against the drive of monopoly capitalism towards war. It is worth recollecting the teachings of Communist International now that the US imperialists are ſeverishly setting the stage for another war. It serves as a clear guide: line, it emphasises repeatedly thic urgency and need of building up united front against the class cnemy. Toxlav the people of thic world is facing the terrible menace of the most monstrous enemy of mankind-the US mononolists. Thics are the most barbarous, most brutal, most inliuman Inloiters of working people. They are responsible for the killing of thousands of innocent people in Vietnam by wag. ing the aggressive war. They are infiltrating in all sphere of social life of the newly-libemirel countries, thereby mak. ing every endeavour to restore colonialism by the back door. It is against this deadly enemy of mankind that a rímyr. Ons strigcle is to le waged. Anel in ensurt Scotus in this Kruggle, the cooperation of all acrtims of people in all Success.

·UNITED FRONT AGAINST MONOPOLI AND WAR 03 countries is the prime necessity We must keep in mind the difference between the "immediate and the ultimate", though one cannot be separated from the other The imme diate goal is to prevent the outbreak of a third world var The success in this immediate task creates conditions for the success in achieving the ultimate objective-elimination of capitalism and establishment of socialism in the world To maintain peace is in the interest of the working class and working people to achieve success in realising their ultimate goal WAR CAN BE PREVENTED The question is ashed by many, including soine communists Is it possible to avert a world war when the capitalist system is in operation in most of the countries and the United States, with all the modem scientific and technological means, is providing leadership to the capitalist world? The answer to this question is again piouded by Dimitrov He said 'In addition to the openlt reactionarv leaders who disrupt the unity of action of the international proletariat in defence of peace there are also left' phrasemongers who propagate fatalistic veus to the effect that ar is inculable and the maintenance of peace un possible Since the fundamental cause of tvar is capitalısm, then, they say, so long as the latter exists, it is impossible to avoid war, and it is hopeless and useless to fight for the muntenance of peace Such people are out and-out doctrinures, if not simply imposters They see everyulicre around them the raging forces of var, but they do not at all notice the mighty It was before the second world war tlıat Dimitrov brushed sido such doctrinaire approach to the question Hic mentroned at that time the forces of peace are to be found in the growing strength of the USSR and in the proletart of the capitalist countries Ie castigated those who thought that was and peace depend merely on the capitalist govemments IIc mide it clear that mass of the people, cien in the capitalist countries, do not want war factors for peace ·VARTIST MISCELLANY What Dimitrov described as “fatalıstic views" are being theorised today by the Chinese Communist Party. The doctrinaires fail to understand the mighty factors of peace and seem to be overwhelmed by the "raging forces of war". Thev miss the great significance of the positive factors. the combmed strength of the socialist camp, the mighty worhingclass movement in the capitalist countries, the growing upsurge among the masses in the newlv-liberated countries to nd themselves of the legacies of colonial rule and above all the emergence of a socialist state in one part of Germany ---the GDR, the first German peace state, whicrc the clamour for war and revanchism will never be licard again. Failure to understand the significance of these positive factors is bound to lead to lack of confidence iesulting in the fatalistic outlook which only inspires false confidence in the minds of warmongers, Dimitrov emphasised that "the fascist aggressors must be made to feel most cmphatically that his every step is vigi- Jantly watched by millions of people and that any attempt to attack other peoples will meet with the determined resistance of the proletariat and working people of the whole world... Only the proletariat, uniting its ranks, can be the organiser of such a peace front, can lic its driving force, its bachbonc. This is now the cenhal task of the international proletariat as a whole... A successful struggle to maintain peace absolutely requires that the joint activity of the proletarnt and thie widcst masses of the people be (lirected against the specific instigators of car and against those 'forces inside the country which help them directly or indirectly," "The whole thing", Dimitrov said, “is to organise the struggle of the peoples for the maintenance of peace in good time anel to carn it on continually and cerywhere against the fascist warmongers and their backers... To "vant peace is not enough. It is necessary to fight for prace." And, ihc "peace front will become powerful and in incihle if it organises practical mass action, not restricting itself to protests, resolutions and cleclarations".

·UNITED TROIT AG \I\ST MO\OPOLI IIDI 93 UNITED PLACE FRONT We defend peacc It is m tlns spirit that Cicoli (Palmiro Togliattı), m his report to the Seventh Congress of the CI appealed to all peaceloving forces to unite against the menace of fascism because we are stuuing to ensure the conditions for the victory of the revolution', said Ercoli and the appeal was launched, the appeal addressed to all those who are opposed to war We launch ou appeal to the gicat masses who do not want war "Let us unite our forces Let us fight together foi peace Let us organise the united front of all who want to defend and prescrie pcacc by making the fight foi perco the centre of our activity, we give the lie in the most striking manner to all the various slanderers, rankmg from the bourgeoisie to the counter revolutionary Trotskists who have the effronter to say that communists are in favour of war, that they base their hopes on war, as if they think that only war will create situation in wluch it will be possible to fight for the icvolution Comrades, in the fight for peace, against imperialist war our immediate basic political task con sists in creating the widest imted front of the masses of workers and persants, and pettbourgeoisic and intellectuals It is just in this sphere, comrades, in the spheic of the struggle for peace that our united front policı can score the greatest successes Expressing the disappointment at the inndequacy of the work clone in this sphere by communists Eicoli said “We cannot declare ourselves satisfieci, cither with the progress which has been made in this field or with the successes of the united front m the antiv ar struggle in general The volume of the united front movement ag unst war is still not in accord with the intensity of war preparations on the part of capitalists, is still not in accord with the acuteness and graviti of the war danger All om sections are faced with the task of doing all that is necessarı so that the fight for perce will cmbrace all those who do not want war, all those who late war, all those who are icadk to fight for peace social clcmocratic workers, the masses of those with ·96 MARXIST WISCELLANY pacifist inclinations, women, children, national minontics that are under the threat of war." Communists never underestimated the necessity and importance of the work among all picaccloving people as unimportant or nonrevolutionary. Emphasising the importance of the work even among the pacifists, Ercoli said, "Wc revolutionary workers understand and correctly appreciate the aspirations of the masses in lo show this pacińst icndency, even if it is still sometimes expressed in a waive and politically false way. Our place is at the side of these masses, explaining to them what they do not set understand well, at the same time assisting them in fighting to achieve all that is fundamentally just and human in their striving for peace... We must penetrate among the pacifist masses and carry out a big work of enlightenment among them, using forms and organisations and action which are adapted to the level of consciousness of these masses and which give them the possibility of taking the first step in the effective struggle against war and capitalism." WARNING AGAINST SECTARIANISVI Warning against the sectarian danger and deviation Ercoli cautioned communists to be extremely careful in their work with other forces like the pacifists: "We must always tako two things into account. The first is that the organisation of the pacifist masses cannot and must not be a communist organisation; the second is that, in worhing in this organisation, communists must never give up explaining with the greatest patience and insistence their own point of view on all the problems of the struggle against war. In this way success can be achieved in emancipating the sincere pacifists from the influence of illusions and mistaken vicws, and exposing those hypocritical pacifists ulio by their policy screen the preparation for war. Unfortunately, in many casos it must be admitted that our comracles follow the opposite line to this. On the one hand they attempt to give to tho organisations of the pacifist masses the character of a communist organisation and introduce into it inappropriate methods of leadership by the party. On the other hand, they ·UNITED FROVT AGAINST MONOPOLI AND WAR 97 neglect their obligation to conduct propaganda of our correct Leninist position in the struggle against war. It is necessary to correct both these mistakes." In the concluding remarks in reply to the discussion on his report Ercoli sounded the note of confidence and stressed on the urgency of united work for peace. “We must break through the narrow bounds of the former antiwar and antimilitarist worh, we must give our fight for peace the widest character, as far as possible embracing the whole of the people... We shall convey to the whole world our profound conviction that the preservation of peace is possible, that it is possible to hinder war, that under definite conditions to avoid war is a thing that is possible and realisable. On the basis of this conviction we shall gather around us millions of persons for the struggle for the great, most just and most socialist cause—the cause of peace The resolution adopted by the Seventh Congress of the Communist International after discussing the report of Ercoli stated that “the struggle for peace opens up before the communist parties the greatest opportunities for creating the broadest united front All those interested in the pre- Servation of peace should be drawn into this united front. The concentration of forces against the chief instigators of war at any given moment (at the present time—against fascist Germany, and against Poland and Japan which are in league with it) constitutes a most important tactical task of the communist parties... The drawing of pacifist organisations and their adherents into the united front of struggle for peace acquires great importance in mobilising the pettybourgeois masses, progressive intellectuals, women and youth against war... BIRTH OF WORLDWIDE PEACE MOVEMENT The all-embracing world peace movement was not in existence before the first world war. However, there was an attempt to build up such a peace movement in the early thirties on the initiative of such outstanding personalities like Romain Rolland, Henri Barbusse and others (incidental- MIM-7 ·98 MARVIST MISCELLAVY ly, two Indian personalities signed the appeal issued for convening the Amsterdam Antiwar Congress) The popular front movements in various European countries were the main form of activity prior to the second world war And this movement achieved limited success The need for a really broad peace movement was felt by many after the second world war A number of intellectuals from various countries assembled in Wroclaw, Poland, in the year 1948, to discuss ways and means to unite the forces of peace and to lay the foundation of a worldwide movement for peace An international Coordinating Bureau of intellectuals was formed with the purpose of convenıng a World Congress for Peace It issued an Appeal together with the Women's International Democratic Federation and a number of internationally known eminent individuals including Pablo Picasso, Pablo Neruda, Prof Juliot-Curie, Madame Irene Juliot Curie, Louis Aragon, Pierre Cot, Vercos, Madame Romain Rolland, Pietro Nenni, Michael Sholokov, Martin Anderson-Nexo, Heinnch Mann, Anna Segliers, Prof J D Bernal, Prof J BS Haldane, D N Pritt, the Dean of Canterbury, Howard Fast and a host of others In less than two months, the Appeal received the support of 18 international organisations, 1,015 national organisations, 10,000 provincial organisations and 2,895 public figures from almost every country of the world The Appeal was clear It stated "Instead of the decrease in armies and armaments which it would have been natural to expect at the end of the world war, an overwhelming arms race has begun Mihtary blocs which threaten the peaceful coexistence of the peoples are being formed in some parts of the world fires of war are still burning, fit and fed by the intervention of foreign states and the direct action of their armed forces But the peoples of the world do not want And the duty of all honest people, of men of art, science and literature, of all democratic organisations is to stand firmly resolved and with a buming desire to aciueve unity in the defence of peace between the peoples" This simple Appeal rallied round it thousands a}} over the world The first World Congress of Defenders of Peace, held in Paris and Prague simultaneously the French war gouemment ·UNITED FROVT AGAINST VIO\OPOLI AD WAR 99 peace forces refused visa to the delegates from many socialist countries as a result of which those who could not go to Paris met in Prague and endorsed the decisions adopted in Paris from 20 to 25 April 1949 This was the beginnmg of the first organised worldwide peace movement, the all embracing peace movement in the postuar period The World Council of Peace was bom as an organisation following a decision of the second World Congress of the Defenders of Peace held in Warsaw from 16 to 22 November 1950 During the last two decades the WCP has emerged as the mightiest international peace organisation liating national committees in almost all the countries of the world, enjoung the support of cross sections of population including the ruling parties of mans Afro-Asian countries and the unqualified support of the socialist countres The WCP presents the largest united platform of the In the process of mtensification of the struggle for peace various other national and international organisations have been created in vanous parts of the world For one reason or other, there are still many people who have their reservations in joining the organisations of the WVCP In their own war they would like to continue the work for peace The WCP, therefore, took the initiative to develop joint work with them The result is quite encouraging and joint actions of peace forces have become the feature of the day The powerful anti-Vietnam-war movement in the United States, organised by more than 300 peace groups jointly, has succeeded in everting considerable influence on the US public mind The campaign against nuclear weapons in the West-European countries lias become a popular movement In Japan, thousands and thousands of people participate in the movement for banning atomic weapons The militant demonstrations organised by the Japanese people against the Japan US secuntı pact, agunst NEATO and for withdrawing US military bases from Japan indicate the powerful expression of the Japanese people's determined bid to oppose an attempt to drag Japan into the fold of US war machinery It can be said that today the peace organisations act on almost every issue concerned with war and peace And this movement is growing with every passing day ·100 MARXIST MISCELLANY EXPERIENCE OF INDIAN PEACE MOVEMENT The Indian contingent of the World Peace Council has from the very beginning–barring that short period at the intial stage when the sectarian leadership of B. T. Ranadive tned to convert the peace organisation into a communist organisation ignoring the teachings of the Communist International regarding the united front for the struggle for peace--pursued broadly a correct policy of united front in the peace movement. It succeeded in enlisting the support of eminent personalities from different walks of life, political leaders belonging to all parties who were prepared to work together in support of the liberation movements of the colonial peoples, against atomic weapons, for nonalignment, against US neocolonialist designs directed against the independence and sovereignty of our country, against US aggiession in any part of the world, particularly in Vietnam. As was expected, reaction dubbed the peace movement as a front organisation of communists Reactionary elements, who now belong to the Syndicate after the split in the Congress, joined the chorus though the foreign policy of the government of India enunciated by their party was, more or Jess, in broad conformity with the policies and programmes of the peace movement. INCORRECT UNDERSTANDING LEADS TO MISGIVINGS There were misgivings in the ranks of the communist movement too Many underestimated the significance of the struggle for peace in spite of the valuable guidance of the international communist movement. Their participation in the activities for peace was more a matter of ritual than something arising out of deep conviction. There is a tendency to belittle the importance of joint work with others, particularly with congressmen. It appears to be difficult for many to reconcile with the idea of joint work for the very same congressmen with whom communists are at loggerheads so far as the struggle in the domestic front is concerned. This difficulty arises because of our lack of peace with ·UNITED FRONT AGAINST MONOPOLY AND WAR 101 correct understanding of united front, be it for peace or other issues. It should be borne in mind, when communists work jointly with other forces, particularly with those which represent some alien class, they never subordinate the interest of working class to the bourgeoisie. They work in the united front with heterogeneous elements for a limited objective without forgoing their independent roles-the vanguard role of the working class. A united front is a platform and not a party. No parties in the united front give up their own policy or programme. They unite for a particular cause and for joint struggle to achieve that cause. So far as the peace movement is concerned, the representatives of different political parties work together for world peace, which, to communists, is essentially a struggle against imperialism, against monopoly capital. Lenin taught us that even a section of the bourgeoisie may oppose the drive of the monopoly capital for unleashing a world war at a particular time for some particular reason. The Seventh Congress of the CI advocated joint work with those who are prepared to even go half the way: "The communists must invite the collaboration of all pacifist organisations that are prepared to go with them even if only half the way towards a genuine struggle against imperialist war." 'Those who have reservations, or in some wav opposition, to joint work for peace with congressmen, should better recall the teachings of the CI. Dimitrov stated clearly; "In forming the antifascist people's front, a correct approach to those organisations and parties whose membership com. prises a considerable number of the working peasantry and the mass of the urban petty. bourgeoisie is of great importance. In the capitalist countries the majority of these parties and organisations, political as well as economic, are still under the influence of the bourgeoisie and follow it. The social composition of these parties and organisations is heterogeneous. They include rich peasants side by side with landless peasants, big businessmen alongside petty shopkeepers; but control is in the hands of the former, the agents of big capital. This obliges us to approach different ·102 MARXIST MISCELLAVY organisations in different ways, remembering that often the bulk of the membership ignores the real polıtıcal character of the leadership Under certain conditions we can and must try to draw these parties and organisations or certain sections of them to the side of the antifascist people's front despite therr bourgeois leadersłup" In "Left-wing" Communism Lenin said The more powerful enemy can be vanquished only by exerting the utmost effort, and by the most thorough, careful, attentive and shilful obligatory use of cerv, even the smallest, 'nft among the enemies, every antagonism of interests among the bourgeoisie of the various countries and among the various groups or types of bourgeoisie within the various countries, and also bi takıng advantage of ever, even the smullest, opportunity of gaining a miss ally, even though this ally be temporary, acıllating, unstable, unreliable and conditional Those is ho fail to understand thus, fail to understand even a particle of Marusm, or of scientific, modern socialısm in general (Sclected Works, Three-Vol Edu 1964 Vol III p 418) It is therefore, absolutely correct to make all endeavours to build up united front for peace with congressmen It is all the more important now in view of the political deve. lopments in our country during the last one vear The turn of events in India has vindicated the correctness of the Party Programme adopted at the Seventh Congress, held in Bombay from 13 to 23 December 1964, which advocated the formation of a national democratic front Thie Programme says “Developing out of the joint actions of the miss organisations of workers, peasants employees and agricultural workers, as well as of the Communist Party, and other left and socialist parties, the national democratic front will draw into its rank's not onl the masses following the Congress, but also its progressive sections ** And it is this progressive section of the undivided Congress that has joined the peace and solidarity move ment And in this field it provides the basis of the demo. cratic front for a particular objective and with a limitect scope It was not an accident that this very section wluch consistentli took an antı imperialist position, was the most ·UNITED FRO\T AGAI\ST MONOPOLI AND WAR 103 vocal campaigner for the election of V V Gın as the President of India And today, again it is thus section of the divided Congress which is fighting within its party for progressive policies directed against Indian monopoly capital and for immediate land reforms Thus the joint work in the peace novement did certainly contribute, though in a small way, to the greater national cause This should not be minimised or underplayed The weakness of the Indian peace movement is not in trying to organise united action with congressmen The weakness lies, first and foremost, in the failure to mobilise the organised masses-workers, peasants and the bulk of the working people as the most organised, active and effective detachment of the united struggle for peace Failure to organise independent actions of the masses from their own platforms remains a myor weakness It is not enough to respond to the call of the peace movement from time to time Consistent and sustamed activity against each and even move of the imperialists should be organised by the mass organisations themselves in a country where the overw lielming majority of the population le and work in rmal areas, the peasantry and rural population are not drawn in the peace movement The relationship of our struggle for social reforms and of the struggle for peace is not properly explained to them In order to draw the entire working people in the peace movement, it is necessary to explain that the struggle against the drive of the international monopoly capitalists for war is a part of the struggle of the working masses in our country against their counterparts Indian monopoly capital is intensifying its offensive against the working people and is inflicting more and more hardships on the masses, it is creating obstacles to all social reforms and is tightening up its control in the sphere of our economy and political lfc The interest of Indian monopoly capital is inextricably linked with that of international monopoly capital Unless this is explained and clearly understood, response from the bulk of the working people will always remain lukewarm Secondly, though a number of important congressmen are active in the peace movement, the vast masses following ·101 MAN VST MISCELLANY the Congress have never participated in the peace move ment, In both cases, it remains a sort of unity at the top level. Thirdly, the peace movement correctly tried, and in somc cascs did succccd, to associate individual leaders of other partics, particularly the SSP and PSP, who do not support the policies of the peace movement. They have completely crroncous views on international affairs particularly on US aggression in Vietnam and Isracli aggression on Arab countrics. It is necessary for the party of the working class to launch an ideological campaign, in a friendly and persuasive manner, to help these left partics get rid of the misgivings and wrong outlook on international developments. Genuine socialists can never compromise with the sinister conspiracy of the monopoly capitalists. And the mistakes committed by the European social-democrats, before the second world war, must not be allowed to be repeated. With great patience the followers of the SSP and PSP have to be explained this. Political developments in our country clemand united action of all progressive forces. And the present international situation demands united action of all forces to prevent the outbreak of a third world war. To build up front is by itself a major political struggle. It is not an easy task. The example of Vietnam should serve as a lesson to all those who strive to build a solid, effective united front against imperialism. Communists take their rightful place in the forefront in any struggle against imperialism. While striving for world peace, they champion the cause of national liberation, which again is directed against imperialism, Vietnam is the most glaring example of the struggle against the most brutal and most aggressive imperialist power. And the building of a multiclass united front against US imperialism has greatly contributed to the success of the struggle of the Vietnamese people, which is being waged on three fronts-political, military and diplomatic. It required great patience, skill, political maturity and wisdom a united ·UNITED FRONT AGAINST MONOPOLY AND WAR 105 to build up the National Front for Liberation, which provides leadership to the people of Vietnam. Flexible approach, consistent efforts to unite all sections and all forces who are opposed to US aggression and who stand for the liberation of Vietnam irrespective of their class character and views on other matters, for the purpose of attaining the immediate goal-national salvation-succeeded in bringing about the united front. That is how tinv Vietnam has humbled the mighty imperialist giant-US imperialism–in the battlefield, isolated the US government in the international arena and eamed the sympathy and support of the entire world The united resistance of the Vietnamese people against the US aggressors is containing US imperialism. It is a fight for independence and national salvation of the Vietnamese people it is a fight for ensuring the independence, security, national sovereignty of all countries of Asia including India The significance of the struggle of our Vietnamese friends, the meaning of their unparalleled suffering and sacrifice have to be understood properly. It has also to be understood that the same US imperialism which is waging the dirty war in Vietnam is mounting its all-round offensive against all the newly-liberated countries. US imperialists do not always go for hot war everywhere In some countries, as in Vietnam now, they wage the most in some others they infiltrate in the field of economy, culture, social and political life of the nation, in others they organise coups d'etat, as in Indonesia, Ghana and Cambodia, in order to put some of their puppets to power, in still others thev continue to pressurise the goverment-in-power to toe their global policv of war and aggression They choose the most reactionary, corrupt and conservative elements to create US lobbies in the countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America It is against these machinations of US imperialists that the peace movement in India has to wage a relentless battle. It should not be forgotten that the interests of US monopoly capital and its counterparts in India are closelv linked, though on the question of unleashing a global war right now Indian monopoly capital may not line up with barbarous war, ·109 MARXIST MISCELLAVY its US masters The struggle of the working people of our country for social reforms, for curbing the dangerously increasing menace of monopoly capital and the struggle against the global policy of US imperialism are intertwined today as never before The struggle for peace, so far as our country is concerned, has a concrete task to fulfil It is not merely an abstract concept If we fail to understand this, the importance and significance of the Indian peace movement will never be properly understood It should also be remembered that it is not an accident that the forces of right reaction in our country have unleashed a mounting propaganda offense against the Souet Union and socialist countries The US lobby in our country is out to intensify the campaign of lies and slander against the socialist countries in its bid to poison the mind of the people, to prejudice them against the socialist camp and to create favourable situation to align closely with the "estern impeualist powers To foil the attempts of US imperialists and their hench men in our country, it is imperatric that all those who value our independence and sovereignty, all those who stand in support of the liberation movements, all those who oppose colonialism and neocolonialism should unite together in the broadest united front against imperialism To save mankind from the catastrophe of another world Mar, we must intensify the struggle for peace Thus is the histonc responsibility that we have to fulfil This is in the best interest of the working class and the working people Thuis is in the best interest of the victory for the worldwide struggle for socialism And in this hustoric task of united struggle against the forces of capitalism and war, Vietnam instils faith and confidence in us ·Lenin in the Tamil Press (1917-24) C. S Subramaniam City. The Lenin Centenary has aroused a deep desire to know something about the actual impact of this great personality and his work on India and Indians during his lifetime To get some idea of this impact a search has been undertaken to look into the past and this study relates to the period from 1917 to 1924 till about the time of the great leader's death This study is confined to the reports that have appeared about the events, meetings, etc , in the south of India and particularly in the nationalist press of the Madras The first impression one gets from a study of the available materials is the tremendous importance of this period in the history of the national-liberation movement No student of social history, who is interested in the understanding of it, can afford to neglect this interesting study of the events of this period and for a Marxist it is all the more important. But that is a separate task and has to be worked out on the basis of a wider canvas and greater data ranging over the whole of India. I shall confine myself to naming a few salient characteristics that strike one's mind while studying the reportage in the press It must be ·108 MARXIST MISCELLAVY emphasised however that this study is neither complete nor exhaustive and these characteristics of the penod stated herein are from within the limits of the available material studied up to now CHARACTERISTICS OF THE PERIOD IN SOUTH INDIA The period from 1917 to 1924 is marked by a senes of strikes by workers, the formation of a number of labour unions, as for example, the Madras Labour Union of the Buckingham & Carnatic Mills then employing, over 6,000 workers, and the unions of railway workers (both the South Indian and MSM railways), kerosene oil workers, press workers, general workers, etc Then there had been the spontaneous agitation against the rise in the prices, often taking the form of riots by the people, looting of shops, etc From Mav to September 1918, according to the government, looting took place in over a hundred places in Madras Presidency (comprising the present Tamilnadu, the greater part of Andhra and parts of presentday Kerala and Mysore) In political agitation, there has been the satı agraha movement following the Rowlatt Committee report and the Rowlatt Acts, the anger roused by the Jallians ala Bagh massacre, the noncooperation movement, the Moplahı rebellion, the formation of the Swaraj Party "to wreck the reforms from within", the non-Brahmin movement and agitation even by ‘land owners” against resettlement, ie the periodical revision of land revenue rates by the government The saty agraha and noncooperation movement were the forms of struggle to obtain some measurc of freedom from the oppressive rule of imperialists In some of the specches made by the propagandists of the satyagraha movement as reported in the press, one finds such refer. enccs as that the smallest policeman in the land has anthoriti to do what he likes and that is what we want to abolish ·LEVIY IN THE TAMIL PRESS (1917-24) 109 7 FIRST NEWS ABOUT THE REVOLUTION Even as the political situation was hotting up in India, came the news of the fall of the tsar in March 1917 and, what was more, the news of the October Revolution. This was given out as "Maximalists" triumph, Maximalist being the term used in the first news telegrams to connote the Bolsheviks; and one of the first reports appearing in the press has published a telegram of Reuters under "dateline 8 November 1917, that Lenin who was the leader of the movement had demanded an immediate armistice and peace, that Lenin who was received with prolonged cheers made a speech in which he outlined the three problems before Russian democracy, the first, the immediate conclusion of the war, for which the new government must propose an armistice, the second, the landing ouer of the land to the peasants and the third, the settlement of the cconomic crisis”. Thus, the very first news that appeared in the press clearly states that Lenin was the leader of the movement, and we can take it that this idea of Lenin as the leader of the Russian revolution became established in the minds of the newspaper reading public in India, especially among the nationalist leaders. And the attempts of imperialist. propaganda to blacken Lenin bv slandering him as a German agent, in its own way, helped to confirm this idea that Lenin was the leader of the revolution and further evoked a desire to know more about Lenin. Tracing the references to the course of the revolution, the comments on the doings of the Bolshevik government till the time of the death of Lenin in January 1924, and the editorial notices on his death, the impression one gets can be summed up and classified on the following lines. Firstly, that although at the end of the first world war in 1918, several crowns had been toppled in Europe, the Russian Tevolution had a special significance to the Indian nationalist leaders because they found that in actual practice it was the Bolshevik government that implemented the declaration of self-determination and took a consistent stand for it. And this practical demonstration was an important fact that ·110 MARXIST MISCELLAVI made them take all the slanders against Lenin and the Bolshevik government with a pinch of salt Secondly, that the Bolshevik government under Lenin represented a genume attempt to create an entirely new social order Thirdly, that intellectuals were eager to understand and explain the Russian revolution within the limits of the material available to them and their understanding Fourthly, that a distinct trend, although a very insignia ficant one at that time, arose winch m prachcal politics looked to Lenin and his policy as something which should be understood and followed for the liberation of the masses, to make freedom real and meaningful to the mass of the people, especiall the labourers Fifthly that bi the time of his death Lenin was unsersally recognised as one of the greatest personalities of the modern cra ITOW WILL IT ATTECT THIC 'ALLIDS"? 1 The first comments that appeared in the nationalist press at that time are more in the nature of comments from the pomt of view of the effect of the Russian resolution on the fortunes of the "Allies" represented by Britain and the other countries against Gerin uni To some extent this is anderstandable, when we realise that puen the demand for sell. gouemment was based on the argument that Britain should LNC freedom to India so that it can help it in its war effort Tlır class of intellectuals and public men were antious to proclain their loyalty to the "raj" and state, that given freedom, they would be in a much better position to ninhllise meti and money for the successful prosecution of the war While this attitude slious that, although there is no sidence of a consistent unti imperialist fight, it is the lx ginning of a process where the imperialist milers could no longes depend on the unuifioning in altre and obediener of the subjects in the master cruuld not depend on blind bextiener of the sen ant coming out his lubaks that the alaus will not tolerate lils bring a slise any longer. It is this aspect of tir geringe miscommes auf die ·LEVIS IN THE TAMIL PRESS (1917 21) 111 subject people that is important for a growing revolutionary movement To dismiss this as yet weak demand for selfdetermination as evidence of loyalty to the imperialists and fail to see the potentialıtıes of it would be a grave erroi Some loyalists there were, and their loyalty to the imperial ist rulers was such that when the actual moment came for an action against the misdeeds of impenalism they ranged themselves on the side of the rulers but the people rallied behind those who acted against imperialism In fact this is the key to the understanding of the growth of the Con gress, under Gandhi's leadership, as a mass organisation and the decay of the influence of the moderates among their own followers, their unpopularity among the people and even the growing liatred of the people against them Gandhı, in his address to the Gujarat Political Conference in December 1917 says, the time for holding meetings and Passing resolution is past Meetings and speeches have their own place and time, but they cannot make a Nation At the beginning, the interest of the press in the Russian Tevolution was from two angles one, that of the fall of the tsar--the dethronement of a corrupt regime of terror, the setting up of a democratic government, of a republic and the other, what has already been mentioned above what effect it would live on the fortunes of the Allies in the war While the February Revolution was welcomed as something that would help to clear the Augern stables, set the house in order, so that the mighty Russian manpower and resources can bring about a decisive change in favour of the Allies in this war, there was a certain amount of un easiness when the first reports of the ‘Maumalısts” (the extremists) getting the upper land came in One should 57 there was a sort of confusion 1 puzzle and more so When the report came that Lenin, the leader of the res oltztion, had called for an immediate armistice with a view to ending the war nght then Will there be a separate peace?- ashed The Hindu in the concluding portion of its first comment on 24 November 1917 on the October Revolution Similarly the Suadesamıthran, the Tamil nationalist dails, in its first comment on 20 November 1917 wrote thus Since it appears that the extremists have gained the upper- ·112 hand now in Russia, the situation in Russia so far as the war is concerned will not be favourable to the Allies MARXIST MISCELLANI BHARATHIS GREATNESS-FIRST TO SCE SOCIALISM WINNING While editonal comment was from the point of view the way it would affect the Alhed cause, there was one min who saw something more fundamental and it is not surprising that that man should be Subramanı a Bharathi Bharathi was not only a powerful writer of a new Tamil style of prose writing, a poet of outstanding qualities, but one who had the unique past of having been among the adicals supporting Lohamanya Tilak at the Surat Congress, of one who had started a weekly Tamil paper to propagate those radical ideas He writes in an article published in the Suadesamithian on 28 November 1917 as follows It appears as if the Socialist Party in Russia would achieve its objective We can call it the "Samathva' Socialist Party--the 'Equality Party-In Tamil Even that would not be a correct translation The main principle of this party is to change the present property ownership by which a few are wealthy and many are poor, that all the property in the world, that is the land, should be divided equally among all the people of the world and to change the present competition in the industnal world into a sistem where all will work together Therefore it would appear that it is better to name this parts as a unity party, There are some who call this parts as 'Abed? Parti' (Communist Party)" This shows that he had in his oun was, a general ide? of what is meant by socialism, what its objective he realised that the Socialist Party in Russia was succeeding in realising its objectic And so, for the first time, perhaps in the hole of India, there was a min on the scene, who under the impact of events in Russia puts socialism as a prctical doctrine which is being implemented, transforming society in Russi? That he should do so within three wecks of the date of the October Resolution is all the more remarkable! is and ·LENIN IN THE TAMIL PRESS (1917-24) 113 Subramanya Bharathi's greatness is not only in the fact that he was one of the earliest persons to state that the Russian revolution was a socialist revolution which was succeeding in its objective, though his idea of what socialism is was too vague and may not be very correct in the strict Marxian sense. But a survey of what he has written from about this time till the time of his death in September 1921 reveals an understanding of the Russian revolution far ahead of his contemporaries and a genuine friendliness towards it. This is illustrated in the following. In an introductory passage to an article on the “Marriage Laws of New Russia* (Swadesamithran, 19 June 1920) he very distinctly states that "the tsarist government was destroyed mainly by the strength of the Bolshevik Party; yet, power did not pass immediately into the hands of the Bolsheviks. For some time the capitalist groups made Kerensky the leader and started a kind of republic. But Kerensky could not stand against the revolutionary flood and he fled the country, taking refuge in one of the Allied countries.” This shows that he grasped the fact that the revolution was a continuous process from February 1917 onwards and the leading role was played by the Bolsheviks. In another article in January 1918, where he refers to the state of Tamil journals and newspapers, he criticises one of them for the ill-informed item of news which stated that in Russia "there is a man called Bolshevik who is supposed to have formed a party and was harming the cause of the Allies” and laughs at it for not knowing that it is another name of the Maximalist Party—a party of revolutionaries. BHARATHI'S IDEALS BEING REALISED IN PRACTICE Bharathi refers to the proposal to abolish money in Soviet Russia in an article published on 2 March 1921. His own ideal, he stated, in one of his poems runs thus: The thirty crore people's society To the whole of it: 'Socialism... MAI-8 ·114 MARXIST MISCELLANY From now on we shall make a rule Which we will always guard If food, there is not, for one individual Destroy, we will, the whole world... Writing in the same strain in one of his articles, he states: "Firstly we should end this horror, where a few have more than ample food and many die for want of it. Some have fenced (enclosed) all that they can---the wet land, dry land, garden land, rivers, mines, etc.--all god's property; Many have only the heaven as their property. Mere air is the food of many. The remedy for this is the realisation that all are equal--brothers. The rich should see that the poor do not starve. But if we cannot do that, we should lay down a law and make land common for all the people as the socialists in Europe are doing." In another article published in the Swadesamithran on 23 April 1920, Bharathi writes: “... the principle that all distinctions in wealth should be done away with is spreading in Europe... Already in the republic that has been established under the leadership of Lenin and Trotsky in Russia, all the cultivable land and other wealth have become the common property of all the people born in the country." There are further references to Russia as well in Bharathi's other writings and the editorial comments made during the timc he was a subcditor in Swadesamithran from November 1920 to September 1921, which provide a good deal of material to show his capacity to bring out the utter falscloot of the anti-Russian news sent out by the imperialist newsagencies and show the real strength of the socialist regime. IIc laughs derisively at the attempt of the British government to prevent the spread of Bolshevik ideas in Central Asia, ending the piece with the remark: "as an English proverb says Will the sea obey King Canute's commands? A GENUINE FRIEND OF THE SOVIETS In the article on the "Marriage Laws of New Russia", he explains liow under the Bolsheviks only the idea of an ·LEVIN IN THE TAMIL, PRESS (1917 24) 115 equal moral code for man and woman will come into being instead of the abominable lie that under Bolsheviks women are held in common He says that even a clever man's bluff will be exposed within a week and how long these people can go on spreading slander about a great country On 11 March 1921 in a subeditorial comment on the London Times correspondent's despatch about the difficulties of Russia, it is stated, with native humour, that these men who, when there is the slightest sign of smoke from Lenin's beard, would telegraph the whole world that his ashes have been taken to the Atlantic for immersion in the sea" Ou 12, 14 and 23 March 1921, one comes across editorial comments applaudıng the good relations between Russia and Turkey and the success of Soviet diplomacy On 15 January 1921, in an article on the trade agreement between Britain and Russia, Bharathi comments ironically how greatly the minds of Lloyd George and Curzon-who had declared that only after destroying Lenin, Trotshv and their associates and consigning their ashes to the sea, wall they treat Russia as a country of men worth talking to— would have suffered before agreeing to this trade agreement In the light of these instances we can maintain that Bharathi, the great patriot poet and writer, was the staunchiest friend of Russia, who found much in unison with his own ideals in Russia A close friend of Bharathi, P Kodandıraman related to me that he remembers taking Bharathi to a inceting of M & SM jailway workers at Perambur in Madras, where he had thrilled the workers singing his patriotic songs in the spinted way only he could SELF-DETERMINATION IMPLEMENTED ONLY BY RUSSIA Soon after the October Revolution, the bourgeois press got bust spreading slanders against the Bolsheviks, that Lenm and his men were German agents bribed by them to cause confusion on the eastern front, that they hne no sense of honour or obligation But the businesslike way in which the Soviet government proceeded to start armistice ·116 MARXIST MISCELLAVI talks and the line taken by the Soviet delegation at the Brest-Litovsk talhs, insisting that the people of former empires should have the right to determine for themselves what form of government they should have, whether they want to be independent or what type of relation they will have with other states, showed the German negotiators in their true colours and the Soviet representatives as genuine believers in the self deter mination of all people This is well illustrated by the comment of The Hindu on 5 January 1918, which says that 'the Bolsheviks are not altogether lost to all sense of honour is evident in the summary wav they broke off peace negotiations with the enemy on what is eminenth a point of honour", and of the Sradesamithran on 7 Januar 1918, which sus that consistent with their genuine desire for self determination and sincerity in the practical implementation of it, the Russians demanded the withdı awal of German troops from Courland, Lithuania, etc to enable the people of those areas to decide for themsels es their future and the refusht of the Germans to agree to tlus just proposal exposed their hypocrisy !". Besides, in one of the Gleanings from the Urdu Press” published in The Hindu on 28 June 1923 is an extract from Al Akhbar praising Russian altruusm which says, 'The Russians have decided that they should give a helping hand to every oppressed nation to root out tiranni and oppression in the world And thus point is well emphasised bi a letter from Dr P Varadarajulu Nadu, a prominent leader of the Ilone Rule movement of the Congress and a leader who helped the worlers in forming their organisation to fight for the betterment of their condition Dr Nadır in a letter dated 4 Varch 1918 written to the New India (sluch appears in its issue of 20 March 1918) syys "And tangible proof of good faith in the doctrine of every country under its own government is given till now only by the Bolshevils of Russia So far the Bolsheviks are the onlı people who hne tred to set up an international code based on the fundamental principles of justice Imperialistic England this phmse like chinty coscrs a multitude of sins-cin all afford to give a status to the doctrine preached and » prac- ·LEVIN IN THE TAMIL I'RESS (1917-24) 117 tised by the Bolsheviks for it is a question very largely affecting their material prosperity." DISBELIEF IN SLANDERS AGAINST THE SOVIET It is this aspect of the sincerity of the Bolsheviks in the principle of self-determination, the concrete manner in which they stood for it against the Germans, that was responsible for the growing disbelief in all the slanders against them. Much of the abuse against them as bloodthirsty devils, of men who had no honour, no principles, etc. simply did not wash. Most of the news manufactured from Riga through the London Times correspondent sent by Reuters about the collapse of the regime etc. began to be taken with a pinch of salt. And the oft-repeated news of collapse followed so often with the news of Bolshevik trouble only made the despatches look ridiculous How well the nationalist press saw through all thus can be seen in some of the comments of the Tamil nationalist daily Swadesamithran, which we have already referred to earlier. There are some other instances where editorial comment has always stated that it is not easy to conclude that all that the telegrams say is true, as for erample The Hindu on 5 January 1918: “Mr Ransome's sympathetic account of the Bolshevik government in the Daily News was not altogether stupid and wrong as the Times sought to make out. In an editorial review of Edmund Candler's book (Bolshecism-Dreain and Fact) on 23 June 1920, the paper says: “The writer can scarcely be said to have paid due justice to the working out of the great cxperiment, which by itself according to the latest information available is not so far removed from civilisation as we were asked to believe by interested informants." On 11 May 1922, in an editorial on the "Geneva Crisis", it condemos the attitude of France in regard to negotiations with Soviet Russia and goes on to say that despite all the successive ulite revolts, which slie along with Britain set up and encouraged, failed to crush Soviet Russia. it (the Soviet) has lield firm power for mer five years; and it goes ·118 MAR VIST MISCELLAVY 2 on further to say What justice is there in insisting that a state should conform to a particular type in order that it might be admitted into the comity of nations for purposes of commercial intercourse? Such an insistence, however great our dislike of systems of government prevailing there at is bound to choke the human genius for experiment and adjustment and must be condemned on broader grounds of progress Then again on 16 April 1924, in an editorial entitled 'The Soviet and Peace on the Labour government's rapprochement with Russia, it sais, the Soviet easily developed status of power, which compelled the recognition of its adversaries, and further on in the same cditorial commendmg Soviet uus on noninter ention it refers to the policy of spheres of influence bi British and other imperial powers in regard to Oriental states and the Soviet iepresentative stating that they must adopt the principle of respecting the independence and sovereignty of Oriental states 'The Sovet declares it will have none of them (the spheres of influence) and herein is laid bare the real Soviet attitude to the problem of World Peace” When we remember that the October Revolution came just two months after the Montagu declaration of the goal of “responsible government by stages for India” it is easy to understand hon well the intelligent man perceived the difference between pious declarations promising something in the future by stages and the practical and immediate implementation of the principle ON THE COOPERATIVE MOVEMENT AND RUSSIA As one treads one's way through the press one comes across an editorial on 23 September 1918, on the cooperatre movement in Russia in The Hindu Although it is written with a view to show what a powerful and potent moi ement the cooperative movement is, it also shows that the principal aim of the Bolsheviks was to see that 'thic funds of the Cooperatie Bank are not used for financing private speculation or gain". Again on 14 Februar 1922, the paper notes with satis-

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·120 MARXIST MISCELLANY of the Buckingham & Carnatic Mills, owned by Europeans and employing over 6,000 workers. This union was formed in March or April 1918. The Anglo-Indian press saw “Bolshevism" in every agitation--be it for the pohtical demand of Home Rule or the organised early labour struggles, it said that agitators, troublemakers and interested politicians have stirred up peaceful workers. But public men, political leaders were equally anxious to say that this was not Bolshevism but antagonism against government and if the government did not handle it with understanding the ground will be ready for spread of Bolshevik ideas. Yet they were not averse to attempt to know more about Lenin and about Bolshevik Russia from all available sources. Most of the sources available to them were the articles that appeared in the foreign press, mainly British. Much of it was anti-Bolshevik, but in the midst of it all there were a few facts that filtered through and out of this confused medley of fantastic stories, the significant thing is that something did appear about Lenin and the Bolshevik Revolution. ON LENIN AND HIS LEADERSHIP Thus the Indian Revicw, a monthly magazine, carries an article in its June 1918 issue entitled "Trotsky and Lenin". It is made up out of reports in the foreign press; for it talks of what the organ of Italian socialism says, what an American writer says, what the Current Opinion says, and even, what the London Tory Post and the London Mail says; and it is interesting to note that it concludes thus: "For one thing, the first British idea of Lenin and the men around him as irresponsible and ignorant blatherskites, used by Germans as paid instniments, had to be abandoned even by the 'Tory' London Post-We must not dismiss Lenin, etc., as men of no account. The denunciation of him in Anglo-Indian press as a hired tool of the German is too preposterous to be denied." The Ilindu published an article on 27 May 1921 on "The Leadership of Lenin---llis Strategic Retreat” by a special correspondent of Manchester Guardian and a full text of ·LENIN IN THE TAMIL PRESS (1917-24) 121 Rey J. H. IIolmes's speech on the three great world leaders including Lenin on 4 June 1921, and an article on Lenin from the London Times in its issue dated 23 May 1923– this was stated to be from a Russian correspondent to the Times. And the Stadesamithran published a translation of a lifesketch of Lenin by the London Times's correspondent in its issue dated 3 May 1919 and the introductory passage to the publication of the translation says: "The present regime in Russia has been termed Bolshevist and a lot of horrible news has been spread about them. Here we give a sketch of Lenin's life and his principles." The Hindu published in February 1924 the ""Life-Sketch of Lenin" by Arthur Ransome in Manchester Guardian in two parts shortly after Lenin's death. Thus apart from the references made to Lenin in the course of the publication of general news items, specifically some attempt had been made to give to the reading public an idea of the personality of this great figure, the dominant figure--the maker of the Russian Tevolution. The first biography of Lenin to appear in the South in the form of a booklet was written in English by G. V. Krishna Rao. The first edition of this book was published hy him from Guntur in the Navavuga Prachuralaya and a second edition with a chapter on “Lenin and Gandhi" from Madras (Ganesh & Co.). The Hindu in a review of this book published on 26 November 1921 states: “Lenin is among the great names that resound throughout the world at this hour and great is the curiosity of men to know what sort of man he is... There is a character sketch of him which shows that he is not quite the monster he is often painted. There is also an appendix containing extracts from his writings." Mitrokhin, the Soviet scholar, has already referred to this booklet in his book Everest among Men. The biography has for its sources the reviews that had appeared in the Guardian of a few books that had been published in England. What is of significance is that Krishna Rao felt bold enough to bring out a publication on Lenin and it should liave served the needs of at least some people who thirsted for a better knowledge of Lenin, than all the scrappy material that appeared in the press of that time. It ·192 MARXIST MISCELLAVY represents an attempt to fulfil a need and the fact that it contains the thesis of Lenin ‘On Bourgeois Democracy and Proletarian Dictatorship" to the first congress of the Third International and also an article "On Bolshevism" by Lenin is evidence of the author's appreciation of the communist Viewpoint I would say that this attempt to gne a character sketch of Lenin in the press stems from the tendenct of men in general to look for the men who made history, of an urge to read and understand the Russian rei Olution in terms of its leading personality Analysing these references to Lenin we can see that most of them emphasise the greatness of the personalty, some Iluve caught the point that despite all the attempts at slandering hum and all the attempts to overthrou that regime, the Soviet revolution not onl withstood these attacks but had emerged stronger and more lasting and attributed it to the skill and intelligence and the greatness of Lenın there is a perception of the fact that the revolution which was carried through under his leadership was a revolution that had either fundamentally changed the social structure, or had for its objcct such a change and it was bent upon carrying out that change Only those who worked among the labouring classes hhe Dr Varadarajulu Naidu and Singaravelu emphasise that he stood for the worler, for abolition of exploitation Singaravelu's tnbute in the Labour Kıshan Gazette is noteworthy in that he lays his finger on the key fact that he (Lenın) succeeded in rendering this social wrong (exploitation of the many by the few) impossible in his own land A CONGRESS DISTRICT COMMITTEE'S TRIBUTE It strikes one as something strange that in spite of the number of strikes that took place in this period, the number of unions that were formed and the feu labour conferences held at which sei eral labour unions were represented, that one does not come across anı resolution of greetings to the Soviet Union or of condolence on the death of Lenin It is however noteworth that one comes across a report of one ·LE\I IN TUC TAMIL PRESS (1917 24) 123 "The a meeting held under the auspices of a Congress committecthie Nellore District Congress Committee (Nellore is a district headquarters in the picsent Andhra Pradeslı)--to mourn the dicath of Lenin Tlie meeting was addressed by the secretary of the District Congress Committee V Raghasiah and the report says that lie talked at length on the great qualıtıcs of Lenin at the end of which a resolution of condolence on the great leader's death was passed Vemalagıntı Raghaviah was a Congiess MLA I contacted this gentleman through a friend and he was kind enough to send me a note on what influenced him to speak on Lenin and I give the following extracts from his note “Lenin as I Portured for Myself" year was 1924 I organised a public meeting couple of hundreds of Nellore citizens gathered head me speaking on the life and achievements of Lenin The small audience silently listened to me though a few were visibly moved by my narration of the great Soviet leader's struggles and travails and the ultimate and unfortunate demise of the great and unequalled leader of the suffering "Regard and admiration were kindled in me after reading the Ten Days that Shook the World written by two American authors who lived and witnessed the proletarian revolution organised by the great Soviet leader under the direct inspiration of his 'Guru' Karl Maix—the earliest liberator in modern times of downtrodden humınity This very captiating book was smuggled for me into the Vellore Central Jail where I was spending my one year's si m 1921 22 on a charge of sedition against the then British Indian administration Immediately after release I purchased fifteen copies of this verv interesting book and circulated the same among many Congress workers in and out of jail "I still hold Lenin in great veneration how he toiled so much and so effectively to uplift the helpless, the oppressed and the exploited in the past few centuries 'I am a fervent follower of Malıntma Gandhi and see no inconsistenci in appreciating the historical (sic) service rendered bi Lenin in the cause of the common man humanity : 17 ·124 VARXIST MISCELLAVY That he had been able to collect a few hundred people at that time and that he had the urge to pay this tribute to Lenin is testimony enough of the impact of Lenin on one who took part in the struggle for national freedom under Gandhiji's leadership A NEW TREND IS BORN our leader » The impact of all this did begin to take root among some people--although they were few--who sought to put forward a new programme for the workers and Lisans of the land Already in December 1922, we find a communication from one MPS Velay utham to the Swadesamuthran in which he instances sympathy for the Indian struggle for freedom from abroad, and gives the following extract from a letter received from Abani Mukherji from Berlm I have learnt from the great Lenin that if we are to struggle for the toiling masses, we should become one of them Many have struggled to change the economic structure in Europe Mahatma Gandhı has emphasised discipline Both these qualities are there in Lenin That is the reason for his success If we are to win, we should follow And this is followed by the celebration of May Day in 1923 in Madras by workers' rallies on that day at tuo places--one at the Tnplıcane Beach and another at the High Court Beach the latter, an enthusiastic gathering of workers according to The Hindui, addressed by Singaravelu at which he explained the aims, objects and programme new party called the 'Hindustan Labour and Kisan Parti The Hindu carnes a report of nearlı one column on the two meetings and the manifesto The Triplıcane Beach meeting was addressed by MPS Velayutham, Krishnassamı Sarma and Subramınja Siva, who were very ardent and sincerc Congress workers of that period And this is followed in the following telegram to the AICC sent bı Singura clu on 24 Vay 1923 Pray resol e immediate cn il resistancc-bi inflicting Toss on enemy, rather than self suffering-Suara; bı penance futile, impossiblemmike Vilamaji's release national issue of a ·LEVIN IN THE TAMIS, TRESS (1917-24) 125 --for reopening campaign... organise mass labour cooperation... Keep battle going till emancipation-stop Shuddhi- Muslim unity indispensable." As far as one could see this represents a distinctly new trend in the national movement. Its significance lies in the fact that there is a consciousness that if workers are to have real freedom it is essential that they should have a separate organisation of their own, that neither the Congress nor the Swaraj Party can really fight for their—the workers --freedom. Singaravelu presided over the first Communist Conference in India in December 1925. Unfortunately this beginning of a movement of a political party of the workers and peasants did not progress far and the nationalist press appears to have either lost touch with it or found nothing worth reporting or giving publicity. LECTURES ON RUSSIAN REVOLUTION - Apart from the interest in Lenin as a great personality and a world figure, there has been a continuing interest in the Soviet revolution and its fortunes, its ideals and objectives. This is seen not only in the editorial comments in the nationalist press on important occasions but also in the lectures that have been delivered specifically about Russia, the Russian revolution and its lessons, etc. But that there was some interest among the intelligentsia to know more about Russia and discuss about it can be seen in the fact that there is news of two lectures, one in 1921 and another in 1923, relating to Bolshevism and Russian revolution. As early as on 23 October 1918, The Hindut carried an announcement of a lecture to be delivered by the Headmaster of Ilindu High School, Triplicane, on "Socialism and Its Implications”, but unfortunately the lecture has not been reported. In August 1921, a lecture by Dr John Matthai on the “Theory of Bolshevisrn" has been reported and in 1923, there was a lecture on "The Russian Revolution and Its Lessons" by Principal M. Rathnaswami at the YMIA on 30 November 1923, in which he tries to state that the Bolshevik theory has been unsuccessful in practice but admits that Lenin and the Bolsheviks faced a ·126 NANIST VISCELLAWY ery severe trial in the first few years and showed that they had the capacity to withstand it On 26 November 1925, the Suadesamıthran published an citract from an article of CV Raman, the distinguished scientist, praising the stability of the Soviet regime and the attention and care paid by it to education and science The English reading public is as but a fraction, an infinitesimal fraction, of the people of the land But one has to bear in mind that the greater number of political leaders were intellectuals who had their cducation in English and the seething ferment and idealism were widespreal among them It is curious to note that the Labour Kishan Gazette was brought out in English One reason why hiterature in Englsh has been prominent could be the state of literacy in our land The few that had the benefit of education found it casier to recapitulate what they read in English itself rather than make the effort to make it available in the mother tongue, the language of the people Even the Indian language press shaped itself on the model of the English newspapers It did not reflect fully the needs of the common people and served a class of people in the rural parts and the semiurban areas, a leisur. ed class that had no great ambition to have higher educa tion but was satisfied with a smattering of English that would enable them to follow the spoken or written word and for the rest, they preferred to have their knowledge of the affairs of the world in their mother tongue And the newspapers which catered mainly to the educated intelli gentsia largely of the upper classes could not neglect fully the thoughts and happenings of the lower” classes Therefore the absence of any reports about the reaction amongst the workers and ordinary people of the land to the events of the Russian revolution could not be taken to mean that there was absolutely no reaction amongst them or that there was worthwhile reaction among them The effect of the Russian resolution on the national movement in the South may be broadly divided into three types (1) A vague reference to the toppling of crowns and ·LEVII\ THE TAMIL PRESS (1917 21) 127 empires, tlıc consciousness that something remırkable had been effected and it was not confined to Russia alone (2) Utilising the charge of Bolshevism made by Anglo Indian press, to repudiate it, but stressing the fact that if the British overlords were not reasonable and sensible in their approach to the Indian qucstion, thev would be helping the Bolshcuk doctrine to strike root among the people, 1C use it as a leer to press for the changes they were ask- (3) A desire to refute the charge that they (the Indian nationalists) were Bolsheuks, who believed in anarchy and violence one finds an editorial comment angrily refuting the stories about Moscow gold playing a role in this land, the Daily Telegraph story of Lenin and Zinovies having established contact withí Gandhi, promising and to the national liberation movement ing for OTHER PRESS REPORTS But while they were keen on repuditing the stor of influence of Moscow, nevertheless, they gue some publicity to the other side of the picture as well In addition to the articles from The Times that were published about the Bolshevih regime's drawbacks, etc the press carned also some other reports that showed that things in Russia under Bolshevism were not so bad as it was sud to be Under this, we can instance certain reports from the press in America, of reports of London meetings of Indians addressed by Rajni Palme Dutt, of the reception given to S Kasturiranga Ivengar, The Hindu editor, by the Workers' Welfare League of India, London, urging him to work for the formation of trade unions, etc Some propaganda material did come to India In an ironical reference to the attempts of the British imperialists to ban news about Russia the wnter of a feature article in the Swadesamıthran on 4 November 1920 refers to the ban on the entry of the magazine Soviet Russia by the government and 'the credit for this land not becommg Bolshevik should go the ability of the bureaucrats who rule India” Even The Hindu wrote in one of its subeditorials, on 15 June 1922, refuting the through ·MARVIST MISCELLAVY 128 charge of Moscow s influence, thus That Bolshevih propaginda is being carned on evervbody is perfectly aware Ive ourselves have been flooded with their literature and these efforts generally find their way into the waste paper basket But it is monstrous and wiched falsehood to assert that any great national movement has been financed by Russian The British rulers by their censorship and interested propaganda overshot the muh and intensified among the nationalists a desire to know more about this Bolshevism The nationalist movement wluch was vociferous, in its own way, about its being noncommunist was not totally anti- Russiin either and even correctly assessed certun features gold' TIVO IMPORTANT LIES REFUTED Two important items of the false propaganda against the Bolshevihs that they had made women common to all men and that they were persecuting religion were not only not believed, but were refuted well by the two nationalist dules, The Ilindu in English and the Stuadesamuthran in Tamil On the question of the abominable falsehood about the enjoyment of women in common I have already drawn attention to the fact that Bharatlı had nailed it as a lie Writing again editorially under general notes the Suadesamithran wrote on 13 April 1921 thus In Russia and elsewhere the principle of equality of women with men would mean that women will be treated as equal human beings and never the idea that they are to be regarded as possessions If the doctrine of equality is fully established there will be an equal code of morality for men and women and chastity will be the law for man is well as woman To imagine that women will become common property is nothing but unadulterated ignorance Regarding the story of religious persecution spread by the imperialist press when a few priests were arrested and sentenced for antisocial acts the Suadesamithran wrote a long editorial on 10 April 1923 refuting The Times of India Ir the course of it, the editorial states When the priests o ·LENIN I\ THE TAMIL PRESS (1917 24) 129 that is preposterous religion begin to interfere in political matters leaving aside their religion, then that is no longer a simple matter of religion If on the basis of their being religious leaders, they claim special rights which do not eust for other subjects The great ideals and the efforts of the Bolsheviks to realise them are far better than all the intncate religious practices that the religious heads preach” The Hindu published the following item under the 'Gleanings from Urdu Press” in its issue of 12 May 1923 “Zamındar, Lahore, in writing about Bolshevism and christianity, commenting on the arrest and imprisonment of christian priests on the basis of political crimes in Russia has said "But what evidence is there to prove that the priests in their political capacities are guiltless? It seems probable, nay certain, that the priests under the veil of religion have attempted to run the Bolshevih government and establish monarchy' LENIN-ONE OF THE GREATEST LEADERS It is when we come to the notices that have appeared in the South Indian press at the time of Lenin's death that one sees the universal acceptance of Lenin as one of the greatest, if not the greatest, leaders of the world! I have been able to see the editorial comment of The Hindu and the Swadesamuthran Mitrokhin and Devendra Kaushik have given extracts from the reports of the English press and the Indian language press from the government sources, in their book Lenin-Xes Image in India. I give below a few extracts from these tributes With his death is removed one of the greatest personalities of the modern world Even were it true that he was all that he was painted like, the fact will not be gainsaid that lus was a great career, his achievement one of the most amazing that human greatness has achieved (The Hindu, 23 January 1924) "The determination and perseverance of Lenin in his ideals are immeasurable (Swadesamuthran, 25 January 1924) MIN 9 ·MARXIST MISCELLANY 130 “Lenin must be pronounced to rank the highest, only second to Mahatma Gandhi, whom the world recognises as the greatest man" (Sampad Abhyudhaya). “Whether they agree with his views or not, wise persons cannot but admit that he was one of those persons who enjoyed world fame... There is no doubt that Lenin who was the author of all this great change would occupy, a permanent place in the world's history" (Andhra Patrika, 23 January 1924). "There will be no one who will not lament the death of Lenin--one of the greatest of world's men” (Swarajya Patrika, Bezwada, 27 January 1924). "The name of Lenin will be for many generations to come a guiding example to the advocates of reform" (Krishna Patrika, Masulipatnam, 26 January 1924). "The great man who established a unique communal (sic) government is dead” (Desaserahan, Pondicherry, 29 January 1924). "Though Lenin is dead it is certain that his principles will stand for ever” (Tamilnadu, Madras, 27 January 1924). "A great man, next only to Mahatma Gandhi, is dead. That man is Lenin who gave all his life for the poor till the very last" (Dr Varadarajulu Naidu in a speech at à labour conference in Madras). LENIN: THE PRÁCTICAL REALISATION OF AN IDEAL "Great indeed was he, for whatever may be the sins or virtues of the Bolshevists, it was not such a common man's doings to have led such a gigantic revolution with unquestioned success over a wide area of land, a revolution which in the range of its sweep and completeness of its breach with existing moorings in society must be regarded as perlaps thc greatest recorded in history" (The Ilindu, 23 January 1924). “Lenin is a man who has brought about a great change in contemporary history” (Sıcadesamithran, 25 January 1924). "Lenin said that the ultimate cvolution of the human race may culminate in socialism. This has been Lenin's ideal for ·LEVY I THE TAMIL PRCSS (1917 24) 131 the attainment of which he devoted lus life and won a victory" (Congress, Rajahmundry, 7 February 1924) The world cannot forget his great powers of vision, his dexterity in action and his ideals of equality" (Krishna Patriha, 26 January 1924) In his cherished ambition of seeing equal justice done to all classes of human beings and in his fearless employment of all hinds of resources to see lis ideals achieved Lenin stands unrivalled in the whole of lumanity He is sure to go down to posterity as one of the greatest saviours of Lurope and he will be worshipped in every hearth and home as a Tci cred saint" (Sampad Abhyudhaya) *But the doctrine established by him is an ncomparable one, and we hope that lns principles will become firmly established” (Desascuahan, Pondicherry, 29 January 1924) "His methods are not to our khing But his ideal is truly great The day will come when despite all the capitalist propaganda the world will realise that lie was one of those that struggled to save the world” (Dr Varadarajulu Naidu in a labour conference mentioned above) Quite apart from all these tributes is the one paid by Singaravelu in his Labour Kishan Gazette He says "The world, the workers' world, is poorer by the passing away of its great teacher and redeemer Whule others were pursuing nague speculations as to the cause of misery and its cessation, N Lenin found that the true hethu or cause of world's sorrows lies in the exploitation of the many by the few and The succeeded in rendering this social wiong impossible in huis own country ” This represents the working-class point of view and has laid the finger on the significance of the Russian revolution as the revolution that abolished exploitatron in that land * Apart from the articles and news items, books also appear to have been available There is a book on Karl Marx wntten by Dr Hardayal Other books advertised are Through Bolsheuih Russia by Mis Phillip Snow den, Land Revolution in Russia bs Lenm, Su Weeks in Russia by ·MAN VIST MISCELLAVY istgate and Bolsheuism oks adiertised for sale 132 survey A Ransome, Bolshevik Theory by De of the materials so far at Work by Goode All these were beind the Russian revoluby one bookseller in Madras ly that despite all the To sum up, the search and lshevik liandouts and gathered about the impact of Lenin' idea of both of them, tion in the South shows very clear imperialist urge of the censorslup as well as the antı Bo of the intelligentsia the propaganda, the public did get some ice is going to be an that this lea strengthened the antı. d that among at least nationalists and created among some'nin was a movement of s an attempt was made feeling that the fight for social jus, important aspect of future politics for their true hberation a few who worhed tv without exploitation. the worker among to show that the revolution led by LS the workers and the downtrodden and the establishment of a new soc ·Burma's Fight for Freedom and the Unforgettable Indian Comrades Gautam Chattopadhyay The British imperialists first thrust out their bloody talons towards Burma in 1821-22 wlien during the First Anglo- Burmese war, they wrested Arahan, Then, throughout the nineteenth century, step by step, the screw was tightened, the final act of annexation of entire Burma taking place as late as 1885. In all the acts of this sordid drama, India was the operational base of British imperialism and Indian troops served as the main cannon-fodder. Gurhha, Garhwali and other hillmen soldiers played a decisive role in the final conquest of Burma. There were also sappers and miners from South India. From the close of the nineteenth and opening of the twentieth century, Indian soldiers behaved in Burma like a typical army of occupation. This "superior" and arrogant attitude was also the hallmark of middle-class Indians who came to Burma early in the twentieth century. The Burmese on their part maintained an attitude of sullen aloofness to wards the Indians, generally identifying them with the British conquerors. An Indian revolutionary, who was also one of the founders of the Communist Party of Burma, cominented thus:

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·BURMA'S FIGIIT FOR FREEDOM AND INDIAN COMRADES 135 Indian labour. A group of thikadars recruited them from the poverty-stricken districts of Nellore and Nalgonda in Andhra, as also from Orissa, Usually, these labourers were put on a ship at Gopalpur and then packed off to Burma. As à result of this, these labourers were largely under the iron grip of the thihadars, who in turn were linked with the British and other millowners. Right up to 1930, the workers in saw mills, rice mills, rcfineries, oil-fields, etc. as well as dock workers, day-labourers and cven rickshaw.pullers in the cities were almost wholely Indians--mostly Telugus and Oriyas. The khalasis and laskars in the river steam service were also Indians, mainly Bengali Muslims from Chittagong and Noakhali. Up to 1930, the Burmese kept aloof from the Indians but during the great depression of 1930, thousands of Burmese pauperised peasants came to the cities in search of jobs and found that these had all been filled by the Indians. More over, jobs could be obtained only through the thikadars or maistries, as they werc called, and the Burmese had no money to pav to them their salamis As the labourers were mostly South Indians, the pent-up anger of the Burmese exploded in a great anti-Indian riot, particularly against the Télugu labourers. It was then for the first time that some Burmiese entered the docks as labourers. In sharp contrast to the uneducated Indian labourers, these Burmese were mostly literate. This was due to the fact that all Burmese had to stay compulsorily in monasteries for a stipulated period of time and the priests, the pongyis, imparted rudimentary education to them. Therefore the pongyis were the natural leaders of the Burmese people. The people of Burma never accepted British rule in a docile manner. Like the Indian patriots, forward-looking elements in Burma too dreamed of a revolution against the colonial rule. The first uprising of the Burmese patriots was the Zalun or Myoka Rebellion of 1913. The British nipped the rebellion in the bud and executed the two ringleaders—Gamon Saya and Mya Hrongvi.3 Then during the early vears of the first 3 Ghosh, K. C, Roll of Honour, Calcutta, 1905, p 345 ·MARXIST MISCELLAVY 136 world war, the Kachins of Burma rose in rebellion under the leadership of Nga Po Thaik and Nga Kyi. For a long period of time (1914-15), they kept the British at bay but by 1915 the rebellion was crushed by the force of British arms. The two leaders and two other Kachin rebels were sentenced to death in September 1915.4 Round about the same time, another abortive anti-British rebellion took place in the Shan state of Burma, known as the Kamaing Rebellion, where also four Shan ringleaders were sentenced to death.5 There was no actual contact between these Burmese rebels and the Bengal or Punjab revolutionaries, yet the British government suspected that rebellions and unrest in Burma were due to their activities. In fact, Indian revolutionanes were using Burma as a centre for their secret activities and, in 1915 and 1916, the British launched two successive conspiracy cases against a number of Indians belonging to the Ghadar Party and executed a number of them including Sohanlal, Harnam Singh, Mutaba Hussain and many others 6 A leaflet was produced as an exhibit by the British, which ran as follows. “Wanted.-Brave soldiers to stir up Ghadar (revolt) in India, Pay-Death; Prizem-Martyrdom, Pension--Liberty; Field of battle India."? A NEW EPOCH OPENS (1930-39) Notwithstanding these heroic revolts, the Indian and Burmese patriots as yet walked the revolutionary road at arm's length from each other But the situation started changing after 1930. A mass peasant rebellion broke out in 1931 in the district of Tharrawaddy (which is the distorted form of the word Saraswati in Pali). The revolt spread to the adjoining districts. This rebellion was extremely bloody and it was direrted primarily against British rule in Burma but it was also against landlords and moneylenders. This uprising had the tacit baching of the pong is and had at its t'lud, mp 350-51. 5. Ibid, p. 351. 6. Ibid, pp 353-58 7. Sedation Committee Report, Calcutta, 1918, P 1G8.

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·HARXIST VISCELLAVY 138 of Burma This strike was initiated by the Burmese students and its leader was the redoubtable Aung San The Bengali levolutionary students had by now veered towards socialism and they also came in contact with Aung San During thus same period, workers of oil-refineries also went on strike and marched over 200 miles to come to Rangoon from the Yenangyaung oil field This created a tremendous impression on all students--Indians and Burmesc alike and they went on a solidanty strike Hari Narayan Ghosal was by now the leader of the Indian leftwingers and thev all joined Aung San's Students Union and participated in the students' strike This was 1938 and Jawaharlal Nehru was going to China When he came to Rangoon, the leftist group met him and after a talk with him, they became cien firmer socialists with procommunist leanıngs Urgent need to contact the illegal Communist Party of India was felt very sharpk then and it was decided to go to India for that purposc Let us now, once again, continue the thiend in the words of one of the founders of the BCP. We collected some money and decided to go to India to contact the illegal CPI With this aim in view, Ghosal, Amar De and myself came to Dacca (non capital of East Pakistan GC) There, in a teashop we met an old revolutionary contact of ours, who in turn introduced us to a corporation schoolteacher-Latiha Das 10 She advised us to go to Calcutta and meet a certam leader of the CPI called Dr Ranen Sen 11 We took her advice and boarded the steamer at Narayangunge There we met a smallısh chap, a communist, also going to Calcutta bv the same steamer This was the redoubtable Gopal Basah,12 an accused in the 10 Latika Das was a schoolteacher and one of the early womenorganisers of the CPI She was killed in police firing in Bowbazar Street, Calcutta on 27 April 1949 while leading a women's procession for the release of political prisoners 11 Ranen Sen, joined the CPI in the early thirties and became a mem her of the Central Committee of the parts in 1933 now secretary of the CPIs West Bengal unit 12 Gopal Basak a key cadire of the revolutionar Anushulan Party of Dacca, was attracted towards communism by \alım Gupta in 1922 23 ·BURMAS FIGHT FOR FREEDOV A\D INDIAN COVIRADES 139 Meerut Conspiracy Case and also a builder of the Red Flag trade union movement at Narayangunge On the wav, Basık told us grippingh the whole story of the Meerut Case and also gave us a realistic picture of the then Indian communist movement In Calcutta, we went to an address at Chetla, given to us by Latiha Das where we met Di Rinen Sen-he had just retumed from a factory gate meeting of workers at Bhartia Iron and Steel Worhs at Ballı gunge Ranen Sen listened to our problems and advised us to go to Tripuru13 where the annual session of the Indian National Congress was in the offing and where all the CPI leaders were also assembled Ranen Sen introduced us to a comrade, wlio was also a delegate to the Congress, Aidhansu Mitra Comrade Ardhansu was a wonderful person and he gate crashed with us to Tripuri, where we were able to attend both the sub jects committee meetings and the open session M N Rous performance at Tripuri was rather disappomting to us but CPI's Dutt Mazumdar's14 oration was quite impiessive We also met there CPI lenders, R D Bharadwa), Dr G Adhikari and P C Josh. We had long talks with them and it was decided that on our neturn to Burma, we shall lunch a Communist Party there and, if necessarv, come to India agun for fraternal advice "15 Late in 1939 the second world war broke out and early in 1940 in Kamayut, a suburb of Rangoon, in a "ghostinfested house" was founded the Burmese Communist Party, attended among others by Thalın Soe, Aung San, Than Tun, Hari Narayan Ghosal, Amar Nag, Amar De, Subodh 13 Tripuri refers to the historic session of the Indian National Congress in 1939 where the imited leftist forces headed by the CPI had managed to get Subhas Chandra Bose elected as Congress President defeating the candidate n the establishment Pattablu Sitaramayya 14 Niharendu Dutt Mazundar member of the CC CPI and parts spokesman in the AICC for a short while Expelled in 1939 for violating party s discipline later jomed the Congress as also the anticommunist bandwagon 15 Interview with Vadhab Vitinsı 18 Deremlxc 1963 ·VARVIST VIISCELLAVY 110 1 Muhherji, Bejoy Sen, Aladhab Munsi, Ba Hein, Gopal Munsi, Kantı Roy, Aurobindo Dutta and others Aung San was elected the first general secretary of the party 16 The first tash of this new party was to translate CPI's basic theses, The Proletarian Path, into Burmese and arrange for its mass reproduction A few words need be said at this stage on the role of Aung San He was the most outstanding leader of the Do Bama (Our Burma) party and the unchallenged leader of the student-youth of Burma Ile was in 1940 sincerely with the Burmese Communist Party (BCP), at the same time, Aung San had vital links also with the Japanese, which he hept hidden from the other communist comrades Yet, when in 1940 the Soviet-Finnish war broke out, Aung San was in a hospital but he readıly lent luis name to a pamphlet, where the BCP defended fully the Soviet action In January 1941 the British issued a warrant of arrest against Aung San and he promptly went underground Soon afterwards, he secretly left for Japan and that ended Aung San's formal connection with the BCP The small core of communists in Burma duuded up their jobs-Thahin Soe, Than Tun and Ghosal concentrated on heeping and cxtending contacts among Burmese nationalists whule Madhab Munsi, Gopal Munsı, Barın De, Auro bindo Dutta, Amar De, Sadhın Banerji and others started mass trade union activities The first Red Flag trade unions of Burma were built in 1910 41 in the timber mills on the micrside of Rangoon In East Rangoon, these young communists rented a small room and m the light of a kerosene lamp enrolled members in the thousine! The labourers were mostly of Telugu origin wlule the Bengali communists could at best talk in broken Ilındı The bosses' touts who Ind so long monopolised sham unions were soon looted out and it was a big das for the communists, when young Vachab Munsi was clected secretar of the Rangoon Comoration Scan engers' Union from its annual generil merling The Bombav-Burmi Trading Corporation-strong, 10 Raul mn information given to the author lwy threr nimmers of the DICT-lathah Vimal Sahan Paperji and Marin De in Im9-69 ·BURMAS FIGHT FOR FREEDOV AD INDIAN COMRADES 141 hold of the British monopolists-was also stormed and a union formed there with Bejoy Sen elected as its secretary In the words of one of the union leaders of the time It was a grand scene, when we saw tle Red Flag fluttering in the hands of thousands of workers of the BBTC Union This was the company which had paved the way for the final annexation of Burma by the British in 1885, and half a century later, it was here that the communists planted the Red Flag, heralding the coming of the Burmese revolution '17 Emboldened by early success, the youthful Indian comrdes together with their Burmese compatriots started going to the other side of the nver at Syrium on holidays Here they came in contact with a Telugu worher called Survanırai an, who soon joined the BCP and used to translate into Telugu the speeches of the communist organisers Sur anaravan iemained los al to the Red Flag all through thc years of Japanese occupation and was there as late as 1948, when one of the pioneers of BCP met him again The British imperialists now became seriously alarmed and in February 1941 swooped down upon the communists of Burma In one massive raid, they arrested Madhab Munsi, Amar Nag, Amar De, Barın De, Kantı Roy, Gopal Munsi Aurobindo Dutta, Subodh Mukherji, Dinesh Bose, Than Tun, Thahin Soe Sadhan Banerji and after some time Har Narayan Ghosal At first all of us were kept in the Insein Central Jail We lived a full life—regular political discussions, classes on History of CPSU(B) and militant songs in the evening But soon the British dispersed us all over Burmı Ghosil, Subodh Mukherji and Amar De were sent to Henzada Jail Amar Nag and Gopal Munst were hept detained at Nyaunglebin, Aurobindo Dutta at Moulmeingyun, while I was interned at a small place called Ma ubin Here, under strict police watch, I had to spend sevdal montlus, with old Police Gazette as my only reading materal One day, in a bach number of 1940, I came across 18 17 Interview with Barin De 30 March 1969 18 Ibid ·742 MARXIST MISCELLAVY the name of a conmunist absconder of Bengal, with a price on his head--the name was Somnath Lahiri,"19 On 22 June 1941, Hitler attacked the USSR. The young communists of Burma werc thiown into confusion. A collective discussion became necessary. Feigning illness, some leading communists came to Rangoon Jail hospital and after discussion came to the conclusion that the best way to help USSR and defeat fascism was to step up the revolutionary struggle for the overthrow of Britisha imperialism in Burma. In December 1941, Japan declared war on England and USA. By early 1942, the British in Burma were on the run. Aung San came back with the invading Japanese Army at the head of a Burmese Liberation Army and the Burmese cooperated enthusiastically with him. The Indians Aed en masse--especially the educated middle class, tied as they were to the chariot-wheels of the British colonial administration. Situation for the handful of Indian communists, rotting in British prisons or in internment, was pretty desperate. So, in separate batches, they decided to escape to India for the time being, because arrest by the Japanese would mean certain death. THE ESCAPE TO INDIA Escape to India, in February 1941, was no longer easy. The sea-route was closed and escape was possible only through the dangerous land-route 'over mountains and through forests. Thousands trudged along this route and for many the trek ended in death. The young communists were of tougher mettle and survived this journey of horror but it was, in any case, an experience of a lifetime. We give below accounts of two members of two different batches: "Amar Nag and Gopal Munsi were in Central Burma on the main railway artery and saw the collapse of British rule in Burma much more vividly. They contacted me and Aurobindo Dutta and we met each other late in Januarv 1942. Amar Nag was already a doctor and he was always a 19 Interview syth Vadhab Visl, 18 December 1968, ·BURMA'S FIGHT FOR FREEDOM AND INDIAN COMRADES 143 very strict comrade. He had all four of us inoculated against cholera (an act that later on was to save our lives). At Kalewa, Gobinda, younger brother of Sadhan Banerji, joined us. Unfortunately he was not inoculated and on the route he was attacked by cliolera. No medicine was available and hardly any drinking water. Amar Nag tried every conceivable desperate remcdial measure but Gobinda died before our very eyes, as did so many hundreds of other unknown Indians. We also did not hope to live but trudged along through dense forests and ragged mountains At long last, after two weeks, we reached Imphal, from there to Kohima and then to Dacca-reaching Calcutta quite some time later. But the main thing was we were safe and alre and learnt that most of the other comrades too were able to reach India."20 Ghosal, Sadhan Banerji, Amar De and others were in jail when Japanese air-bombing destroyed the prison. They miraculously escaped with their lives and after hazardous trek across the death-trail reached India. One of the last to leave Burma was Barin De. Here is his account: "Rangoon was occupied by the Japanese on 7 March 1942. I liad lost all contacts with other comrades What shall I do? I decided to come to India Early in April, when I passed Mandalay, it was in flames due to Jap air-attack. I knew Kanti Roy was in Shwebo Tail. But when I reached the spot, I found the jail in shambles (later I came to know that Kanti had escaped). So I started the trek alone. Many days I had to step over heaps of dead bodies strewn all ovei the route. I had a precious flask of water and this perhaps saved me. When I was near Imphal, the city was bombed. On 6 May 1942, I reached the Koranji camp in India, after a total trek of 210 miles."21 By the middle of 1942, the Bengali comrades of Burma, except Subodh Mulherji (who had stayed behind), had been reunited in Calcutta and for the time being were working inside the CPI. The comrades from Burma, after their 20 lbid 21. Interview with Barın De, 30 March 1969.

·MARXIST MISCELLANY death defying trek to India, were entitled to relax for a time, but they did not do so Like true Bolshevils, they jumped into diverse activities of the CPI Amar Nag, who was a trained doctor, in fact took charge of the field work of the Bengal Medical Relief and Coordination Committee and together with Dr B K Bose (of the Congress Medical Vission to Cluna) organised spectacular medical relief to the famie-and pestilence kıt people of Bengal Nag also did Very effective work in the Tramway Workers' Union Bann De and Aurobindo Dutta went off to Tatanagar to organise the worhers against one of the monopolist bosses of India (and to this day, Barın De is stedfastly at that past) The Vansı brothers-Madliab and Gopal--joined the antifascist activities in Calcutta, while Sadhan Banerzi became a her organiser of the Calcutta Tramway Workers' Union Ghosa! lent his services in organising the Red Guard volunteer corps of the CPI But mostly they pined to return to Burma and renew the struggle there Meanwhile, the situation in Burma started changing, together with the change in the fortunes of war By 1944 the axis powers were being defeated everywhere and in Burma, Aung San and his nationalist comrades were thoroughly disillusioned with the Japanese Gradually, a resistance movement against the Japanese started takiag shape in Burma The Burmese Communist Party, now headed by Thakın Soe and Thun Tun, was the first in the field The BCP by now had a strong base among the peasuntry, especialiv in Centrał Burma and the organised guerilla armies against the Japanese. Then there was Aung San and his Burmese Arms, which later took the name of Peoples' Volunteer Organisation (PVO) They had strong and extensive base among the rural middle class and the urban intelligentsia Then there was also the weak Burmese bourgcorsie The chmar came when Aung San openly gre the call for a mass armed revolt against the Japanese from a mass rally held near a famous Pagoda in Rangoon in March 1945 On 27 March the BCP also gave the call for armed uprising and together they dealt hean blows to the Jap invaders To the average Burman, therefore, when the second world war ended, Aung San has the greatest ·145 Than Tun was the secretary general of the AFPFL BURILA'S FIGHT FOR FREEDOV AND INDIAN COVIRADCS national hero, and Than Tun, the BCP leader, was a close number two The panicky flight of the British imperialists at the time of the Japanese invasion in 1942 had irreparably damaged Bratisla prestige in Burma The heroic resistance war waged agunst the Japanese in Burma by the various antifascist Burmese parties had instilled the Burmese people with new confidence The wars of liberation in Indocluna and Indonesia gave them further courage Matters came to a head When the colonial government of Dorman Smith was shiftcd from Simla to Rangoon The Burmese patriotic forces united to form the Anti-Fascist Organisation (AFO) Very soon, the AFO put forward the demand of complete independence for Burma In August 1945, the AFő held its historic congress, where the famous Nas thucy in resolutions ere passed the main demands voiced there being withdrawal of Bntısh White Paper on Burma, immediate formation of a provisional national government, holding of general election based on universal adult suffrage to elect a Constituent Assembly which would draw up the constitution of free Burma In thus conference the name of the AFO was changed to AFPFL (Anti-Fascist People's Free- Here is a description of the then situation in Burma by a founder of the B CP “Discontent continued to mount and the AFPFL developed into a mass organisation of tremendous strength and prestige In January 1946, the AFPFL held its congress, where the national aspirations of the Burinese people were more concretely formulated the congress conceived Burma as a free republic, completely severing all links with the British Its programme included confiscation of all British property, nationalisation of land and key industries and bulding up of a people's militia The influence of the communists inside the AFPFL was manifest Communist leader Put on the defensive, the British imperialists fell back on 22 Sharma M (Pseudonym used by Madhab Munsi) "Civil War in Burma , Nation Calcutta 28 June 1949 dom League) "22 SM-10 ·MARXIST MISCELLANY 146 their favourite weapon--divide and rule. Anticommunism was whipped up and many of the pioneers of the BCP say that the young militant communist movement fell into the trap by registering sectarian response to provocative gesa tures. Soon the mighty AFPFL split and Aung San entered the interim government early in 1947, without his erstwhile communist allies. The communist movement received a further setback, because Thakin Soe, the veteran leader, left the BCP and formed an "ultraleftist" Communist Partv (known as the Red Flag Communist Party). Taking advantage of this temporary split in the antiimperialist camp, the British imperialists struck hard. In July 1947, they engineered an assassination plot and killed at one stroke Aung San and six of his topmost cabinet colleagues. The entire nation was stunned and then rumbled like a volcano about to erupt. The PVOs retained their arms and marched on the streets. The colonial rule was on its last legs. The BCP unfortunately did not give the call for seizure of power. It was on the third day after the murder, that the BCP formally started negotiations with the AFPFL for formation of a united cabinet based on a common programme. Aung San was succeeded by the much more moderate U Nu and soon in London the Nu-Attlee Agreement was signed. The BCP criticised it severely and the united front in Burma was practically at an end. Meanwhile, most of the Indian comrades of the BCP had gone back to Burma including Hari Narayan Ghosal, Amar Nag. Amar De and Gopal Munsi and they together with Subodh Mukherji, who had stayed behind, soon occupied leading and key posts in the BCP and the TU and peasant organisations. The situation was rapidly reaching a boiling point and the final showdown was squarely on the agenda. CIVIL IVAR IN BURMA Meanwhile the anti-imperialist forces in South-East Asia, led by communists, were trying to coordinate their forces. For that purpose a grand meeting of the anti-imperialist forces took place in Calcutta in February 1945South-East ·BURSA'S FICIIT FOR TRCCDON AND INDIAN COVIRADES 14 Asia Youth Confcrence Delegates came from Korea, Chi Vietnam, Indonesia, Malaya and Burma and of course Inc The thesis unanimously adopted by the conference Calcutta was that the main task of the period was laimch mass armed uprising against the imperialist or lords and thicu native henclinen and that the only corr form of struggle at that puncture was armed struggle the words of a western commentator "The conference unanimously adopted a resolution si porting national liberation struggle against imperialism an indigenous and spontaneous response to existing politi and economic conditions arose in independent Burma a in colonial Alalay a, within a short time of the Calcu conference "23 liany comrades of the BCP including Ghosal and Ar De were present at the conference 24 After their return Burma, the BCP adopted a new militant tactical line cal * The Revolutionary Possibilities for 1948" The BCP do ment stated 'Independence of Burma is a sham and under cover this sham, British imperialists would work a strangleh on the defence and the economic life of the country 1 AFPFL by accepting and acquiescing is lending itself a. tool of the British imperialists To sum up, our cent slogans become the following No support to the prest government, national nsing and setting up a peop! The armed uprising led by the Burmese Communist Pa started in March 19-18 A pioneer of the BCP, who was CPI since 1942, temporarily went back to Burma Let listen to his eye-witness account of the uprising 23 to 25 March, the All Burma Peasants' Congress was hı gor emment "25 23 Beloff, Mar Sotret Foreign Policy in the Far East, Oxford ! versih Press 1953 24 The author of thus article was the President of the Bengal unit the 1l India Students Federation, the host to the SE Asia South C ference and as such he met both comrades HN Ghosal and Amar at Calcutta in February 1948 25 "Burma and the Insurrections", Goverment White Paper, R goon, 1948 ·MARXIST MISCELLA\Y 148 I at Pyinmana, the richest rice belt in Burma. In the open rall, over 100,000 peasants turned up and it was here, that Than Tun, for the first time, sharply denounced the Nu- Attice agreement and m unmistakable terms gave the call for open mass revolt It has to be remembered here, that the BCP gave its famous call for mass uprising against the Japs on 27 March 1945 and the anniversary of that date was at hand We came back to Rangoon on 25 March Amar Nag did not turn up at the den that night On 27 March, in the huge commemorative rally at Rangoon, called bt the BCP, Than Tun repeated his call for open revolt On 28 March, at dawn, police raided our mess and arrested us---Amar De, Gopal Munsi and myself After several hours, to our surprise, we were released At night we received a clut from Ghosal 'Behave normally, open the shop as usual' I was to go back to India on 3 April but on that very morning was arrested again and taken straight from a police station to Tharrawaddy Jail That jail had been converted into a concentration camp, both in letter and spirit There were powerful searchlights in the turret and Bren-guns were fitted into position The pick of the district leaders of the BCP and many resistance leaders were there, including Amar De, Gopal Munsi, Subodh Mulherji and my self There were all told over two thousand political prisoners in that prison, living in conditions of semi-slave labour'26 Meanwhile the civil war in Burma was spreading The BCP started the resolt, but soon a large section of PVO and sci eral battalions of RBA (Revolutionary Burmese Army) joined forces and a coordinated lugh command was set up Large tracts in Central Burm? were liberated, including mini her cities The wnt of the V Nu government ran onk within a radius of 50 miles around Rangoon-no more [sen in Rangoon, the central government rested on precarious foundations Here is a typical clescription of the penod The sixth session of the Burma Parliament opened toxlar inside the barbed wire barncaded bulding of the govern- --- 26 Interviews with Barın De Calcutta 30) March 1969 ·DURVA'S FIGHT FOR FREEDOV AVD INDIAN COVRADES 149 ment secrctanat in Rangoon, little more than half of the 225 members attended the session wluch was boycotted by the communists and a section of the PVO "27 Carly in 1949, the combined revolutionary armies of Burma hberated Prome, winch was only 60 miles away from "Tharran adlı Nous reached the political prisoners in Tharrauadd Jail that the revolutionan army intended to liberate them Gopal Munsi, Barin De, Amar De, etc also learnt that among the leading communists with the army cre some Inclan comrades, one of whom was ccrtainly Amar Nag Once again let me quote at length from the graplne account of one who was then in Tharrawaddy Jail 'Early in 1949, we had established a regular and firm clandestine contact with the leadershup outside Heartening nous reached us that the armies of revolution had already liberated majority of the districts of Burmi and stormed most of the jails cicept that in Rangon and Tharrawaddy Thc Karen rebels had stormed Insein Our libcration too was near at hand So we sold some belongings, mcluding the gold-ring of Gopal Munsi and smuggled into our prison a dozen riles, tliree or four sten guns and a number of Niahi shorts and shirts We were informed that we would loc liberated on 4 April 1949 We were tense and ready From 1 April the war of nerves started The jail authorities were feverishly active At cureth 7 pm on 3 April, three red flares went up followed by two green flares Tlus was the prearranged signal At once, we heard tremendous noise of gun-filling Amar De exclaimed in great e citement "The game is up for the jailers 'At about 10 pm firing ceased and there was complete silence We were puzzled but dared not go out, because it was night At dawn, the jail gate opened-three men entered, followed bi 50 to 60 soldiers of the revolutioniri armı After another half hour, our cells were unlocked and we were free 'It was then we learnt that tirree army units, belonging 27 Vation Chlcutta datel 31 August 1948) 2 September 1948 (Despatch from Rangoon ·MARVIST MISCELL INY 150 to BCP, PVO and RBA had participated in our liberation and that after two hours' of fierce battle, the garrison in charge of Tharrau addy Jail had surrendered We spent the night of 4 April also in jail, but as frec men, with the jail under the control of our own revolutionary government On the morning of 6 April, we assembled in a field There we were given arms and asked to march with a unit. After marching for a couple of hours we rested at a monasterv There we met our dear old comrade Amar Nag Thahin Soe and mıny of his followers were also in Tharrawaddy Jail As they had not agreed to join the revolutionın coordination, the were pached into three trucks and sent to Prome under armed escort There a frutless negotiation was carried on for establishing a joint command with Soe's group When the talls failed, they were allowed to go au av under a safe conduct agreement 'Three or four davs later, the great march of the liberation army started It was a batch of about 100 and in the contingent were Amar Nag Gopal Munsi, Amar De and my self We trudged along for a week, through dense forests and across mountains, finally reaching the place where the Lower Burma Communist Party Conference was being held On our wai bach, we halted m Prome This city was then the headquarters of the liberation movement and the People's Administration Committee was stationed here We stried here for nearls a month from here, the whole group miched agun Tlus time our destination was the herd quarters of the BCP at Oh Shait Illaing in the district of Puinmana We travelled some distance in a couple of trailer trains Then for 20 miles, we crossed dense foicsts on the buch of clephants. Then after three days we reached the IIQ of the BCP in a big ullage by the side of a riser The liberation army HQ was located in a monastery We were warmly welcomed by Than Tun humself "I was at this place for two-three months A broadcasting station had been set up there and its broadcasts were recened qmte cleark cien in Rangoon I leamt Burmese thoroughls here and my job 175 to make a sinopsis of international news for the parti le udersłup Wlule I was ·BURMA S FIGHT FOR FREEDOV AND INDIAN COMRADES 151 here, Comrade Dimitrov died and a memorial meeting was held there "28 What was the condition of the liberated zones? 'For two full months, I toured a large part of the libcrated area, and went to over 40 villages and the town of Pyinmana I travelled in train, on horse bach, on elephant back as well as on foot The liberation army captured the town of Pyinmana after bitter and desperate battle The wife of Comrade Than Tun was in the prison--she too was liberated together with many other comrades When I reached the town, the victory celebration took place How did the People's Administrative Committee (PAC) work? In every village, all adult people elected the local PAC and it looked after the whole village, including settling of all disputes In every village, there was a functioning branch of the All Burma Peasınts' Congress Food was plentiful and money also was there Ordinary crimes were sharply on the wane The long arm of the liberation army could strike within 20 miles of Rangoon Such was the situation when I was in the liberated area from August to October 1949 Ordinarily, the relations between the three revolutionary forces--BCP PVO and RBA-ere cordial but a serious military ideological dispute und ansen-whether to capture Rangoon first or whetlier to consolidate the liberated areas first There were also certain differences within the BCP In November 1949 I returned to Prome From there I secretly cime to Rangoon and reached Calcutta on 20 January 1950 29 A progressive weeks, published from Bombay, wrote in this period Actually whnt is happening in Burma is a process of consolidation of the People's Democratic Front (PDF) led by the working class and its party, the Communist Party The PDF is emerging stronger and its leadership extends, up to 29 March 1950, to over 71 000 square miles of terri- 28 Interview with Brain De 30 March 1969 29 ind work PL ·162 MARXIST AIISCELLAVY tory, comprising a population of seven million men or 41 per cent of Burma's total population 30 As is well known, the Burmese revolutionary movement suffered senous setbacks afterwards Many factors were responsible for that The political analysis of all that is not the aim of this article nor is the present writer competent to do so However, it is essential to record with a deep sense of sorrow the heroic and tragic death of most of the Indian comrades Of the Indian comrades who founded the Communist Party in Burma five opted to make Burma their real mother land-Ha Narayan Ghosal Subodh Mukherji Amar Nag Gopal Munst and Amar De Detuls are lacking about their death but we have preced together whatever we can from slender evidences Amar De died under tragic circumstances sometime in 1957 Gopal Munsi was 7 member of the Toungoo Regional Council in the liberated area and he was killed in an ambush bu government forces in 1958 when lie wis lending squad from one zone to another The news of his death 175 prominently Aashed in the newspapers of Rangoon Subodh Vulheni 175 the president of the All Burma Trade Union Congress and the goverment had announced 1 one lakh rupee reward for his capture dead or alive He was a min of rechless courage and made frequent secret trips to Rangoon In 1959 or 1960 he was someu here in Central Burm when a government force surprised his budeout He was killed bs 7 hauldar who chopped off lus head and took it to the nearest town Ilis sesered hend und the hyvildur's ploto became frontpige news in Rangoon papers Dr Amar Nag became church of the medical section of the BCP and he too wis Lilled in an ambush on 9 Novem ber 19GS Ghosal was also killed but there are conflicting reports connected with the circumstances of lus death All these comrides were brilliant students uho Inicd India and Burma with equal passion They gave up from their hovhood casi and comfortable life incl cientifica themselves completels with the cause of the toiling masses 30 Gr sinn lt Bornbay 5 Vav 1950 ·BURMA'S FIGHT FOR FREEDOM AND INDIAN COMRADES 153 of Burma. For nearly 20 years, the jungles of Burma was their home and the Burmese rural poor their nearest kith and kin. Whatever their political line, they never betrayed the Burmese people nor did their fidelity to the cause of the unfinished revolution in Burma ever waver. Countless millions of Burmese and Indian youth will draw inspiration from the heroic saga of the life and struggle of these deathless Indian martyrs of Burma. As one who had the proud privilege of coming into contact with them, even if for a very short period, this short article is offered as a token of homage and everlasting remembrance to their unforgettable memory.

·The Struggle for United Front in Kerala C. Unni Raja With the midterm election in Kerala, field in September 1970, tlic struggle for building the unity of all left and democratic forces in the country las entered a new phase. In tliis election, the united front, consisting of the Communist Party of India, Revolutionary Socialist Party, Praja Socialist Party and the Aruslim League, formed an electoral alliance with the Congress(R) in the state. This alliance developed into a joint political battle against the parties of right-reaction (supported by a section of the Catholic church heirarciiy and communal reactionaries) as well as against the disruptive policies pursued by the left communists, represented by the CPM which had entered into an overt an'l covert alliance with the former. The United Front-Congress(R) alliance won 69 out of 133 seats in the State Legislative Assembly and 32 out of 75 lakhs of total polled valid votes The United Front has formed a new government with the active support of the Congress(K) It is generally agreed that the results of the Kerala iniciterm election would have significant nationwide political impact, It was in Kerala that in 1957 after the second general ·THE STRUGGLE FOR UNITED FRONT IN KERALA 105 election, the Congress monopoly of power was broken and for the first time a non-Congress left democratic government, led by the Communist Party, was formed. This was hailed at that time by wide sections of democratic opinion in our country and abroad as the most significant development in the political life and demociatic movement after independence. It was again in Kerala that in 1967, during the fourth general election, the then bioadest possible unıted front was forged on the basis of radical democratic programme and the Congress Party and its antipeople policies suffered the biggest dcfeat. How was this possible in Kerala? This was possible because the people of Kerala, mainly under the leadership of the Communist Party, had been waging a consistent and prolonged struggle to build the united front of all progressive, democratic and socialist forces in the state. The strug. gle has a history of at least two decades. The experience gamed in this struggle is vaned and nich, positive as well as negative. The idea of united front has gone so deep among the people and the balance of political forces is such that every party in the state has been thinking in terms of alluing itself with other likeminded forces dui ing the past many vears. Another characteristic feature of this struggle for united front in Kerala is that from the very beginning it has been linked directly with the cardinal question of state power. Still another feature is that rinity among different left and democratic parties and groups has been forged, not merely for the purpose of contesting elections, but such clectoral alliances have almost always been preceded by united mass movements and mass stiuggles A fourth point to be noted is the fact that the struggle for linity of all left and clemocratic forces has always been accompanied by a struggle against tendencies to form opportunistic alliances and also against sectarian tendencies to restrict and narrow down the scope of the united front. Let us examine this experience in some detail.

·166 MANXIST MISCELLAVY 1 The first general election itself showed that the Congress Party had forfeited the right to rule in the state of Kerala. Then, there was no state of Kerala. There was only the Travancorc-Cochin state, North Kerala (Malabar district) was part of the old undivided Madras province. But in Travancorc-Cocisin state as well as in the Malabar district, the Communist Party took the initiative to unite all non- Congress left and democratic partics on the basis of a common minimum programme. In Travancorc-Cochin the Communist Party, Revolutionary Socialist Party and Kerala Socialist Party together with a number of progressive individuals formed the United Front of Leftists. In Malabar district, after an intensive mass campaign and prolonged negotiations, the newly-formed Kisan- Mazdoor Praja Party of former Congressmen (which after the first general clection merged with the Indian Socialist Party to form the PSP) agreed to have an electoral alliance with the communists and it soon developed into united campaign and joint programmatic alliance. It is noteworthy that neither in Travancore-Cochin nor in the Malabar district was the ISP leaders prepared to have any alliance or united front with the Communist Party. They were as anticommunist as the Congress Party in power. In Travancorc-Cochin the 15 even hoped to form its own government after the election. But the Communist Party and the United Front of Leftists succeeded in having local adjustments with the ISP in certain constituencies in Travancorc-Cochin. The election campaign developed into an unprecedented mass upsurge in support of the United Front of Leftists. In Travancore-Cochin the Communist Party was still under ban. Many of the candidates and most of the leaders were either in jail or underground. The resu he electietis inori that the Congress Party was redu state legislature, though still the tp. United Front of Leftists emerg group. Neither the Congress north $ n ·THE STRUGGLE FOR UNITED FRONT IN KERALA 157 could on its own strength command a majority in the assembly. Thus a period of acute political instability ensued in the Travancore-Cochin state which continued in the Kerala state also after the State's Reorganisation in 1956. The Congress leadership tried to form an anticommunist antipeople alliance to ensure its monopoly of power. The Communist Party advocated and worked for the broadening of the United Front of Leftists to include all genuine left and democratic elements and groups to replace the Congress by a popular democratic government. Thus the polarisation of political forces that we find now on an all-India scale had already begun in Kerala immediately after the first general election. The Communist Party said that the unity of all progresșive, popular, democratic forces should be forged on the basis of the following three principles one, agreement on a common minimum programme of democratic and popular reforms, tro, agreement to form a non-Congress democratic government to implement the agreed programme, if a majority is won in the legislature, thice, agreement on organising and leading united mass movements and struggles on the basis of the agreed common programme, The Communist Party had to wage a continuous ideological and political campaign to get the above principles accepted as a basis for the unitec front of left and democratic parties and elements. First of all, the very idea of united front was ridiculed, attacked and distorted by the Congress leaders and all reactionary forces-united front Was characterised as a “many-legged monstrosity” which as incapable of doing anything it was attacked as a trap" set by the Communist Party to attract and swallow all parties and groups that walked into it. Then, there was a sectarian understanding of the united front among certain left parties like the Kerala Socialist Tarty and Revolutionary Socialist Party. They were against broadening the line of the united front to include all democratic forces. They wanted a united front of the "working class" (socialists). Thick openly attacked the communist slogan of "units of all democratic forces” as revisionism ·158 VIRXIST VISCELLAVY and a departure from Marusm-Leninism Thev opposed the contmued functionung of the united front committees, formed at the time of the election, at the lower levels on the plcr that it rculd restrict the frecdom of activity of the constituent parties At the same time, they wanted the State United Front Committee to function as a super parts They insisted on not a common minimum programme, but a maumum programme. II The Communist Party in Kerala combated all such sectanan tendencies to restrict and narrow the scope and to distort the concept of united front At the same time, the party tried to build unity in action of the mass organisations, especially in the trade union movement in the 1954 midterm election in Travancore-Cochin, the United Front of Leftists worked for an electoral alliance with the PSP The PSP leaders were not prepared to commit themsek es on a common progrunme or an alternate government But the balance of political forces in the state at that time was such that only an alliance of the UFL and PSP could decisively defeat the Congress and pave the way for the form1. tion of an alternate non Congress demociatic government The people naturally dessed such an alliance Hence, the Communist Party adı ocated such an electoral alliance with PSP without insisting on prior agreement on programme and alternate government The party also gave up some of its sure seats to the PSP for the sake of units And when the election campaign developed, the PSP leaders themselves had to declare that they were fighting the election together with the UFL, not only just to defeat the Congress, but also to form an alternate government The UFL-PSP alliance won a clear majority in the assemblı But the PSP leadership had no shame or compuction to betray their pledges to the people and form a minority government with the support of the Congress The Congress wanted to prevent the UFL from coming to power and use the PSP as a stepping-stone to reestablish its rule Within ten months the PSP government was overthroun ·159 three -election when there is very great possibility for such a "THE STRUGGLE FOR UNITED FROVT IN KERALA and the Congress formed its own ministry which also did not last for more than one year Thus between the first and second general elections governments were formed and fell in Travancore- Cochm state in the desperate attempts of the reactionary mterests to heep the United Front of Leftists out of power Duing this period the Communist Party and other constituents of the UFL led many big mass actions of the worh, took the mıtiative to launch a broad campaign for the forers and students, agricultural workers and peasants and mation of Kerala state on the linguistic basis The united front tactics that the Communist Party followed in the 1954 midterm election were reviewed at the Travancore Cochin state conference of the party held in February 1956 In the report of the State Committee, ap proved by the conference, it was stated "How far is the criticism correct that, even though our anuiety to forge a united front was very strong, we did not pay sufficient attention to maintain our independence and to expose the PSP leadership and other left parties and that we made undue concessions to other parties? Before answering this question, it is necessary to have a correct understanding as to how to maintain the independence of the party inside the united front We did not consider that, erther conceding a number of seats to other parties to bring them also into the united front or not llways putting forward the name of our party was a mistake We have to prove in action that the Communist Party is most anxious and is prepared to make the moumum sacrifices to forge the united front against Congress, 1e to unite the entire people against imperialism and feudalism That If not in any way giving up the independent position of thic parts, on the other hand, it will only great strengthen that position Similarly, it is necessary to expose other parties ideologically and otherwise In the name of united front, if we do not fulfil that task it will be a great danger and mistake But this exposure has got certain methods Thic sumc hind of exposure is unsuitable for all occasions When We are working for the aim of uniting all parties dunng ·158 VARXIST VISCELLAVY and a departure from Marxism-Leninism They opposed the continued ſunctioning of the united front committees, formed at the time of the clection, at the lower levels on the pler that it would restrict the freedom of activity of the constituent partics At the same time, they wanted the State United Front Committee to function as a super party They insisted on not a common mınımum programme, but a maiinum programme II The Communist Party in Kerala combated all such sectaran tendencies to restrict and narrow the scope and to distort the concept of united front At the same time, the party tried to build unity in action of the mass organisa tions, especially in the trade-union movement In the 1954 midterm election in Travancore-Cochin, the United Front of Lettists worked for an electoral alliance with the PSP The PSP leaders were not prepared to commit themselves on a common programme or an alternate government But the balance of political forces in the state at that time was such that only an alhance of the UFL and PSP could decisively defeat the Congress and pave the way for the formation of an alternate non Congress democratic government The people naturally desued such an alliance Hence, the Communist Party adlı ocated such an electoral alliance with PSP without insisting on prior agreement on programme and alternate government "The party also gave up some of its sure seats to the PSP for the sake of unity And when the election campugn developed, the PSP lenders them. selies had to declare that they were fighting the election together with the UFL, not only just to defeat the Congress, but also to form an alternate government The UFL-PSP alliance won a clear majonty in the assembl But the PSP leadership had no shamc or com puction to betray their pledges to the people sal form The minority government with the support of thin Congress wanted to prevent the UIL from and use the PSP as 7 stepping stone to Within ten monthis the PSP

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·MARVIST MISCELLAVY 108 and a departure from Marxism-Leninism. They opposed the continued functioning of the united front committees, formed at the time of the election, at the lower levels on the plea that it would restrict the freedom of activity of the constituent parties. At the same time, they wanted the State United Front Committee to function as a super party. They insisted on not a common minimum programme, but a maximum programme. II The Communist Party in Kerala combated all such sectarian tendencies to restrict and narrow the scope and to distort the concept of united front At the same time, the party tried to build unity in action of the mass organisations, especially in the trade-union movement. In the 1954 midterm election in Travancore-Cochin, the United Front of Leftists worked for an electoral alliance with the PSP. The PSP leaders were not prepared to commit themselves on a common programme or an alternate government. But the balance of political forces in the state at that time was such that only an alliance of the UFL and PSP could decisively defeat the Congress and pave the way for the formation of an alternate non-Congress democratic government The people naturally desired such an alliance. Hence, the Communist Party advocated such an electoral alliance with PSP without insisting on prior agreement on programme and alternate government. The party also gave up some of its sure seats to the PSP for the sake of unity. And when the election campaign developed, the PSP leaders themselves had to declare that they were fighting the election together with the UFL, not only just to defeat the Congress, but also to form an alternate government. The UFL-PSP alliance won a clear majority in the assembly. But the PSP leadership had no shame or compuction to betray their pledges to the people and form a minority government with the support of the Congress. The Congress wanted to prevent the UFL from coming to power and use the PSP as a stepping-stone to reestablish its rule. Within ten months the PSP government was overthrown ·THE STRUGGLE FOR UNITED FROIT IN KERALA 159 and the Congress formed its own ministry which also d not last for more than one year Thus between the first and second general electio three governments were formed and fell in Travancor Cochin state in the desperate attempts of the reactiona interests to keep the United Front of Leftists out of powe During this period the Communist Party and other cons tuents of the UFL led many big mass actions of the wor ers and students, agricultural workers and peasants ai took the initiative to launch a broad campaign for the fo mation of Kerala state on the linguistic basis The united front tactics that the Communist Par followed in the 1954 midterm election were reviewed at t] Travancore Cochin state conference of the party held February 1956 In the report of the State Committee, a proved by the conference, it was stated How far is the criticism correct that, even though o anxiety to forge a united front was very strong, we did n pay sufficient attention to maintain our independence ar to expose the PSP leadership and other left parties and th we made undue concessions to other parties? "Before answering this question, it is necessary to ha a correct understanding as to how to maintain the indepen ence of the party inside the united front We did n consider that, either conceding a number of seats to oth parties to bring them also into the united front or n always putting forward the name of our party was a mistak We huse to prove in action that the Communist Party most anxious and is prepared to make the maumum sici fices to forge the united front against Congress, ie to unt the entire people against imperialism and feudalism Th is not in any way giving up the mdependent position the party, on the other hand, it will only greatlı strengthe that position Similarly, it is necessary to expose oth parties ideologically and otherwise In the name of unite front, if we do not fulfil that tash it will be a great dang and mistahe But this exposure has got certain methods TI same kind of exposure is unsuitable for all occasions Whe we are working for the aim of uniting all parties dunir election when there is very great possibility for such ·160 MARXIST MISCELLANY unity-We must cntıcıse other parties in a way helpful to that unity When our efforts for unity are broken, exposure should be of a different nature The ideological struggle in ordinary times will be of a third kind In the light of the abovementioned principles, we do not consider that the way in which we criticise other parties during the election was wrong or that the independent position of our party was submerged in the united front We conducted exposure and criticism as much as possible, subordinated to the aim of forging unity It was the antiunity stand of the other parties that had to be cnticised most sharply That we did We said that the Congress should be defeated and a coaltion government formed on the basis of a clearcut programme and that the PSP leadershup should agree to this Not only we said so, but also, we conducted a tremendous mass campaign for this The attitude of the PSP was that unity was necessary, but no need for any programme os prior guarantee that a coalition government would be formed after the election RSP and KSP more or less agreed with this position We strongly opposed it The report pinpointed two mistahes our prrty committed Firstly, Then and afterwards the controversy was centred round the question whether it was correct to have entered into an alliance with the PSP without a written assurance about a coalition government after the election But there was another far more important question that was whether it was correct to have formecl an alliance without anı defimto programme Today, looking back, we think that the state committee and thc Polit Bureau, which was guding it at that time, took a vers opportunistic stand on this question Secondly, after the election, during the negotiations for the formation of a coalition government, the Polt Bureau wanted the state committee to insist on certain portfolios (Land Revenue and Labour or Industry) for our party as a precondition for joining the coalition Perhaps ive could lasc presented the formation of a minonty PSP goverment with the support of the Congress, if sse had not insist ed on portfoltos and insted if we had insisted on and com- ·TIC STRUGGLC TOR UNITED FROITI KERALA 161 pugned for a UFL PSP coalition government based on a common minimum programme 'Is it not surprising that whule we insisted on certain portfolos, we did not at all cure for getting a programme accepted? The reason for our adopting such wrong tactics on the question of ministry formation was our wrong understanding about the slogan of government of democratic unity. According to the explanation given by Comrade Ajoy Ghosh at Madurar, we understood the government of democratic unity to contain several aspects of the people's democratic government People's democratic government is led by the working class Hence we came to the conclusion that in the government of democratic unity also the Communist Party should have either the leadership or a decisive role This naturally resulted in our bargaining for more seats in the ministry This was a wrong understanding The government that can be formed in the present period through elections will be a democratic coalition government replacing the Congress Such a government will try to give as much relief to the people as possible under the present constitution, to understand it as a transition to people's democracy or as a government led by the working class will not be correct III It was in this background that the Kerala state came into existence as per the recommendation of the State's Reorganisation Commission on 1 November 1956, just on the eve of the second general election By that time the UFL in Travancore Cochin had fallen apart because of the withdrawal of the RSP And in the Malabar district elections to the district board took place The PSP leaders refused to have any alliance with the Communist Party The party together with progressive independents fought the elections and won a majority in the listrict bord and 1 communist x 35 clected as president of the Malabır District Bord The struggle for building the units of all left and democratic forces entered 7 new phase It soukl seem pira- MM 11 ·162 MARXIST MISCELLAVY doxical that the Communist Party, which campaigned and fought for a broad anti-Congress democratic front and won significant victories but had to fight the second general election in Kerala singlehanded, won a majority of seats in the state legislature together with a few progressive independents and formed the first communist-led government in India in 1957 in Kerala. Did not this experience negate the concept of the united front? No. The united front tactics that the Communist Party followcd in the second general election in Kerala were as follows: Even before the Kerala state actually came into existence, the Communist Party, at its state conference in June 1956, placed before the people the slogan of building a new democratic and prosperous Kerala for which the Congress had to be removed from power and the Communist Party, Praja Socialist Party and Revolutionary Socialist Party, together with democratic-minded individuals and such Congressmen who were prepared to oppose the reactionary policies of the Congress must unite on the basis of a common programme, fight the election and reduce the Congress to a minority in the legislature so that conditions were created for the formation of a democratic government The party popularised this slogan extensively among the people Many democrats outside the party welcomed this slogan. The party was fully conscious of and emphasised the decisive role of the PSP in building the united front of all democratic popular forces In the past, even when the Congress had become a minority, a left democratic government could not be formed in Travancore-Cochin, because of the wrong anticommunist policy of the PSP leadership. The party underlined the danger inherent in such a policy. The stand of the party that an agreed common programme and alternate government should be the basis for unity was widely welcomed by the people But the PSP leaders made it clear that they were not prepared for a united front on the basis of a common programme and formation of an alternate government, Then, the Communist Party decided that there was no question of any statewide overall united front with the PSP and that the party should go ahead together with others ·THE STRUGGLE FOR UNITED FRONT IN KERALA 163 who wcie ready to form a umted front based on a common programme and alternate government At the same time the part expressed its willingness to have local adjustments with the PSP to reduce the strength of the Congress wherever possible A section of the Congress leadership tried to form an antıcommunist united fiont consisting of the Congress, Muslim League and the PSP to isolate the Communist Partı A section of the PSP lendership curred on negotia tions to form a united front with the Muslim League and some others as a third force The Communist Party exposed all such attempts to forge anticommunist reactionary alhances and rallied the people agunst them The RSP put forward excessive and unreasonable claims for seats as i condition for joining the united front Naturallı, the Communist Party refused to submit to their blackmuling tactics at the same time repeatedly appealıng to the PSP and RSP to join with the Communist Party in a unted front to defent the Congress The result of the united front tactics the Communist Party followed in the 1957 general election in Kerala were summed up as follows by a plenary meeting of the state committee, held in June 1957 In the election we were not able to form a united front But we were able to convince the people at every stage that we sincerely desired units and worked for at Even when Ke had to fight the election alone, we declared that, after the election, even if we won a majoritv, we would seek the help and cooperntion of other democratic parties in forming the government It was because of all these things, that we were able to build a broad unity of the people and democrats in general in all the constituencies for the success of the candidates put up or supported by our puty Tlus experience has helped us to get rid of certain meclinical idens about united front On certain occasions, we mw not be able to build unity with other parties It is on the basis of 1 correct understanding of the experence, the mood and the wishes and desires of the people that we decide the form of united front in ench concrete circum stuce In the midterm election of 1934 in Travmcore. 1 MNV 12 ·164 VARVIST VISCELLAVY Cochin we had an electoral understanding with the PSP. They were not prepared to agree on a common programme and an alternate government. In the matter of seats we had to accept some of their unreasonable claims Then it was necessary and correct For the people desired unity at wliatever cost to defeat the Congress But in this election, the mood of the people, the objectne situation in the country, the balance of strength between different parties-all 1ere quite different Hence we were able to win by adopting different tactics “But, comrades may think, on the basis of the results of this election, that in future there is no necessity to work for building unity or united front with the PSP, RSP and other left parties That is wrong To implement our election programme, at every stage and at every step, the party should consciously work for forging unty with other left parties and with all democratic minded people including Congressinen Only then can we defeat the reactionary policies of the Congress leadersłup and the machunations of the vested interests But the Communist Party (together with the independ. ents supported by the party) got only 40 per cent of the total votes polled' We should not forget this fact RSP and PSP together got about 14 per cent of the votes In fact, only RŠP, PSP and we jointly represent the majority of the people in Kerala Congress got 375 per cent of the votes Hence we must realise that it is a matter of decisive importance that we must mobilise the people who voted, not only for the Communist Party, but also for other parties, particularly for the parties of democratic opposition, as well as those who voted for the Congress and Muslim League, in mass movements and behind the progressive measures of our ministry in our mass work we must develop such an approach and attitude as to help this process Thus the Communist Party in Kerala, at the time of its proud victory, did not forget the supreme need for forging the unity of all democratic forces On the other hand, the party pinpointed the fact that its influence was still very weak among the Muslim and Catholic masses (especially peasantry) and that special attention should be paid to ·TUIE STRUGGLE FOR UNITED FRONT IN KERALA 165 dispel tlic dceprooted anticommunism among those masses which was mainly based on religion, in order to develop the democratic movement among those sections of the people also. IV I am not going into the achievements of the first popular democratic government that was formed in Kerala under the leadership of the Communist Party. But, during the period when the communist-led government was in power, instead of the Communist Party being able to forge “unity with other left parties and other democratic-minded people including Congressmen” in carrying out obviously popular and democratic measures like the Agrauan Relations Bill, Education Reforms Act, etc, it was the reactionary forces which succeeded in uniting the Congress, PSP and Muslim League, with the covert support of the RSP, to head the socalled "liberation struggle against the communist-led government. Why? The basic mistake was the sectarian approach to the question of united front which still persisted in the party and in the functioning of the communistled government. Reviewing the result of the midterm election in 1960, the state council of the party said in its report : Our government took several steps and initiated many reforms in the interests of the workers, poor peasants and agricultural workers As a result the influence of the party among them has grown. That was why we received nearly 12 lakhs of votes more. "Firstly, in the 1957 general election we had won 65 seats on the basis of 40 per cent of votes and formed a government. This reflected a specific balance of forces between political parties and class relations in the state Taking into consideration this balance of foices and the political aims nf our party in the present period, we had to consciouslv and concretely plan how to unite and rally firmly those classes and sections of people 'which are the allies of the working class and examine each legislative and executive measure of the government from 'this viewpoint. We did not do thuis ·* VARTIST VISCELLAVI 166 Not onk worhers, poor peasants and agricultural worhers, but also considerablc sections of middle classes, small industrialists and small landholders and others supported our party in the midterm clection, at the same time, our influence was wcah among the Muslim and Catholic masses and among urban pett: bourgeoisie This was stated in our clection review, “But this fact was not properl, tahen into consideration in the practical work of the government and the putu IIcncc the legislative and other measures of our goverment and several activities of our party at all levels tended to create anticommunist prejudices and feurs among the Christian masses and to isolnte our parts from the middle sections and small property owners in the rural areas in certain parts of the state Secondly, when we became the ruling partv, we deviated from the Leninist principle of considering our work in the government as a part of the activity of our party and of the mass organisations under our leadership, to some extent our cntire activity began to centre round our work in the legis- Jature and ministry. As a result, we neglected the fundamental task of developing the organised strength and conscious activity of the masses the tendenci munly to rely on the government to solve cach and every issue that developed inside the party The communist led government was dismissed by the central Congress rulers Midterm election took place in the beginning of 1960 in which Communist Partı had to face the reactionary anticommunist triple alliance” consisting of the Congress, Muslim League and PSP, bached by vested interests, communal and religious reaction, etc Though the Communist Party polled nearly 12 lakh votes more than in 1957, its representation in the state assembly 128 reduced to less than half and the 'triple alliance” won an 01 erwhelming majority But the party was not dismwed by this it sud that such a reactionary allıınce based on nothung but blind anticommunism could not be stable when the government formed bt the 'triple allıınce” started to implement anti·fronts. alliance". cratic parties and groups, united on the basis of a prohad split. And the "left" communists, represented by the CPM, not only forgot the experience of building the broad THE STRUGGLE FOR UNITED FRONT IN KERALA 167 popular measures in the interests of the vested interests, basic contradictions would inevitably develop, not only be. tween the masses who yoted for the alliance and the government, but also within the alliance itself; such was the fate of all reactionary antıpeople alliances o united The Communist Party pointed out that it would be wrong to come to the defeatist conclusion that there was no alternative before the people except to get the government of the "triple alliance” out of powe. If mass struggles and mass movements were developed, uniting the masses of workers, peasants and other sections of the working people, who voted for and against the communists, to defend their gains won during the communist-led ministry, the government's drive to reverse those gains could be halted; and contradictions would inevitably grow inside the And this proved correct. First the Muslim League left the alliance, then the PSP was elbowed out of the government and a one-party Congress ministry was formed. Finaly the Congress itself was split into two and the ministry had to quit. Thus within four years the reactionary “triple alliance” completely disintegrated. After all this experience, extending over a period of fifteen years experience of minority Congress governments, PSP government supported by the Congress, communist-led government with a powerful Congress opposition, reactionary niple alliance” ministry, interspersed vith spells of President's Rule--the situation was mature for and the people wanted a real united front government of all left and demoramme and enjoying firm and stable majority support of the people inside and outside the legislative assembly. But unfortunately by that time, the Communist Party V unity of all left and democratic forces, but also repudiated ·168 VARXIST MISCELLANY the basic principles of building that unity in the specific conditions of Kerala. EMS Namboodtripad, in a pamphlct in Malayalam, explained the understanding of united front of the "left" communists in the following passage “The task of the working class is to strengthen the struggle against the ruling classes by utilising skilfully the conflicts that are taking place constantly within the ruling classes, the ruling party and the opposition parties (ie according to the Leninist tactics of increasing its own strength, by accepting help from any and every bolly, resulting from even the slightest split within the enemy ranks, without dismissing such splits as insignificant) While carrying out this task, we must cooperate with anybody who gives however little help in strengthening the struggle of the workers, peasants and other popular masses, however partial or temporary that help may be But while thus cooperating with others, the fact that the aim of such cooperation is to strengthen the front of class struggle and to smash the front of the ruling classes should never be forgotten ("Non-Marxist Front Then and Now" Malayalam, November 1969) It is obvious that the above explained conception of united front has nothing to do with the Leninist understanding of unity of all left and democratic forces to complete the democratic revolution and go forward to socialist revolution The Leninist strategy of united front is that the working class must unite all classes and sections of people that can be united to carry out successfully a definite stage of revo luton In Leninist strategy the problem of united front is a problem of the allies of the working class at different stages of revolution, in different countries and in different histoncal conditions In his famous 7tvo Tactics Lenin nowhere speaks about skilfully utilising the conflicts and contradictions in the enemy camp", on the other hand, he discusses the question of the allies of the working class Of course, the working class should make use of all the conflicts and contradictions in the enemy camp in order to strengthen its position and to unite its allies United front is the basic strategy of ·TIE STRUGGLE FOR UNITED FRONT IN KERALA 109 uniting all the allies, whereas utilising the conflicts inside thc cncmy camp is only temporary tactics. And reducing and distorting the concept of united front merely to making use of the conflicts inside the chemy camp in effect means isolating the working class from all its allies. That was not the understanding of the Communist Party when it advanced the slogan of the unity of all left and democratic forces in Kerala in 1956 and called for the united front of the Communist, Praja Socialist and Revolutionary Socialist parties and also of democratic-minded individuals and suchi Congressmen who were prepared to fight the antipcoplc policies of the Congress--a united front based on a democratic programme to defcat the Congress in the clcction and to create conditions for the formation of a democratic goverment. The "left" communists repudiated all this. In the midterm clcction in Kerala, which took place in March 1965, within a year after the split in the Communist Party, they wanted only opportunistic clectoral alliances with all and sundry without any common programme, without any commitment on forming an alternative government after the election. On this question they broke up the united front with the Communist Party and RSP and slandered them as "agents of the Congress". They entered into open and secret electoral adjustments with the SSP and Muslim League, The results were disastrous to the people and democratic movement in Kerala. Of course, the two factions of the Congress lost heavily; the CPM emerged as the largest single party. It succeeded in temporarily isolating and defeating the Communist Party. But the "Jeft" communists had destroyed any possibility of forming a non-Congress democratic government. So President's Rule continued. In such a situation it was the Communist Party which took the initiative to revive the mass movement and the united front of all non-Congress democratic forces for the immediate political and economic demands of the people of Kerala A "Joint Action Committee" was formed consisting of representatives of all left parties, into this TAC were drawn the representatives of the Kerala Socialist Party and "Peasants and Workers Party" (KTP), formed out of ·170 MARXIST MISCELLANY the former anticommunist front in addition to the two communist parties, RSP and SSP. As the mass movements and mass struggles developed under the leadership of the Joint Action Committee, culminating in the glorious Kerala Bandh of 28 January 1966 (which was supported even by the Kerala Pradesh Congress Committee), the Muslim League also was drawn into the united front. The leadership of the Muslim League openly declared that it was prepared to umte with the communists on the basis of a common programme for the purpose of defeating the Congress in the ensuing fourth general election and forming a non-Congress democratic government. This was a ignificant victory for the line of united front advocated all along by our party. The entry of the Muslim League into a united front with the communists also signified that the vast masses of Muslim peasantry, who were till now kept away from the general stream of democratic movement, were also drawn into it. This was made possible due to various reasons: (1) their own experience with the Congress governments; (2) the radicalisation among the Muslim masses as a result of the mass movements and mass struggles, (3) the continuous and patient political propaganda, conducted mainly by the Communist Party. Thus the seven-party united front was formed out of joint mass struggles and mass movements. It adopted its common clection programme in September 1966-a programme of urgently-needed minimum democratic changes, including radical land reforms and relief measures for the working people. As is well known the united front won an unprecedenteclly overwhelming victory in the 1967 general clection. The enthusiasm and activity of the people for tlic victory of the candidates of the united front was tremendous. The Indian National Congress and the breakaway Kerala Congress were recluced to an insignificant minority winning only 9 and 5 scats respectively. VI In thic united front, the "cht" communists were the dominant party. A united front ministry, headed by CPM Icader ·THE STRUGGLE FOR UNITED FRONT IN KERALA 171 Namboodiripad, was formed. A ministry with such an overwhelming majority inside the assembly and such a massive popular support outside would be expected to be stable and go ahead with determination and urgency to implement the major provisions of the united front programme But the wrong and sectarian understanding of the CPM with regard to the united front and united front goveniment began to act as a big drag. Let me quote again from the abovementioned pamphlet of E.M.S Namboodiripad. "The party congress held in 1964 and the Central Committee meeting held in April 1967 were able to evolve quite a realistic and revolutionary approach to what can be and cannot be accomplished by the non-Congress goverments formed in 1967. As a result of the crisis among the ruling classes, it may be possible to form, together with certain sections of the ruling classes, governments which can give temporary and partial relief to the people; this possibility should be used to the maumum, but the character of the state and of the non-Congress front being formed does not give scope for too much hope. Therefore, while doing the maximum possible and organising mass struggles to remove the obstacles that may arise even to do that and thus utilising such governments, we must convince the people the need for replacing the present state in its entirety by a new state (of people's democracv), must give priority to organisational work for preparing the people for revolutionarv struggle to effect that change; must make use of the non- Congress goverunents as instruments to achieve that aimit is this Leninist approach that is there in the party programme and the Central Committee resolution” (Ibid, pp. 77-78) I do not know from where Namboodiripad got this socalled “Leninist" approach. You cannot find any such thing either in Lenin's works or in the resolutions and theses of the Comintern which carried forward, elaborated and concretised the Leninist understanding of the united front and united front governments Certain things in the above formulation are specially noteworthy: (1) The "left" communists do not consider the ·172 MARXIST MISCELLAVY non-Congress governments, even in Kerala and West Bengal, where the CPM has a dominant position, as governments of left and democratic unity or even as united front governments They are merely non Congress governments, (2) ther consider the constituents of the united front such as the Communist Party or RSP or SSP as representatries of 'certain sections of the ruling classes”, (3) they minimise the role of the united front governments, in the present Indian situation, to give relief to the people and to effect certain very important democratic structural changes (especially m land relations) to such an extent that it is tantamount to a denial of any such role, and (4) they find the utility of these governments mainly as instruments in the orginisational (not political) preprration of the masses foi revolutionary struggles to establish people's democraci" This wrong understanding in practice meant in Kerala Forstly, the CPM leaders did not consider the united front or its government as consisting of equal and independent constituents They wanted every body else to toe their line If other parties disagreed or expressed mdependent opinions, they are slandered as "agents of the Congress” or as "saboteurs of the united front" conspiring to isolate the "left' communists In the State Coordination Committee the CPM representatives took an attitude of “either accept what we say or we will not carry out whatever vou may decide" Ther wanted to establish their one purty clomination in the united front and its government Secondly the CPM leaders paid scant respect to the united front programme In the name of constitution, courts and central government, they refused to implement or evaded implementation of any of the major items in the united front programme On the other hand, they harped on struggle against the centre which could not but remain an emptv phrase because the people could be ralled in a struggle against the centre only if concrete issues of conflict arose in the course of implementing the united front programme Thirdly, the CPM lenders opcnls and unashamedhi used the governmental machinerv for "strengthening their parti which naturally led to largescale and widespread corruption ·THE STRUGGLE FOR UNITED FRONT IN KERALA 173 at all levels. The labour department was used to split the trade unions. Only such struggles of the workers and peasants were supported as were led by the CPM. They used the police also in a partisan way. Naturally the people began to get disillusioned. Their high hopes in the united front were dashed to the ground. The very idea and image of the united front got tarnished and discredited; conflicts and contradictions began to develop inside the united front itself. The Communist Party had to carry on a consistent ideological and political struggle against this wrong, sectarian and disruptive attitude and activities of the "left" communists. That was necessary to save the united front and safeguard the interests of the people of Kerala. The Communist Party conducted this struggle inside the Coordination Committee and also among the people whenever it became necessary. The Communist Party sought to maintain the equality and independence of each constituent of the united front. It insisted upon implementation of the united front programme according to the unanimous decisions of the Coordination Committee. It did not want the Coordination Committee to be a pocket organisation of the CPM. The Communist Party advocated formation of united front committees at all levels so as to avoid friction between various constituent parties and to conduct joint campaigns and struggles. It wanted and campaigned for speedy legislation on land reforms. It fought against corruption and nepotism of the CPM which had become an open scandal. The result of this consistent struggle was that the "left" communists were isolated in the united front. And in order to escape from the isolation, the CPM leadership decided to scuttle the united front government and to destroy the united front. The Communist Party was able, despite the opposition of the CPM, to regroup the united front on a broader basis and form a new united front government. And the change was immediately apparent to all. There was no one-party domination. The Coordination Comimittee started functioning as a real coordination committee with equal rights for all the constituent parties.

·174 MARXIST MISCELLANY Representatives of all the constituent parties were appointed as joint conveners. Regular meetings began to be held and unanimous decisions taken on all major policy questions. United front committees were formed at district and constituency levels. The cabinet also functioned strictly observing the principle of collective responsibility. Not only in the matter of mutual relationship and functioning of the united front, but also in the life of the people, especially of the vast masses of peasants, agricultural and industrial workers, the change was felt immediately; for, the new government lost no time to start implementing some of the major items of the united front programme thus debunking the claim and excuse of the "left" communists that nothing much can be done under the present conditions by a state government. The beginning of implementation of the Land Reforms Act was the greatest achievement of the new united front in Kerala. As a result of it, landlord-tenant relations have been totally abolished in the state. From 1 January 1970 no tenant is obliged to pay any rent to the landlord and nobody can lease out his land on rent. An effective ceiling has been imposed on landholdings and there will be no landholder possessing more than 20 acres of land. Together with the many lakhs of homestead-dwellers getting owner. ship of their homesteads (3 to 10 cents), distribution of cultivable wasteland to agricultural workers and poor peasants and conferment of permanent ownership rights on all those landless and poor cultivators who had occupied government land, the Land Reforms Act totally changes the entire system of agrarian relations in Kerala in the interests of the mass of peasantry. VII The breaking up of the united front in Kerala by the CPM leaclership and the formation of a new united front on the initiative of the CPI took place at a time when thic entire political situation in India was fast changing. The Congress Party tras on the verge of split due to mainly sharp policy conflicts. The Congress Party in Kerala had estended its support to the new united front government ·THE STRUGGLE 1 OR UNITED FROVT IN KERALA 175 for the implementation of the Land Reforms Act and other progressive measures After the split in the Congress, this support was further strengthened and paved the way for the alliance between the United Front and Congress (R), based on almost identical programmes of rapid implementation of Land Reforms Act, a vigorous programme of industrialisation, effective measures to ease the acute problem of unemployment, etc in the midterm election As far as Kerala is concerned, the split in the Congress Party meant that new possibilities have opened to extend the united front of democratic and socialist forces to include the Congress (R) also, because of the strength of the left movement as well as the composition of Congress (R) in the state It is significant that the students and youth who form a major radical organised section inside the Congress (R) in Kerala played a very important role in forging the alliance between Congress (R) and the United Front If the CPM leadershup had cared to objectively and concretely analyse and understand the meaning of the split in the Congress Party from the standpoint of the working class and adopted a correct policy of uniting all left and democratıc forces, it would have been possible to broaden the seven-party United Front to Congress (R) also on a principled basis That would have given the biggest blow to nght-reaction, not only in Kerala, but also on a national political plane On the other hand, what the ‘left" communist leaders did was to pursue a policy of disrupting the united front by their 'self-satisfied sectarmısm" which more than any thing else impedes our struggle for the realisation of the united front" (G Dimitrov in his report to the 7th Congress of the Comintern) The attitude and approach of the CPM is not something new in Kerala During the past, other left parties like the P(S)SP (not the present PSP unit in Kerala CUR) and KSP had pursued the same polici of disruption, thus preventing the umty of all left and democratic forces and indirectly and sometimes directh helping the reactionary forces Such a policy naturally has led the CPMI to the camp of right reaction as in the recent midterm election ·Book Revieir Batuk Vora Eros and Civilisation, by Ilerbert Marcuse, Sphere Books Ltd., 40 Park Street, London, W.1., Price 7s 6d, pp. 219. Civilisation is based on the permanent "repression" of liuman instincts. The methodlical "sacrifice" of libido is culture. "Free gratification" of man's instinctual needs is incompatible with civilised society. History of man is history of his repression. The vicissitudes of instincts are the vicis. situdes of mental apparatus in civilisation... The "claims of the pleasure principle", though mastered and repressed by civilisation, continue to exist in the unconscious. The return of the repressed makes up the tabooed and subterranean history of civilisation. So repression becomes a "historical phenomenon". The "fact" that the "reality principle” has to be reestab- Jished continually in the development of man indicates that its triumph over the pleasure principle” is never complete and never secure. The primal father as the “archetype of domination" initiates the chain reaction of enslavement, rebellion and reinforced domination which marks the history of civilisation ·BOOK REVICW 177 All this is the language of Sigmund Freud But Herbert Marcuse asserts in this book that Freud s individual psychology in its very essence is a social psychology" After basically taking Freuds individualistic instinctual structure for granted, the author here proceeds to contribute to the “philosophy of psychoanalı sis, not to psychoanalysis itself He tries to move exclusively in the field of theory The author's concern is not with the different interpretations of Freudian concepts, but with their “plulosophical and sociological implications”, accepting Freud's theory of man as such That means the Marxian concept that man is a social being has been ignored It is known that Freuds concept of the inborn or the phylogenetic elements in mental activity follows the traditional and popular notion of quasimental instincts For him instincts are moving mysteriously in the realm of speculation They do not represent total personality of an individual So Marcuse has tried to examine Treud's 'repressive mental apparatus” on two levels, ontogenetic and phylo. genetic The former is growth of the repressed individual from the primul horde to the fully constituted civilised state It is at least implied here that both are interrelated The "pleasure principle" and reality principle" are eternally antagonistic according to Freud The notion that nonrepressive civilisation is impossible is cornerstone of Freudian theory But the author here asserts that Freudian theory contains elements that break through this rationalisation, there is an ever renewed connection between civilisation and barbarism, progress and suffering, a connection that ultimately reveals itself as that between Eros and Thanatos" Actually, the Freudiin terms do not differentiate between the biological and socio historical vicissitudes of the instincts Freud traced the developments of repression in the instinctual structure of the individual That the human consciousness is derivatout from matter had not been accepted by Freud Also the metaphysical and mechanical conceptions of 'inborn instincts” supposed to be preserving their primitive state intact under the socalled repressive overlıyer of civilised habits” were already challenged by Freud's con- ·178 VARXIST MISCELLAVY temporary Pavlov, the Russian scientist, during his experiments on the nervous system conducted in the laboratory While Pavlov sought solution to complicated mental processes in the functioning of the upper regions of the nervous system, Freud on the contrary pursued the same objective within the limit of the mind itself, without regard to hnowledge of the brain as the organ of the mental life Marcuse has not taken into account the fact that Freud's was tlie psychology of the unconscious The unconscious in effect was Freud s substitute for the cerebral nervous system There being yet no physiological knowledge of the latter in his time, he proceeded to pach the substitute with all sorts of imaginary and speculative propositions to construct his theory of psvchoanalysis Missing or ignoring this very fundamental thing Marcuse goes on to construct some additional formulations devoting the specific socio historic components, connecting Freud's instinctual structure with the historical forms of societies New terms introduced by Marcuse are (a) Surplus Repression This is distingushed from basic repression, it is only "modifications” of instincts necessary for the perpetuition of the human race in different types of civilisation (b) Performance Principle it is the prevailing Listorical form of the "reality principle” as expounded bv Freud The argument that pleasure principle" is incompatible with reality, that only pain and misery prevail over man when he is working or toiling, that “basic instincts' (sex and death) strive to prevail over man at each moment of luis existence, is looming large in all Freud's works Marcuse has of course not accepted such conception but only so far as it applies to the brute fact of scarcity what actually is the consequence of a specific organisation of scarcity" Here he says that prevailing scarcity of means has not been distributed collectively in accordance with individual needs That means, Freud's idea of 'basic instincts striving to dommate man” has not been basically challenged So what Mircuse has done here is to add various 'modes of domination" resulting in' rious hustorical stages of ·BOOK REVIEW 179 reality as against Freud's flat "reality principle" that represses basic human instincts in all times. For example, Marcuse says that a society in which all members normally work for a living requires "other modes of repression" than a society in which labour is the exclusive province of one specific group. That is, the “repression" will be there even in a classless society. Marcuse has not bothered to analyse the very concept of repression of socalled instincts. So the theory of socalled “reality principle” ruling over the pleasure principle” has been basically accepted. Freud was never so cleverly defended. What Freud termed as repression could be called sublimation of instincts. But Marcuse does not say so. Marcuse has made the concept of “repression” into a qualified one. On socio-historical level, “every revolution has also been a betrayed revolution-because may it be a slave revolt or a socialist revolution but an element of selfdefcat seems to have been involved in the dynamic that every time those who have striven for the abolition of domination and exploitation have been defeated". Pretty pessimistic picture, indeed! While Freud lays down "domination-rebellion-domination" theory, Marcuse says that the second domination is not simply a repetition of the first one, the cyclical movement is progress in domination. Even a socialist revolution cannot do away with this! But one would ask where then is freedom to be found? Is there not any scope for fieedom from the "cycle of subordination and repression”? Freud visualısed it only in the "liberation of basic instincts” from inhibitions imposed by civilisation. While Marcuse here builds up a "new reality principle”. This could be done by achieving a new starting point where man could reconstruct the productive apparatus without that 'innerworldly asceticism' which provided the mental basis for domination..." The idea of such a new reality principle is based on the assumption that material preconditions for its development are established in the advanced industrial societies. Marcuse ·180 MARXIST MISCELLANY adds here his theory, later on developed by him in One Dimensional dan, that the "very scope and effectiveness of the democratic introjection have suppressed the histo rical subject, the agent of resolution free people are not in need of liberation, and the oppressed are not strong enough (those in backward countries) to liberate themselves So the author goes on to redefine the concept of utopia Liberation is the most realistic, the most concrete of all historical possibilities and at the same time the most rationally and effectively repressed--the most abstract and remote possibility When in affluent societies, productivity has reached a level at which the masses participate in its benefits and at which the opposition is democratically 'contained then the conflict between master and slave is also effectively controlled, or rather it has changed its social location And as if giving a concession to Mars, Marcuse writes that “Marxian concept regains its full validity in the international arena Marxian concept stipulated that only those who were free from the blessings of capitalism (backward countries) could possibly change it into a free society those whose existence was the very negation of capitalist property could become the histoncal agents of liberation The histoncal advantage of the late comer, of technical backwardness, may be that of shipping the stage of the affluent society By the poverty and weakness they may be forced to forgo the aggressive and wasteful use of science and technology For the overdeveloped countries this chance would be tantamount to the abolition of the conditions under which man's labour perpetuates as self propelling power, his subordination to the productive apparatus, and, with it, the obsolete forms of the struggle for existence In advinced countries he the USA he says, antiwar protest is a fight for Eros agunst Death.— today fight for Eros is the political fight" He refers to scx revolt by luppies and 'in' crowd and says there is biological necessita behind this This is so bectuse other opposition is democratically contained So there is no other light but the fight for Cros and biological needs that is possible in overdeveloped coun- ·BOOK REVIEW 181 tries! Agents of liberation will be only those poor in the backward countries. It is only short of saying there is no need of any revolution in the advanced countries' Only need there is just to abolish overdevelopment and wasteful use of technology Marcuse says this in the political preface written in 1966 to the book Actually it has no immediate relevance with theoretical aspects of Freudian psychoanalysis with which the book is concerned. But even then one may see how upside down he has tried to use Marr. Marx on the contrary visualised revolutions in the developed countries. Marx or Lenin never built any utopia for the exploited people of developed countries At another place Marcuse defends Freud uather too crudely. Discussing the post-Freudian “revisionist" theories which insist that society is not a static set of laws instituted in the past at the time of the murder of the primal father, but rather a growing, changing, developing network of interpersonal experiences and behaviour (Erich Fromm, Karen Horney, etc.), Marcuse upholds Freudian concept. Freud saw society as "static" and thought that society developed as a mechanism for controlling man's instincts. Behind all the differences among the historical forms of society, Freud saw the basic "inhumanity" common to all of them. Marcuse says that by virtue of this "insight" of Freud, "his static concept of society is closer to truth than the dynamic sociological concepts supplied by revisionists”. This, in fact, was the most absurd basis of Freud's metapsychology. Fromm and others might be wrong in their nature of approach to the subject but Freud's concept of static nature of society can stand no scrutiny at all. The last pages of book arc revcaling so far as they bring out clearly where the author stands. All the radical postures stand exposed wlien the autior comes in strong defence of Freud. Herein also lies his unwritten defence of Freudian concepts of mysterious" instincts which move in the realm of speculation. Frcud had also said that the price of civilisation was neurosis! In that sense everybody is more or less neurotic. Are we to believe this also? The book has no answer.

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