·Preface " Banabhatta His Life and Literature closcly follows the pattern of my similar book on Bhavabhyle I have tried to make the book as exhaustive and informative as possible. My main object is to place in the hands of University students, a detailed discussion on the author and his works, and to present before them a fairly exhaustive critcal review of the work done in this field till DOSY I hope the work wul interest also the general reader Many of the B A or M A students study at places where library facilities are moderate Some students earn while they learn, and to them even time becomes a rare commodity I have tried to fornish them with the views of the earlier scholars in the field, and often giyen numerous quotations from their works I have tried to meticulously acknowledge the grateful debt to them at all such places For any omissions I express here a deep sense of gratitude to all the Purvsysis who have given me so much light I must specially mention here th- debt I owe to the works of Mm Dr P IV Kane and Dr LR Potdar I do not claim much orginalty, but discerning readers I trust, will find that I have made some little contribution of mine to the subject. I would be very happy and grateful to have all construc tive criticism and suogestions, which I would utilise for imp ovement in the second edition The references cited in the book are to the following editions (1) Kadambari ed Dr P L Vaidya (OB A Poona) (2) Harg2- charita ed Acarya Jagannatha Pathak (Caukhamba Edo) (3) Parintiparinayam (Nircavasagara Edn) I have not given a subject-index at the end 12 view of the detailed Table of Contents My sincere thanks are due to my friend Shn T A halkarai, BSc (Hons B Ed , Proprietor, Nutan Printing Press and also to his entire staff for an efficient and quick proting of this book Last but not the least, come my thanks to all Professors, suder's and lovers of Sanskrit, whose generous patrona - I h - enjoyed all these years in all my literary undertakings, as a proud privilege 1st January 1963 S. y. Duxit 134, Thalakwad, Belgaum ·ERRATA ( For economy of space the Errata, showing the important corrections necessary. is presented here in a compressed form, each unit showing page, line, mistake and correction in sequeace Obvious misprints, which can be easily corrected are not mentioned] 2.25 manscript (manuscript)-3.13. (put fullstop after learning- 3.23. aad (and)—3 29 gegat ( on)-6 32 भवु (भव)- 8-30 completed (compleicd)-8 32 & 37 (add 'l' at the end of either linel--9-27 oqeria o GT1914)-11-2 ond (and)---13 6 callad (called)--14-15 faren zal (fazarcaltaq)- 16 6 fatico (faqtero) -16-31 not ant (not an)-24-5 (read last two words as 'regarding in' 1-24-23, wha (what)---28-5 accended (ascended) 29-8 ths (the) --29 13 (drop 'he' after parf)-29-17 commentatoe (commentator)--29-18. corroborater (corroboratcs) -30-16 folowed (followed) 32-13 Harga (Harşa's)-32-33 (after options ar put a dash )-32 35 aethologies (anthologies ) - 37-27. HEITA (ECO)-38 1 Bana's ( Bana ) - 38-24 admriatior (admiration-40-3 aestheite (aesthetic)--40-5 Keith (Keith- 40-8 mistakesn (mistaken)--40-11 othres (others)--40-11 argy ment's (arguments) 40-29 ao (ar))44 30 mariage (marriage) - 44 31 grace (grace)-48-32 (inverted commas aftek life) - 50-6 HEIT (OFFIE O )-53 4 7677t (aregat)-53 20 (Drop i' before Turt)- 54-7 Empeorears » (Emperor's ears). 56-11 call of (call on)- 56-15 (put ''after whic)-62-15 wandening (wandering) 66 10.** ( guatat ).-66 16 drop comma after उद्भट , E)-68 25 Aptty (Aptly) - 69-32 passeed (passed)-75-25 (read 'to the north') — 77-15 (read told )-77-31 can (could) - 80-13 ande (and)-83-36 through (threw) 86-23 of $ (ofra's)-95 15 tostoy (to stay)--96-29 sincerel over (sincere lover) -975 Bom (Born)-106-12 (read “Vilasavati") - 106 13 suppresed (suppressed) -107-4 darung (darling)--109 34 --vayantly (-vagantly-112 26 -stic /-stics)-112 77 9ftolafto) 113 6 he (the)--115 19 Gandarva- (Gandharva-)— 116 35 /read aft fartstat)-118 16 ofrita (ora)-120 5 wa (was)-122 17 enters in (enters in)— 123 9 cousins (cousios')-127 23 anff /and) -127 36 (put (3) before the') -- 131 12 andclothing (and clothing) —133 8 Bana’s (Bana's)—13633 (read «ze reason )– 138-11 flowsrs (flowers) ·मातापितृभ्यां समर्पितम् ·.TABLE OF CONTENTS. Chapter Title Pages. 1-11 1 BĀŅABHAȚTA'S BIOGRAPHY. (Introductory remarks Biographical account given by Bāqabhatta: Other points induzectly derived: Information about Bhūşaṇabhatta and Mayara ). 12- 24 II. BĀNABHATȚA'S DATE (Bāpa's date definitely fixable. Bāna the court. poet of Emperor Harga of Sthânvisvara. Memoirs by Hruen Tsang about the Harşa Era: Corroborative evidence for' Bapa’s Date Discussion about authors or works mentioned by Bāṇabhatta. Vyāsa and his Bhārata, the Akhyāyıkākārāh, Vasavadatta, Bhattarabarj. candra, Satavābana,Pravarasena's,Setubandha, Bhasa, Kālıdısa, Brhatkatha and Adhyaraja. 25-35 III ABOUT EMPEROR HARŞA (Ancestry of Harşa: Genealogical tree and personal and historical details about leading personatities in the family: Harga's accesion and rule Relations with Gupta and Maukharis: Harga defeated by Pulakes in Il Harşa's capital and caste. Harça as king and admipistrator Harsa as a poet and patron of literature Harsa's Date) 1V B.I.YA'S WORKS (Huacarita. Kadamhuri, Siva, atala, Vukutatáñitaka, Sarvacarita, 36-47 ·V11 Saradacandrika Padyakadambar) A Yedantic work Parvatiparinaya detailed a study of the Parvatiparigaya its authenticity, its plot.) apprecialive remarks Alleged authorship of Ratna valt) 48- 67 -V THE HARSACARITA (Introductory A deteiled summary of Harga carita Characteristion and character-sketches Commentaries on Hargacarita Miscellaneous points) 1 > 68-100 VI THE KĀDAMBARI (Introductory A detailed Summary of Kad mbarı narrative Sources The Kathasaritsagara story of King Sumanas Bana's handling of this source Critical remarks on Kadambari sentiments Defects Supernatural element Bhusaņabana's literary art Characterisation and Charactersketches Commentaries on "the Kadambari Works connected with or based on Kadambari story Miscellancous points) > VII BĀNABHATTA AS A LITERARY ARTIST 101-121 (Daya's style, puns and allusions long compounds vocabulary {figures of speech humour plot construction descriptive power characerisation sentiments treatment of love Nature descriptions Observation of man an nature Weber s criticism criticised Drawbacks of Bana s art Metncal note Bana s Literary Views Bana s Learning Bana s Religion Epilogue) 122-143 VIII SOCIETY IN BA ABHATTAS WORKS (Intoductory The People and their Professions Social Customs and Manners Samskaras and mam ·viii Ceremonials: Sports and Amusements: City. life and Coontry-fife Learning and Literature: Civil and Military Admipistration. Religious Conditions: Beliefs and Superstitions. Philoso phy and Ethics) 144-147 1X KATHA AND AKHYAYIKĀ (The divisions of Kävya: Katha and Akhyayika: various definitions of these discussed). 148-155 X (A) SANSKRIT PROSE ROMANCE (Sanskrit Prose Literature; Its main streams: The Sanskrit Prose Romance: An account of its Genesis and Development: The important works in this branch of Sanskrit Literature). (B) THE HISTORICAL KAVYA 156-158 (Origin and growth of the Historical Kavya: The important works in this branch of San. skrit Literature, Appendix A: Alakaras and Subhasitas in Båps. 159-163 bhagya's Works (Part I Alariikärar; Part 1 Subhazitas ). Appendix B: Eocomia to Bäpabhaya by the Ancients. 163-166 Appendix C: A Select Bibliography. 166-169 ·BANABHATTA: His Life and Literature. Chapter I. BĀNABHATTA'S BIOGRAPHY अस्ति कविसावभौमो वत्सान्वयजलधिसम्भवो वाणः । नृत्यति यद्रमनाया वेधोमुखलासिका वाणी ।। -पार्वतीपरिणये (१.४) Sanskrit writers generally prefer to remain silent about their personal life and surroundings In many cases se hardly know much beyond their names, while in some cases we get just a few details about their lives and times, Tradition and legend often. try to make up for the lack of reliable biographical information, and then it becomes quite a job for the research scholar to seperate the grain of truth from the chaff of fancy in such cases. Generally biographical information about Sanskrit authors has to be pieced together from . (1) The information directly supplied by an author, (2) the information to directly available from his works, (3) the information supplied by other authors about a particular author and (4) information available from contemporary or subsequent records like grants, inscriptions and the like But there are a few Sanskrit authors who have been more commnnicative about their personal account. Prominent amongst such authors who give considerable information about themselves are: (1) Tag (who gives considerable coformation about him. self iu brs हर्षचरित and कादम्बरी, (2) विल्हण (in hs विक्रमादकदेवचरिन), (3) मझम ( in hrs श्रीकण्ठचरित,)(4) वाक्पति ( in hrs गौइबहो), (5) मव भूति( in his महावीरचरित, मारतीमाघr and उत्तररामनरित) and (6) दण्डिन ( 20 hiszeralort) Bauabhatta stands almost at the head of such self-communicative Sanskrit authors He gives considerable information about himself, his ancestors and its surroundings in hia पंचरित ( in the first two उन्बासs and part of third उच्छ्वास).

·He gives a brief personal account about himself in the introductory verses to his Kadambari (cp verses 10, 13, 16 and 19 ) We shall first sum up the information which we get from the poet's own pen - The generlogical details available in the Harsacarita are as follows वत्स ( cousin of सारस्वत, who was { the son of सरस्वती and दधीच ) कुवेर ( a descendant of वत्म ) अच्युत ईशान पाशुपत अर्थपति भृगु हस शुचि कवि महीदत्त धर्म जातवेदस् चित्रभानु त्र्यक्ष अहिदत्त विश्वरूप aiur In the Kadambari we get Kubera's mention to start with He is described as a flaut belonging to the area147 1117, who was honoured by many year kings His son is said to be safer, अर्थपति s son चित्रभानु and चित्रभानु s son बाण Thus we find that in Kādambari introductory Verses the name of afya is missing It is strange to suppose that Banabhatta (or acc to some Bhusanabảna, who composed these verses ) forgot this illustrious ancestor of his Very probably a verse describing Tata was missing in the mss used for preparing the printed editions of Kadambari as Mm P V Kanc suggests We feel that th s verse was lost very carly, otherwise by now we would have recovered it from some minscript or other To hark back to the deled account in Har acarita once more, we learn therefrom that is, the proganito of Bigis family lived at TTC ( alias pianif1917) on the bulk, of fagopalg (alms citr) Bini's moitiet i dici wn n was yet a child ·So Bara's father acted both father and mother to him, and Bana was very fond of his father But unfortunately Band lost his father also when Bana was about ſourteen years old Bana'a misfortunes in childhood, and especially his loss of both his parents has probably inspired the poignant description of the parrot's childhood in his Kadambari ( cp Paras 23 and 33 of कादम्बरी). The parrot s account has much autobiographical interest Bana's description of Sona 10 his quafis reminds age of Bhavabhūtis partrality for Eat-both due to close childhood associations After Bana lost his father, he led a wandering life for some time This was due to a boyish curiosity, unchecked by any firm controlling guardian hand, than to any need to eara wealth or learning Bana, on his own authonty, had a rich heritage of bath wealth and learning cp स . वाल्तया निघ्नतानुपगतो देशान्तरावलोकन- कौतुकाक्षिप्तहृदय सत्स्वपि पितृपितामहोपात्तेषु ब्राह्मणजनौचितेषु विभवेषु सति चाविछि विद्याप्रसगै गृहानिरगान् ।-हर्पा Bara was thus borg with a proverbial silver spoon in his mouth, and in him was seen the union of ut and facit which is so rare this world (cp. Vikramorvasiya v 24, Raghu VI 29 } But in spite of such a prosperous background, Bana developed a strong curiosity to see the world at large and he travelled in a miscellaneous company The list of Bapa s companions makes a very interesting reading aad contains all sorts of persons from various walks of life, reminding one of Chaucer s plan of the Canterbury Tales, where Chaucer has described about twentynine persons golog on a pilgrimage Here is the list of Baras companmons.-" अभवश्चास्य सवयम समाना मुहद महायाश्च । तया च । रातरी पारगवी चद्रसनमातृपेणी "ापानविरीशान पर मिनम, प्रणयिनौ रनारायणी, विद्वामी बारवाणवासवाणी, वर्णन दिणीभारत , प्राकृतहत्तुरपुभो वायुविकार बदितावनटगवाणाचीवाणी, कायायनिका चत्रवाकिफा, जाडगुलिको मयूरर', ताम्बूलदायरश्चण्टन भिषक्पुत्रो मन्दारक पुस्तक्वाचा सुदृष्टि , वागदरचानीकर , हरिक मि चुपेण , लेम्बको गोदिया चित्रहारपी, पुस्ता उमारपत्त , मादगिको जीमूत गायनी सामिर ग्रहादियो, सररी अरगिवा, यागिको मधुकरपारावती, गा बर्दो पाघ्यायो ददुरष सवात्तिा रलिया, सामरयुवा ताण्डविक आथित माखण्डल , , ·4 . वितवा नीमक , लारियुवा गियडय', मतपी हरिणिका, पारारी मुमति, क्षपणा नीरदर , पथयो जपान गयो पत्रपोष , मनसाधव पराल, असुर- विवरव्यमनी लोहिताश , धातुवादविदिहटगम , दादुरिको दामोदर , ऐद्रजालि FUTTEIT, ATT F777T 1 (of these companions four 17 मधुकर, पारावत मूचीवा" and सुदृष्टि are mentioned in पचरित III pp 139-140 another interesting point is that amongst att's companions there are four aris' Viz UITTIT, 97 591, 37716 TOTT and 777T Binas son is said to be *907717 Why so many arts") Bana s early wandering life was obviously not to the liking of his elder relatives or friends CP अगाच्च निरवग्रहो रहवानिर नवीर नन स्वैरिणा मनसा महतामुपहास्यताम |-हप Ip 67 But wc can say at this distance of me that they really made Bata as uc knout him Thc spark of genius is always inborn but the inst knowledge of th- world rich experience of fire and close acquaintance with man and nature 19 an abounding variety skich Bada acquired during these sojourns m.de h mone who has seen life closely and seen it whole No other Sanskrit author could probably claim to have read the book of life so closely as Bapabha,ja Ron returned after his wanderings to afar Of TIRTT WATT ) with a rich harvest of wisdom and experience and with broadened sympa. thics and windened outlook And we cap th- han cst of Binis vast ctperiencc of life in his works which are a standing cvidence to Mrs aftur, efter and IT Bag.3 In thos* wanderinge sus f1f- in courts and countryside in seats of long and en far oft for homicis dle Icurnt muhut I fe and returned tha miature mirditourh yourg in 10.15 cm x mirinin ·3 One summer day, Bana was resting after bis mid-day meal, when his cousio 7777, ushered in a messenger from rat, a brother (or cousin ) of Emperor Harya. The messenger handed over a letter to aTTE from Ecot In the letter att was requested to bear the oral message of quo from her the messenger, and then to act up on it quickly In the oral message Bana was informed that some wicked persons had poisoned Harya's mind against Bana But Krispa, knowing Bana's real nature and worth, had interceded on Bana s behalf with the king and the king was inclined to accept Bana's incocence and goodness So Bana, without losing any time, should personally come to the royal court and pay bus respects to the king We are not informed how or why exactly Krisna got interested in Bana, and how he could voucesafe for Bana's ability and integrity We cannot say that Bana's father or some other ancestor had already made a mark at the court and had non royal patronage and so Krispa could know and speak for young Bana's qualities from personal knowledge For Bana's own evidence is against such an assumption 'अतिगम्भीर महदाज कुरन् न च मे ठत्र पूर्व पुरुषप्रयनिता प्रीति , न पुरस्मागता गति T बालसदास्नेह , न गारदम, न राजवन्रभारिचर । - II p 89) We can only venture a guess that Kriyaa must have been probably a personal friend and admirer of Bana s father, and was keen to see that young Bana makes good Wh-n Bana got brisga 6 message, Bana pondered for a while with hesitation and o sgilings as to how he would be received at the roy31 court But finally he decided to leave for the court And arte ptforming comº auspicious rites, set out on the journey On the third day he reached the camp of, who was then camping near the towa of art on the banks of their (modero Raptı) When Bana 72s presented to Karsa, ho had with him the prince of Malaya Harga received Bapa sones hat coldly, feigning displeasu a He remarled to the M21212 pince 'महान मप 171 (He is a thorough petit traite) Batra with a wounded prde, replied with a cala dignity" ef 574919f495- , ·विशिष्टमिव । ब्राह्मणोऽस्मि जातः मोमपायिना वशे वा स्यायनानाम् | यथावाल. मुपनयनादयः कृताः मस्कारा' | सम्यक पठितः साडगो वेदः ! ध्रुतानि यथाशक्ति शास्त्राणि दारपरिग्रहाम्यागारिकोऽस्मि ! का मे भुजङगता ! - हर्ष II P. 129. Harga must have been impressed by this spirited plea. Bina soon became a great favourite of Marşa and basked in the sunshinc of royal favour ( Cp. " स्वल्यैरेव च होभिः परमप्रीतेन प्रमादजन्मनो मानस्थ प्रेम्णो विस्रम्भस्य द्रविणम्य नमण' प्रभावस्य च परा कोटिमानीयत नरेन्द्र ति।" E II p. 134 ). After securing royal favour and patronage, Bapa returned to his native place. He was received very cordially by his relatives and friepds. The reader for entertained him to a recital of वायुपुराण. The bard मूचिवाण recited to verses in आर्या metre, which referred to the life of gå. All were delighted to hear these. Papaz cousias (sons of his paternal uncles) Traff, afuata, arcraft and #looked at each other and then 1983, the youngest (and obviously Bana's pet ) requested Bana to narrate the story of Harya's life from the beginning Bipa pleaded his inability to do justice to such an exalted theme and personage;- but promised narrate a part of it. (This by the way should csplain why Har acarita was left incomplete by Bāpa ). But as the day was far advanced, he began his narrative the next morning Here ends the autobiographical information in the afta About Baon's later life we do not know much. I had obviously married cson before he went to the court of Hora, as could be seen from his address of self-defence to Harm gren aborc. llc had at least one son, who later completed his Kadambari, which hc Icft incomplete due to the cruel hand of death. The Ilat acarita also is incomplete, but this seems to be left so intentionally, as Band had a limited plan, as scen abosc. lle only dwelt on the early life of his patron, the later life # 35 ton well known and too contemporary to be written about. The name of Bapa's Guru is generally taken to be an (which occas onally is fcd as wil, voor *) Dåpa hus fuld l.omure to his Guru in Kidim sri (int.); fa alati a milfxfx: to ·7 तानम् । समस्तमामन्तविरोविदिशाविग्टस्पीशे रितारणानगुलि | A few stray verses are found in literature, which are attributed to tra (cp Nos 513 and 1838 in Tafraft of earth faraft प्राणान् विमुञ्चति मनस्विन | इच्छनि न त्वमित्रेभ्यो मस्तीपि सत्कियाम् ।' and ' आहूतोऽपि सहापरेमीत्युक्या विमुक्तनिद्रोऽपि ! गल्लुमना अपि पथिक सकोच नैव शिथिरपति || "These verses occur also rn गादर्गधरपद्धति Nos 292, 3932) Bāqa had to half-brothers, born of a 12 woman Their marnes were चन्द्रसेन and मानृपंप. The four cousius of वाण are already referred to above The family seat since the days of the the progenitor of the family was sîfarz on the west bank of the Tiver ParutanIn the vicinity of this place there were two villages named Hrone and afar, beyond which lay the realm of Harsa at that time According to 1979 9767 Band returned to his native sîfara after Harşa's death and he wrote his two great works there. But we have no proof for this vietu. Bāna, as mentioned earlier, ceems to be a man of mans, in general contrast to most Sanskrit poets in his Hargacarıta his lamıly is described as a family ricli in wealth and learning And Bāpa himself became a protege of Emperor Hars31 and was 10 a very prosperous condition We> learn that Emperor Harga had conferred upon Bana the tile 2471fa71' ( Sovereign Lord of poets who are masters of speech ) and Baņas to works fully justify this description of him We get this information about aftagarafa Te patronisig Bana and conferring on him the title Titra from the Karnataka Pancatantra of the poet Durgasuha ho flourished at the time of the Calukya kmg Jagadekamalla II Bana bad also ihe epithet a 974T given to him by some Pandit on account of his striking description of the horse 52749 | Bana was a very learred person He had a deep knou ledge of Sruti Smrlis Ramayana Valablarata the various Dargaras, gommar, thetoric and the like We shall Tesert to a detailed ·8 discussion of this topic fater to this book Dana was a great devotee of Siva, though no bigot by any manner or means Actually he seems to be Vedantic in his outlook Even this topic would be taken up in detail later in this book " Before we close the account of Bana's life", to reproduce the late Prın Gajendragadkar 5 words,” we want to point out one tendency which we have noticed in any by a perusal of his works In those memorible lines from The Fall of Hyperion' Keats has declared that none but those to whom the miseries of the world are misery, and will not let them rest, cad usurp tie height in the temple of Sarasvati, which is attained by real poets. Keats, therefore, says - Yes, I must pass then for a nobler life Where I may find the agonies, the strifes Of human hearts - Sleep and Poetry. Looked at from this point of view Bane does not come up to the mark It appears that he creates for himself an atmosphere of his own and scarcely descends from the heights of the Himalayas into the world of grim realities to face the series of life and the agonies of human bearts Wherever be goes he carries an ideal atmosphere wherein there are no scoundrels Ilo seems to fight shy of the darker aspects of human nature Even Kälıdasa does not appear to do it To us only Bhayabbat seems to answer fully the test set down by Keats ". This biographical account of Bana may well be wound up by dealing with an account of two other authors, who are connected more or less closely, with him One is his son Bhuana and other his father-:2 law (or brother in law ) Mayūra It is well known that Bapa's son completed his father's FTGETT He says in the introductory verses to the hadambari uttarabhaga that be completed his father s incomplete ty not to flaunt his own poetic talents, but to satysfy the public, which was deeply grieved once the abrupt stop to which Bana's death had brought at cp याते दिव पितरि तदचमंद मा विच्छेदमाप मुवि यस्तु TETET दुम्ब सता तदममाप्तिन विनास प्रारब्ध एव ग मया न वविद afer il " The name of Ems son is given differently at different ·9 places Dr Buhler says that his name was ETT ( See Dr Peterson's Introduction to Kadamban p 40 ) Others ( Pelerson, Keith etc ) say it was 19797 In some mss of the name is stated to be for gte (vide Prof S R Bhandari ar s report on the search of Miss 1904-5, 1905-6, P 39, see also Dr Stein's Calalogue of Sanskrit Mss at Jammu p 299 ) Dhanapala, in his for 1950 ( circa 1000 A D ) seems to indicate that Ranis son was named पुलिन्द or पुलिघp "क्दोऽपि स्फुरल्याण करोति विमदात्र वीन् । किं पुन दप्तम भानपुरिन्न (न्द' ) मृत सनिधि ॥ "-1 26, which is a Pipes verse Mm P. V Kane has shown how gier is not an unusual name, as the donee in Inscription No 31 of the Gupta 10Scriptions, dated 214 of the Gupta era 1 c 533-34 A D, of FTTH TI* is a gf THE (P 136 ) We wonder whether this gf, the dcnee, was an ancestor of Bana, because the repetition of ancestor's name is a common Indian habit The late V L. Chiplunkar in his essay on Bana mentions a tradition according to which Bana's son vowed to complete Takaf before the first anniversary of his father and succeeded in carrying out this prauseworthy plan of his Another author traditionally linked up with Banabhatta is Xlayara Baña is said to be a contemporary and the son in-law (or brother-in lax ) of Mayara Thus acc to her author of the commentary मावबोधिनी on मूर्यशतक -माल्यराजस्य उज्जयिनीराज- पानीकरय कविन मूर्धन्यस्य रत्नावल्यास्यनारिकारनुमहाराजश्रीहर्पस्य सन्यौ महातवी पोवस्त्यो वाणमयूरादास्ताम् । तयोर्मध्ये मयूरभट्ट श्वशुर. ! बाणभट्ट 57917TIUFFIT OFT 5157077 Ds Hall's Preface to Vasa adatta p 8 mentions the authority of a commentator of HER? मक्यामरस्तोत्र to support the same relationship of वापaud मपुर The प्रवचितामणि of मेस्तुद्धग, however says that Bara was the husband of Mayara's sister Mayara is said to have got rid of leprosy by composing 51977, and Mammaja in Karyaprakasa I refers to this in the words मादित्यादेमं यूरादीनामिवानय निवारणन |' Bana becarne envious of Mayura and maiming himself is said to dave revie' dis Terremo imos dy composing the 17 The legend as to how Mayun got leprosy and how he got nid of it is amusing Ace to it मयूर Vas a contemporary of बागनट्ट ·10 efourth quarter and was the latter's father-in-law or brother-in law One day, while returning after his morning constitutional, he passed by Bana's house and he overheard at that early hour of morning a love-quarrel between Bana and his wife Bana was trying to pacify his wife who was angry for some reason and he addressed a verse to her But when three quarters of the verse were complete Bana's muse failed him. Mayūra, from outside supplied the ( The whole verse is गतप्राया राश्रिदरतनु शशी शीयंत इव प्रदीपोऽय निद्रावशमुपगतो घूर्णत इव | प्रणामान्तो मानस्त्यजसि न तथापि कुत्रमहो कुचप्रत्यासत्या हृदयमपि ते चण्डि कटिनम् II) Bapa's wife did not like an outsider's intrusion on her privacy, and little realising he was Mayūra ( her father or brother ) cursed him to be a leper भट्टयज्ञेश्वर gives this story in his commentary on the सूर्यशतक He makes both ano and #47 reside at the court of King Bhoja (1000 A D )at Dhara So this story has no bistorical value by itself Mayūra, who consequently became a leper, got rid of leprosy by composing the work सूर्यशतक cp. सुधासागर on काव्यप्रकाश I (ref above) पुरा किल मयूरशर्मा कुष्ठी कवि क्लेशमसहिष्णुरत्युच्चतरुशाखाव लम्वि शतरज्जु शिक्यमधिरूढ सूर्यमस्तीपीत | अकरीच्चकैकपद्या ते एककरज्जु विच्छे दम् । एव श्रियमाणका व्यपरितुष्टो रवि राद्य एव नीरोगा रमणीया च तत्तनुमकार्षीत् प्रसिद्ध च तन्मयूरशतकमिति |" How Bana composed his चण्डीशतक to emulate Mayura is stated above already There is rothog improbable about the contcmporc city of Bana and Mayara There are verses in Sanskrit literature which refer to etut and it as contemporaries and proteges or king Harga cp (1) " अहो प्रभावो वाग्देव्या यन्मातडगदिवाकर | श्रीहर्षस्याभव “सभ्य सम वाणमयूरयो ||" a verse ascribed to राजशेखर and quoted in सुभाषितावलि and शाडगंधरपद्धति (2) " स चित्रवर्ण विच्छित्तिहारिणी रवनीपति । श्रीहर्ष इव सघट्ट चक्रे वाणमयू रयो ""- नवसाहसाडकचरित II 18 which refers to a contest between 10 and 797 at Harsa's court आनन्दवर्धन ध्वन्यालोक ( latter half of the 9th cent A D) has quoted verses from मयूर' सूर्यशतक (eg the verse दत्तानन्दा &c, which is no 9 in सूय शतक NS Edn) क्षेमेन्द्र कविकण्ठाभरण ( latter half of 11 the cent AD) mentions 797 by name and quo es a verse from सूर्यशतक ( the verse अस्तव्यस्तत्वशून्यो &c, No 18 of मूर्यशतक is quoted in the fourth सन्धि of कविकण्टाभरण as मयूर's) ·11 Dr Hall, Dr. Peterson and the late VishnushasirChiplunkar say that the poet #at was a companion of Baņa ond is referred to by him in his hafa Others do not feel this conect It is interesting to note that one of Bana s companions in his early travels is one मयूरक But that मयूरक was a जाडगुलिका (विषवैद्य)10 a snake doctor and so probably different from the poet 7747 Further this STERF 7979 is of about the same age as Bana and hardly can be Bana's father in law But if 7747 were to be Bana's brotherin-law this difficulty of age would not arise A verse ascribed to THTET ( circa 900 A D ) in the faahaafs seems to suggest that the poet #47 was also a snake-doctor cp "#FUSTAT गता अवणगोचरम । विपविधय मायूरी मायूरी वाड निकृन्तति -* IBBRAS Vol XVII part Ip 59 So this problem has amusing possibilities According to commentators of TV of the Jain Acarya Mapatunga, Taas lived at the court of king Bhoja of Ujjayını and was contemporary or Brna and Mayura Thcy narrate several anecdotes about Bana and Mayura, but these seem to be purely [imaginary and lacking bistorical veracity (for these legends cp Halls Introduction to Vasavadatta pp 78, Bublers article on the Candidataka of Banabhatta in I A Vol I np 113 115, Buhler's article on the authorship of Ratnayalı'nI A Vol II pp 127- 128, Tawney's translation of the Prabandhacıptamani pp 64 66 ) A verse ascribed to 371at in the ranafos refers to av and दिवाकर ( = मातडगदिवाकर? ) together “भातो रामिलसोमिली वररुचि श्रीसाहाडक कविण्ठो भारविकालिदासतरला स्वन्ध सुबन्धुश्च य । दण्डी बाणदिवाकरौ गणपति का तश्च रत्नाकर सिद्धा यस्य सरस्वती भगवती के तस्य asfit à ll-JBBRAS Vol XVII pt Ip 60) Nagavarmā, a famous Kannada writer of about 984 AD, who has written a Kannada version of the Kadambari and a work on metrics called Etrafu, has claimed in the latter that he has vanquished Bapa ind eclipsed Mayura', as Mo Kane puts it Vide History of Kadarese Literature by E P Ricc p 29, and Journal of Oriental Research Madras Vol IX ( for 1935 ) pp 81-82 where it is sought o be proved that Mayura wrote og metrics also ·10 and was the latter's father-in-law or brother-jn Jaw One day, while returning after his morning constitutional, he passed by Bāna's house and he overheard at that early hour of morning a love-quarrel between Bāņa and his wife Bana was trying to pacify his wife who was angry for some scason and he addressed a verse to her But when three quarters of the verse were complete Bana's muse failed bim. Mayūra, from outside supplied the fourth quarter (The whole verse Is गतप्राया गनिवरतनु शशी शीर्यत इव प्रदीपोऽय निद्रावशमुपगतो घूर्णत इव ] प्रणामान्तो मानस्त्यजसि न तथापि कुनमहो कुचप्रत्यासत्त्या हृदयमपि ते चण्डि कठिनम् || Bana's wife did not like an outsider's intrusion on her privacy, and little realising he was Mayūra ( her father or brother ) cursed him to be a leper भट्टयज्ञेश्वर gives this story in his commentary on the सूर्यशतक He makes both वाण and मयूर reside at the court of King Bhoja ( 1000 AD) at Dhara So ihis story has no historical valuc by itself. Mayūra, who consequently became a leper, got rid of leprosy by composing the work सूर्यशतक cp सुधासागर on काव्यप्रकाश I (ref above) पुरा किल मयूरशर्मा कुष्ठी कवि क्लेशमसहिष्णुरत्युच्चतरुशाखाव- लम्बि शतरज्जुशिक्यमधिस्ट सूर्यमस्तीपीत् । अकरोच्चकरपद्यान्ते एकै करज्ज- विच्छे दम् । एव त्रियमाणकाव्यपरितुष्टो रवि सद्य एव नीरोगा रमणीया च तत्तनुमकार्षीत् प्रसिद्ध च तन्मयूरशतकमिति ।" How Bana composed his चण्डीशतक to emulate Mayara is stated above already There is nothing improbable about the contemporeneity of Bāna and Mayūra There are verses in Sanskrit literature which refer to aus and as contemporaries and proteges of king Harga cp (1) " अहो प्रभावो वाग्देव्या यन्मातहगदिवाकर । श्रीहर्षस्याभय. मम्य सम बाणमयूरयो !" a verse ascribed to राजशेसर and quoted in सुभाषितावलि and शादर्गधरपद्धति (2) “स चित्रवर्णविच्छित्तिहारिणो रवनीपति । श्रीहर्ष इव सघट्ट चत्रे वाणमयूरयो ||"-नवसाहसाइकचरित II 18 which refers to a contest between 10 and 77 at Harşa's court आनन्दवर्धन' ध्वन्यालोक ( latter half of the 9th cent AD) has quoted verses from मयूर'मूर्यशतक (cg the verse दत्तानन्दा &c, which is no 9 in सूर्यशतक NS Edn) क्षेमेन्द्र पपिपण्टाभरण ( latter half of Il the cent AD) mentions 795 by name and quoes a verse from सूर्यशतक ( the Yerse अस्तव्यस्त वायो &c. No 18 of मूर्यगत 15 quoted in the fourth सन्धि of पविय प्ठाभरण as मयूर) ·:7777d eclipsed Mayara', as Mm Kane puts it Vide History of 11 Dr. Hall, Dr. Peterson and the latc Vishaushastri Chiplunkar say that the poet #47 was a companion of Bāņa ood is referred to by him in his arrafes. Others do not feel this correct. It is interestiog to note that one of Bāpa's conipan ions in his early travels is one मयुरक. But that मयूरक was a जाडगुलिक (विपवैद्य ) 1e. a snakedoctor and so probably different from the poet #47. Further this UTETI 7474 is of about the same age as Bāna and hardly can be Bana's fathcr-in-law. But if nae were to be Bāna's brotherin-law this difficulty of age hould not arise A verse ascribed to राजशेखर (circa 900 A D.) in the सूक्तिमुक्तावलि seems to suggest that the poet ry was also a spake-doctor, cp « ti FATHIETAT TOT 727 TIETTY I fagfariz 517 Arget ar format JBBRAS. Vol XVII part I p. 59 So this problem has amusing possibilities. According to commentators of #TATA of the Jain Acarya Mānalunga, #77057 lived at the court of king Bhoja of Ujjayını and was contemporary or Bāna and Mayūra They narrate several 1 anecdotes about Bāna and Mayura; but thesc seem to be purely imaginary and lacking histoncal veracity (for these legends cp. Hall's Introduction to Vāsavadattā pp. 7-8, Buhler's article on the Candis'ataka of Banabhatta in I A Vol. I pp 113-115, Buhler's of article on the authorship of Ratnavalı' in 1. A. Vol II pp. 127- 128, Tawncy's translation of the Prabandhacirtāmaņi pp 64-66 ). A verse ascribed to राजशेखर in the सूक्तिमुक्तावलि refers to वाण' and दिवाकर ( = मातडगदिवाकर ? ) together. "भासो रामिलसोमिली वररुचिः श्रीसाहताडकः कविर्मठो भारविकालिदासतरला स्कन्ध. सुबन्धुश्च य.| दण्डी वाणदिवापरी गणपति. कान्तरच रत्नाकर सिद्धा यस्य सरस्वती भगवती के तस्य cerãsfer à 1l_JBBRAS. Vol XVII pt 1 p 60). Nāgavarma, a fatnous Kannada writer of about 984 A. D, who has written a Kannad version of the Kādamban and a work on metrics called Bahrrafa, has claimed in the latter that he has vanguished Dana Kaparese Literature by E P. Ricep 29, and Journal of Orientat PResearch Madras Vol. IX ( for 1935 ) pp 81-82 where it is sought jo be proved that Mayura wrote on metrics also 43 gos10 ·Chapter ]]. BANABHATTAS DATE “ Bana's date is one of the surest planks in the tottering structure of ancient Indian chronology Moi, Dr PV Kane Tixing the dates of Sanskrit authors is generally a laborious task and often a headache inspite of a salutary exercise and incen. tive it affords to the brains of researchers' So when we come across some authors like Banabhatta whose dates are practically definite and beyond cavil, we feel doubly rewarded firstly because of the definiteness of these dates themselves and secondly because their help in fixing the dates of some other authors, who might have referred to, or might have been referred to by, such authors Banabhatta was patronised by Emperor Harşa of Sthanv. s'vara as we know from, Banabhatta s Hargacarita Then, the fimous Chinese traveller, Hiuen Tsang, who was in Jodia fron 629 A D to 645 A D has left extensive memoirs of his travels wherein he ruentions a ling Harga who was then the Emperor of Northern India This Buddhistic pilgrim left his native country in 629 A D to visit thc sacred places of his religion (viz Buddhism ) ir India and travelled widely for about sixteen years He relates that during his whole travels this country a king called Ho li cha fa t anna', which trapslated in Sanskrit meats 898, was the supreme rules of Noribera India, with his capital at Kanyalubja This Ling uni oubtedly is identical with king sited, Bāņa s patron and the hrto of his gaafia, because the account of g by Tiuht and that by Hiuen Tsang agree remarkably well on the whole This emperor y ruled from 606 A D to 648 A D This was the time of Bapa's literary activity SQ Bina must have lived (towards the end of the 6 and first half of the 7th century AD There is a wealth of corroboratiog evidence which can be marsballed, in support of tbis dato Ws present below practicall in India ·13 . " " . all such potes orthy evidence, with speeial debt of gratitude to Mm Dr P V Kane, who first presented it with such richness and exhaustiveness (1) Ruyyaka in his अलारसर्वस्व ( circa 1150 AD) mentions for auf several times, and also mentions that he himsclf wrote a work callad पचरितवातिफ Ruyyaka has also quoted from the Kadambari (cp ' यस्तपोवनमिति मुनिमि इत्यादि हपंचरित श्रीकण्ठाख्यजनपदवर्णने-अरटकारसत्रस्व P 47, तथाच हर्षचरित 'अनुरूपो देव्या इत्यात्मसम्भावना' इत्यादौ, तया ' यामीति न स्नेहसदृशम् ' इयादावुक्ततिपय आक्षेप "- अल P 117, यथा हर्षचरिते राज्यवर्धन प्रति श्रीहर्पोक्तिपु' यदि वाल इति सुतरामपरित्याज्योऽस्मि '-अल. P 139, नमन्तु शिरासि धनू पि वा कर्णपूरीत्रियन्तामाज्ञा मौव्यों वा-अल. p 158, यथा वा हपंचरितप्रारम्भ ब्रह्मसदसि वेदस्वरूपवर्गगे। एव व मुनिकोप- वर्णने, पुरिन्दवणनादी शेयम् । " अल p 182, चित्रकर्मसु वर्ण सजकरो यतिय दण्डग्रहणानि 'अल P 154 (This last reference is from कादम्बरी). For Ruyyaka's reference to हपचरितवातिक cp एषा (उत्प्रेक्षा ) च समस्तोसमाप्रतिपादकचिपये पि पचरितवातिके साहित्यमामासाया च नैषु तेपु प्रदेशेपूदाहता 1बल p61) (2) क्षेमेन्द्र in hrs औचियविचारचर्चा and कविकण्ठाभरण has referred to वाण by name several times क्षमन्द्र flournshed in the latter half of 11 th cent A D He also seems to have written पचकादम्बरी based on वाण पादम्बरी ( In his मौचित्यविचारचर्चा he quotes the verse स्तनयुगमश्रुस्नात & c, and elsewhere in the same work writes " ग तु यया भट्टवाणस्य 'ज्यत्युपत म पार &ct-In has रविवण्ठा- भरण--सन्धि 2 he says यथाच नट्टयाणस्य-टु क्यणता म्लदायका" &0) (3) Namisadhurr his commentary on Rudrata's काव्याल उकार (corm antt r17 1049 ADI चरित as specimens of क्या and Tस्थापिका (see comment on काव्या स्टकारा रुट XVI 22 and 26 ) (4) Bhoja ( 11 th cent A D ), in his नरस्वतीक्ण्ठाभरम has referred to Bana at some places भाजalso !.5 obserned यादग्द- वियो बाण पद्यनयन तादृश ( 1 पर धे.पि तादृश-NS Edn) . mo1 ·14 (5) The Dasarupa of Dhananjaya mentions Bana by name. Dhananjaya was patronised by kiog Muaja, probably the uncle of king Bhoja Dhananjaya's date is circa 950 A D-1000 A D. (6) Abhinanda wrote in verse the कादम्बरीक्थासार. अभिनव- गुप्त in his ध्वन्यालोकलोचन has referred to a कादम्बरीकथासार by भट्ट- जयन्तक, probably confusing between अभिनन्द and अभिनन्द's father भट्टजयन्त, also called वृत्तिकार. अभिनन्द's date is circa 950 A. D Any way अभिनन्द is definitely pre-क्षेमेन्द्र because क्षेमेन्द्र has mentioned him in his सुवृत्तितिलक cp अनुष्टुप्सततासक्ता साभिनन्दस्य नन्दिनी । विद्या- धरस्य वदने गलिकेव प्रभावभू || (7) The ध्वन्यालोक of आनन्दवर्धन ( latter half of the 9th cent. A D.) mentions Bana and his two prose compositions by name (cp "यथा स्थाण्वीश्वराख्यजनपदवणने भट्टबाणस्य 'यत्र च मत्तमातङगामिन्य ' -स्वन्यालोक p 100, यथा हर्षचरिते ' समवाय इव विरोधिना पदार्थानाम् - घ्व p 101, यथा हर्षचरिते सिंहन दवाक्येषु--' वृत्तेऽस्मिन्महाप्रलये '-ध्व P 127, 'यथा कादम्बर्या कादम्बरीदर्शनावसरे -ध्व p. 8, on p. 99 of म्वन्यालोक a passage is quoted from हर्षचरित II without naming it). (8) वामन in his काव्यालडकारसूत्रवृत्ति seems to quotc a few words from the Kadambari 19 s date in all probability is the latter half of the 8th cent A D (cp ' अनुकरोति भगवतो नारायणस्य' इत्यत्रापि, मन्ये, स्मशब्द कविना प्रयुक्तो लेखकैस्तु प्रमादान लिखित इति । on — आहेति भूतेज्यणलन्तममाद् ब्रुवो लटि'काव्यालडकारमूत्र V 2 44. For the words • अनुक्रोति भगवतो नारायणस्य see कादम्बरी para -2), Thus several authors from 12th century AD backwards to the 8th century A D. refer to Bana and his works. Dana himself refers to a number of authors or works in his Iatroduction to the Hargacarita Bapa's date (the first half of the 7th cent. A D ) is the terminus ad quem of these poets. The works and poets mentioned by Bana by name are — (1) व्यास and his भारत (also referred to again as भारती क्या) 2) The आख्ययिकावारा in general (3) वासवदत्ता (4) गद्यबन्ध of भट्टार हरिचद्र (5) सातवाहन s कोश of सुभाषितऽ (6) सतु of प्रवरसेन .

·15 (7) The नाटकs of भास (8) The सूक्लिs of कालिदास (9) बृहत्कया and ( 10 ) #132ST THIS We shall discuss, at some length, for the benefit of our readers the dates of and some relevant particulars about these works or authors (1) व्यास and his भारत-The reference ts obviously to the world-famous Mahabharata ascribed to Vyasa but which actually has grown rato a CHFEST Foct of an encyclopaedic nature, roughly between 400 B C 400 A D The fork barrates the story of the family feud of the atras and as It was already a holy work by the days of Bana, who more than once refers to it. (2) The GreUTfUFTETTT-This is a general reference to the * writers of akhyāyıkas' Obviously Bapa had before him a fairly nich tradition of Sanskrit prose tomando We shall revert to this topic at a subsequent stage in the book (3) TITAT-There is considerable contro cry about the adentity of this TT 'referred to by Banabhatta. Is it 52169- Cat' the well known *** of that name by ITT? Or is it an आख्यायिका वासवदत्ता, not extant now, but referred to by पतन्जलि the author of the ETHICS ? Scholars like D: Hul, Dr Peterson (acc to his fater changed view as expressed in his preface to arritas guitarefas), Prof Macdonell (vho by the way has given an altogether erroneous account of the contents of the artaca), Vishnusbastru Chiplurkar and Mm P V Kape, hold that the वासवदत्ता referred to by Rapsbhatta is the वासवदत्ता of सुवयु While Dr Peterson earlier held the view that the TASETT rcferred to by Vanabhatta is not सुब घु's वासवदत्ता, but probably the आख्यायिका of that name mentioned by पतन्जरि, acd the late Pria AB Gajendragadkar has tried to argue strongly for this view which is shared by the late TETTIIEt rat & Pandit R. V Kriŋammachariar as Pria Gaj-odragadi mentions We shall now examinc the arguments of both sides Mm Lane's arguments, representing the former vien are - (1) कविराज, the author of राघवपाण्डवीप mentions मुबन्ध, बाण and ·16 himself as the masters of वोक्ति cp "सुवन्धर्वाणभट्टश्च कविराज इति त्रय । वक्रोक्तिमार्गनिपुणाश्चतुथों विद्यते न वा ।।-राघवपाण्डवीय " I 41. Mm Kane feels that the mention is in chronological order But this argument is not very convincing For Sanskrit wrfers generally do not show any chronological sense is their reference to their predecessors and we have no special reason to believe that fatis was particularly meticulous Probably afatis bad a greater admiration for are whom he resembles in profuse use of laboured and artificial saqs in his double meaning 779297459tu. Further we have another poet viz वामनबाण, autiror of वीरनारायण- चरित who mentions नाण before सुबन्धु प्रतिकविभेदनवाण कवितातरु. गहनविहरणमयूर । सहृदयलोवसुबन्धुजयति श्रीभट्टवाणकविराज ". We have in मडख श्रीकण्ठ चरित a verse where मेण्ठ, मुवन्धु, भारवि and वाण are praised together, with no possible pretensions to chronology cpa " मेछे स्वतिरदाधिरोहिणि वा याते सुवन्धी विधे शान्ते हन्त च भारवी विधfed aros fateFTET I-effioafic II 53 Really there are no chronological ideas generally in euch mentions (2) वाक्पतिराज refers to सुबन्धु ( cp भासम्मि जलणमित्ते कतीदेये TOT TATT I Waraa at trafin Erfurt 37 3tforrit ll --Pandit's Gaudavaho v 800 ), but not to Bana So it seems that in his days atre was already famous, but alt was not yet known to fame Tafars date is the first half of the 8th cent A D and he was a contemporary of Bhavabhuti This argument also is not very convincing It is a negative argument based on analar's nonmention of The But negative arguments do not carry any probative force Thus for example atenaz mentions natura in the introductory verses to his grafta, but makes no mention of They there was le not aware of Try? lle can quote chapter and verse to prove that he was (3) The 7th referred to by 1 is probably a ty and no ant atfefTTT So it cannot be the acf99T mentioned by पतञ्जलि Bara probably refers to a यया वासवदत्ता only, tecause just in the previous verse the titq4TITIU fave been pra sed ond ·17 in the present teree he should be referring to another type of TUTTE SIZ. 21, because " 10 this latroduction Bapa assigns Only one terse to each of the poets or works mentioned by him, there 15 no reason shy he should depart from this rule in the case of TELET ( slightly adapted quotation ) I think Mím hade is oot very comuning here also visfa the work undertalen. being an efa97, Baña might caturally bave given more than one verse to that type. We actually feel that verses 10, 11, 19 and 20 are in praise of acts Thus we find that all the three grouments given 2bove are not able to carry Convicton Not se shall examine the arguments on the other side as marshalled by the late Pro AB Gajendraudlar Ile holds that the 199HT referred to by Bapa conot be that of art for the follossiog reasons (1) Sabandhu's Vasavadatta hardly justifies the high ercomium card by Band in the istroductory verse und reference The वामबदत्ता of Fabrims Rith 79 at every word almost, 25 the author proudly claims, and these songs are generally abstruse, repetitive, commonplace acd occasionally badly docent and obscene The plot construction is foo 111 krt and governed by chance It hardly can be called a great work by an author like Bana We wonder whether this argument should not be called too subjective, though farly a just one. (2) Pria Gaj-udragad ar wonders how Subandhu's supshod and upcouth work could be an admirable model for Bara who shows a high sense of chastity of sentiment as well 35 of diction How literary taste can differ so sbarpis between the brief period between Subandhu and Bora' 0a the whole prionty of Subardhu to Bana 15 implausible Pos Ga.endragadlar thinks that art - ficial style des eloped after Bhasabhati, and he would p'area after 700 AD He also notes that Dr Peterson (bo later on changed has vet alkout a nag reasons for it ) 07°3ly had a similar opipioa He had then thought that the present ATTI of with its graceless string of extravagant and indecent pugs' could bardly be supposed to have preceded the chastity ·18 whether मुबन्धु of sentiment and diction of Bana and Bhavabhūtıcan we imagine such a public reversal of faste tonards catholicism in literature ? We think this question is only a rhetorical fourish & proves nothing There is no particular rule either about chaste' style and 'unchaste' style following one another in one particular order or about their inability to co exist together Dandin who precedes both Bāņa and Bhavabhätı, has many a vulgar and indecent phrase or pun, why should Subandhu be denied that luxury? And when we speak of the chastity of Bhavabhūti's style, we should not forget that the maestro of Uttararatacarita has written many a passage in the earlier Mālatimadhaya which would make the purists blush! (3 5 Subandhu is hardly original He has borrowed greatly from old masters like Kalidasa and Bhavabhūti, and also very extensively from Bāpa himself. Prin Gajendragadkar quotes chapter and verse of such borrowings But one may well ask borrowed from 17 or vice versa? Prin Gajendragudkar says that Bāna, who has fiercely attacked plagiarists in his introductory verses to the goaza, can hardy be the plagiarist himself And so according to him Trą must be the borrower He also asserts that the late Vishnushastrı Chiplunkar also was fully aware of 's large-scale borrowings from earlier authors, still because of his fixed notion that alt's reference was to TE'S वासवदत्ता, he belteved that Bana borrowed from सुबन्धु in case of the similar passages. We find it very difficult to reach any definite conclusion about the debt of here to art or vice versa. Mm P V. Kane also reaches the same indecision after raising the topic. He points out how the following quotation from वामन' काव्यालडकार- सूत्रवृत्ति occurs with shght varnations in हपचरित and वासवदत्ता cp. कुतिशशिखरखरनवरप्रचयप्रचडचपेदापाटितमत्तमातडगकुम्भस्थलगलन्मदच्छटा. च्छुरितचारुवेसरभारभासुरमुखे केमरिणि-काव्यालद्धकारमूत्रवृत्ति 1 3 26, this passage occurs in हर्षचरित VI with v ! ' oमातडगोत्तमागभेद0', it also occurs in 1977 (p 331 of the S'rſrangam edn and p 266 of Hall's ) with a v l'ocyana ATT *747fừTEFZT. च्छुरितचारुकेसरभारमामुरमरिकदम्वेन" "This correspondence between ·19 But the antecail and the ofta opens up the question whether an actually borrowed the words of 274ECT There are many passages where aro's words and ideas coincide with those of the aida- Cair. For want of space e refrain from quoting all of tbem we cannot help referring to a passage in the afea (uc III para 6) containing a list of kings which is similar to a passage of the TTTTT (Hall's edo pp 273-276) That one of there has borrosed from the other hardly admits any doubt." But who is the borron er certainly admits one (4) The reference by Bana to Vasasadattā 10 an introductory verse to the Harsacarita comes immediately after Luis homage to the SF TFTFIT, and in all commonsense expectation he is referring to a great segat 0119TT' in the following Versc. The वानवदत्ता of सुबन्धु is a क्या, and it can hardly be the one referred to by Bana Pan Gajendragadkar feels that the eft 11TIT referred to by Bana seems to be the ancient famous आम्यायिका of that name referred to by पतन्जलि in his महा- माध्य, by जपादिय snd वामन, anthors of काशिका, an old commentary on qiforlagets, in their afta7, and by metot atfe in his fearristaal, and which at present is not extant (The magna commenting on the वातिन अधिकृत्य कृते ग्रन्चे रुपाख्यायिकाम्बो वहरम् ' mentions three works of the आस्यायिका class viz. वासवदत्ता, मुमनोत्तरा and in hielhom 10 II P 313) in another places he speaks of a person who has studied the attenf497 015 A ( Kielhorn vol II p 284) It is not impossible that Bapa knew this work and referred to id) (5) Kalidasa and Bhavabhūtı have referred to the 21951FT legend ( cp प्रद्यातस्य प्रियदुहितर वत्सराजोन जह-Megha, दामवदत्ता च सजवाय रान पिता दत्तमrमान उदनयाप प्रायच्छन ।-MM } Nowne find that these references do not fit in with either thr details in the क्यारिलाार or the इलयामन्जरी ( which reke चाङमहासेन of उग्ज fa-i tre father of art and auta king of nuas as the father of पपावती ), or those in तुबन्नु's works So probably the source for ·20 Kal,disa and Bhavablatt was the same old leafari RCTI referred to by caouts and others. About the date of Tara, the upper and lower limits can be brondly fixed as follows -(1) gat seems to be referring to न्यायवातियकार उद्योतकर and बौद्धसडगति an alamkara work by धर्मकीति ( CP न्यायस्थितिमिवोद्योतकरस्वरूपा बौद्धसद्धगतिमिवालडकारभूपि. ang ). Both these authors are from órh cent A DEFE coming towards the end of the 6 the century A. D So gara must have flourished after 600 A D. (2) 2547 (latter half of 8 the century A D ) seems to quote 4 passage from ra's glagay 11 his 714FITTaft. So also afarzt, who composed his ist between 733 to 753 A D. as Dr Bhandarkar shows, took delight in groas composition. SO IF I should have lived before 733 A D His position is relation to Bāna is dubtious, as seen above ( 4 ) मट्टार हरिचद्र---Nothing more is known about भट्टार हरि- s except his name and that he wrote a prose composition ( 7 ara ). That prose composition is not yet discovered A verse in 9789ferera's tits ( quoted earlier ) refers to a हारियन्द वाघ which seems to be this very work There is a poem called si*717420 written by a Jain writer named af. Dr Peterson supplies the following information about a certain fear "In the beginning of महेश्वर' विश्वप्रकाश, the auther traces his lineage to one हरिचन्द्र who was a pbysician at the court of HET. If there were any other reasons for identifying this area with the king ATIT* who slew Ei's brother, we might find our fears here, and regard him as one of the authors in virtue of whose writings TETEHET, like श्रीहर्ष, stands amongst the poets (cp " भासोरामिलमोमिली asia a "from That'S TITTUTTGfa, quoted above)". We feel that this fra, a protege of Ti, an enemy of emeperor gci can hardly be one referred to with such honour by art, go's ·21 protege, 10 ordinary commonsense considerations, irrespective of his poetic merits or otherwise! (5) सातवाहा-Generally सातवाहन is identified with हाल, the author of गाथासप्तशती (सत्तसई). The गाथासप्तशती is an anthology of Prakrit verses, mainly having love themes, and technically is called a कोपग्रन्य Bara also has called it as such. साहित्यदर्पण VI 329-330 defines कोप as " दोष श्लोकसमूहस्तु स्यादन्योन्यानपेक्षा ज्यानमेण रचितः स एवातिमनोरम ॥" Also cp काव्यादर्श I 13 According to some, हाल is the author of the work, according to others he is the compiler. His date is not exactly known The क्यारारित्सागर informs us that सातवाहन was the king of प्रतिष्ठान and गुणाढय the author of the famous पंशाची work वृहत्कथा was his minister The identificatsan of सातपाहन (Pr सालाहग ) with हाल is supported by many autho. ritres (cp " सालाहणम्मि हालो"-देशीनाममाला (VIII 66 ) ofहेमनन्द्र, हाल स्यात्नातवाहन."-अभिवानचिन्नामणि, क्षीरस्वामिन् quotes several verses enumerating the names of famous emperors of old, amongst which he mentions : “ हाल स्यान्छाशालिवाहन " Mm •Kare thinks that हाल is an abbreviated form of the Prakrit सालाण (स् and है are often interchanged even 10 modern vernaculars like the Guja- . (6) प्रवरसेन's सेतुबन्ध-Bana obviously is referring to the famous Praknt poem सेतुबन्ध by प्रवरसेन In हपं० intro verse 14 There is a tradition which makes कालिदाम as the author of सेनुवन्य which was ascribed by him to hrs patron प्रवरसन Others hold that arलिदास was a cowauthor watb प्रवरसेन in case of संतुवन्य_ Bana makes no suggestion of कालिदास's sole or joint authorship The राजतरदिगणी mentions several 4.7gs of Kantr, that had the name प्रवरसन In राजवरदिगणी III 125-323 Re are told how at the behest of हर्ष- विक्रमादित्य of उज्जयिनी, मातृगप्त (कालिदास acc to some, an ident:- fication that has hardly anything to commend itself) was made king of Kashmir, how on abdication by मानुगुप्त at हर्ष's death, प्रवरसेन Hascended the Kashmir throne and how he generously trear ted मातृगप्त Dandin bas referred to (प्रवरसेन's) सेतुबन्ध cp. काव्यादर्श 134 (महाराष्ट्राश्रया भाषा प्रष्ट प्राकृत विदु I मागर मुनिरत्नाना रोनुबन्यादि यन्मयम् II) Mm. Kare suggests that प्रवरमन, the author of सेतुबन्ध, ·22 may have been a ciking We have references to two (9237 of all family (cp Chummak and Sivani copperplate grants CII III pp 235, 243) Prin Mm Miraslu bas later cogently argued for this view (cp his work "Kalidasa" in Marathi, also he has several articles and a separate treatise on the Vakatakas ). (7) Bhasa - The Bhasa problem is now quite well-discussed. We need not enter into details thereof Bhasa was one of our greatest dramatists and his dramas had considerable literary and dramatic merit The very fact that he has elicited a meed of Praise from Kalidasa and Bana is a high praise in itself Dr Peterson believed that Bhasa was a contemporary or immediate predecessor of Baņa (cp Intro p 71) and that alTF341275 Were a Dovelty in Baqa's days (cp Intro p 80) But Kalidasa's remarks about Bhasa as a प्रथितयशम कवि and himself as वतमानकवि, and the fact that Bana regards Kalidasa as eminent predecessor or himself, would show that Dr Peterson kas erred. Bhasi must have preceded haldasa by some generations (8) halıdasa Kalidasa is also too well known to require any special discussion here Dr Peterson thought Kalıdasa to be a contemporary of Bana (see Intro p 81) But the way in which Bana has referred to halidasa would show that Kalidasa must have preceded Bana by a long interval (9) बृहत्कथा- A famous work in the पैशाची dialect,ascribed to गुणाढय, the बहत्वथा 1s unfortunately not extant But it was definitety available in the 11th and 12th centuries A D Because we have two ndndgements of the work in Sanskrit viz सोमदेव पथा- सारित्सागर (12th cent A D ) and क्षेमे द्र' वृहत्कथामञ्जरी (lth cent AD) Somadeva tells us in his work यथामूल तथ वेतन मना- गप्यतिकम । प्रथविस्तरसक्षपमात्र भाषा च भिद्यते ॥' -11, 10 A third Tedaction of the ancient acFST W35 issued by a French scholar M Lacote See J RAS for 1906 P 689 for a Tamil work based upon the यूह कया Iti reftMT-671, chanters 6 and 7, we are told how reg was a minister of king unit of Deccan He once had a wager, which he lost and consequently abandoned the ««c of Sanskrit Prakrits or De, ablaşas He went to Vindhya forest, learnt the 731 language and wrote a work of ·23 दचिन इव गुणाढचा. seven lakhs of verses in that language, in his own blood. The work was not heeded or appreciated by the king; and so गुणात्य ocgan to read the work page by page in the forest, and consign ach page read to fire. It was only when only one lakh verses had remained that the king sent for TTEET;So that much portion was saved. बुहत्या was definitely existing before 600 A. D as Bana's reference to it shows. Dantin and Subandhu also have refered to बृहृत्लया. It is not wrong to state that बृहक्या, along with रामायण and महाभारत, has supplied basic nuclei for several works of later generations of authors. We now give a list of select quotations about वृहत्वया from anctent authors:- (i) "क्या हि सर्वभाषाभिः संस्कृतेन च वध्यते | भूतभापामयी प्राहुरद्भुनायाँ वृहत्व- थाम् 1 --काव्यादा I 38 (ii) "अपूर्वा वहस्था मया श्रुता प्रत्यक्षोहता च" " व हत्तयारम्भरिव मालन्जिनोपेनः", वहनयान- -all from वासवदना । 111) "महाभारतपुराणरामा- यणानुरागिणा बृहकया चलेन -वादम्बरी (iv) "इत्यारोपमिह वस्तुविभेद- चात रामायणादि च विभाव्य वृहत्वया च! आनुवयेत्तदनु नेतृरसानृगुप्यां चित्रां कयामूचितचाश्वःप्रपञ्चः।" - दशरूपक of धनन्जय (v) नमिसायु commenting upon वाव्यालहसार II 12 of रट says: तथा प्राकृतमेव किञ्चिद्विशेषात् पशाचिकम् ।... इत्यादयोन्यपि प्राकृतविहिता व्यन्जनादैमा म नियन्ते ते च वृहलथादिलक्ष्यदर्शनानेया. p. 14 of Nirnayasagara cdn). (vi) "माश्यवाणद्वितीयेन नमाकारवारिणा । घनुपेव गुणाटयन निशेपो रन्जितो जनः ।-नलबापू I 14. (vii) यतिदीर्घन विदोषाद व्यापेन यशोपहा- रित | केनोच्येत गुणादयः स एव जन्मनन्मान्तरापनः ||, श्रीरामायणमारत- वृहस्थाना क्वीनमस्कुर्मः ।, “ पूर्वविभिनय ता गुणाटपभवभूतिवापरघुधारः। वाग्देवीं भजनो मम सन्त. पश्यन्तु को दोप: - बामप्तगती of गोवर्धन, Intro st. 33, 34 and 60. (sin) चित्राथी न वृपयामचकयम् - quoted in कुवलयानन्द under परिकर (p. 72 of Nirnayasagara edition) (ix) The verse समुद्दीपितान्दर्या कृतगोरीप्रसाधना। हरलीलेच नो वस्य विस्मयाय बृहलया।।-हर्षचरित of याग Intro v. 17. (10) आढघराज- Who is this बाढयराज, and what are his 'उन्माहः' is a problem Some say आटवराज is a proper name of a poet., some say it is not; Thus for example Dr Peterson thioks that art TTTT is not a proper name (cp. Introduction to T. p. '96). हन्त , ·24 He thinks 37169157 practically the same as ist, and JRE according to him means 'brave deeds' Some Mss actually read HTTS which seems to be a conscious emendation to escape the difficulty of explaining 69715. One edition tries to escape the difficulty of explaining ' उत्साह ' and reads कृतोच्छवास (Iregardingin this case 267715 as the poet's name and 38 sty's, chapters in his work) But this also seems to be a conscious emendation Pischel thought I was go himself (JR AS for 1903 p 830) Keith holds a similar opinion But there is no plausible support to this vicw But looking to the fact that Bana, in carlier verses, is referring to several eminent authors and, or their works, Tauzi obviously seems to be a proper name of some author and the Jargs seem to be the chapters in his work But we do not know anything about the poet bis work or time, beyond his name & the name of his chaptess Ibat maga is the proper name of a person is corroborated by this following verse from raatorit vol I p 136 Benarcs edition #AT 97756U Termafqur ! काले श्रीसाहसाडस्य के न सस्कृतभाषिण ॥" The commentator रत्नेश्वर commenting on this verse says that 31729 18 another name of शालिवाहन who encouraged the study of Praknt and साहसाइक stands for far Onc difficulty against accepting these identifications is that Bana has already, in an earlier verse ( 13 ) Praised Haare alias fala Secondly wha are the grees of him? Some try to see a sarcastic reference to the encouragement ( ECHE) (')' afforded by Frames to the famous Tulay But one does not see any need by Bana to have this sarcastic fling against a great king who lived centuries before him The comm 7579 takes HTCTTS to be a poet and explains zafira as beating time dancing' (ICTETTE Mila379) Then he enumerates the explanations of some others " उदीयमाणगीत्याधारभूतपदोपनारावाव्यमपि उत्साह इति केचित् । यत्र पूर्व श्लोकेनार्थ उपक्षिप्यते पश्चात् स एव गइन वितन्यते मध्ये वृत्तनिवन्यश्च भवति स परिसमाप्तार्थ उत्साह उच्यते इत्यन्ये ।" 101 ·CHAPTER 111 ABOUT EMPEROR HARSA " हेम्नो भारसतानि वा मदमुचा वृन्दानि वा दन्तिना stena Fagarft 794 TITTY FITT TTI या वाणेन तु तस्य मुक्तिनिररदृद्विक्ता कौतंय स्ता कल्पप्रत्येऽपि यान्ति न मनाड मन्ये परिम्सानताम् ॥" -काव्यप्रकासदीराया सारसमुच्चयात्यायाम. Emperor Harsa (also know as हर्षवर्धन, थीहर्ष or हर्षदेव) sa famous king of ancient India, and a famous author as well He belonged to the house of TT, which came to the forefront after the eclipse of the Guptas We arc fortunate to get considerable details about bis life and times from (1) Bana's Harnacanta wluch delineates the early life and deeds of Harsa (2) Writing of Chinese authors, particularly Hiuen Tsang 13; The numerous inscriptions of Horsa himself and bis contemporaries and (4) information culled from Ilarsa's ORD works, or references to him or his age from other books We shall sum up in this chapter the salient details about the king and his times Readers interested in fuller details can get them in Mr V A Smith's Early History of India The Predecessors of Harga .-A remote ancestor of was gofa, whose personality and achiesements Bana describes in considerable details in the largacarita Between him and Prabhakaravardhana (Harsa's father ), intervened several kings The Madhuban copperplate of Har, a (see E I Vot llp 155 and also E. I Volip 67 ) and the Banskhera copperplate of Harga (cp E. I Vol IV 208 ff) furnish the following genealogical details -- ·गरवर्धन-वत्रिणीदेवी राज्यवर्धना =अप्सरोदेवी आदित्यवर्धन - महासेनगुप्ता । प्रभावरवर्धन-यशोमती राज्यवर्धन II हर्ष राज्यश्री The Sonpat copper seal inscription of हर्षवर्धन (C II Vol III p 231 ff), though much defaced confirms the statements made in the Madhuban and Banskhera copperplates The Banskhera plate has an autograph of Harga which reads वह स्लो म म म हा रा जाधिराज श्री हर्ष स्य The family deity of this dynasty way the sun gafa is described as परमादित्यभक्त, नरवर्धन is designated as महाराज, राज्यवर्ष। न I as महाराज and परमादित्यभक्त, आदित्यवर्धन is styled महाराज and परमादित्यभवत प्रभाकरवर्धन's designations are परमभट्टारकमहाराजाधि- राज and परमादित्यभक्त He is referred to as a sovereign ruler of the whole world girl by the four oceans trouaua JI is also styled as परमभट्टारकमहाराजाधिराज But he carried the utle परमसौगत showing his Buddhist faith, when young राज्यवर्धन came to the throne he faced an immediate task of taking revenge of the murder of his brother in law the haft Taaf husband off troueft, by the king of Malwa Rajyavardhana defeated the Malwa king, but was himself murdered by the latter s ally IT, king of central Bengal राज्यवधन is also said to have conquered kings like देवगुप्त, and as described as a universal sovereigin Rajyavardhana was succeeded on the throne by his younger brother Haryavardhana at the age of 16, in October 606 A D (His coronation, however, took place in 612 A D ). Harsa is designited as परमभट्टारवमहा- राजाधिराज परममावर More Ifistorical Details - It is from the reign from ATTOY Tonwards that we get considembly more information ·27 Bana gives a lot of information with a free future of legend and ornate descriptions, and Hiuen Isang's account also begins with HF1987 Hives Tsang was indeed one of the greatest travellers of the world and has left extensive memoirs of his travels in Chinese, weich are now available to us in translations mainly throngh the industry of that distinguished Chinese scholar, M. Stanislas Julien In these Hiuen Tsang speaks of a powerful kung who was the emperor of northern India and who, there can be no scasonable doubt, is indeptical with Bana's patron Harsa, the hero of Hargacarita (For Hiuen Tsang's account of Harga vide an abstract of Julien's two works appearded in JRAS,vol XVII PP 106-137, also Indian Antiquary vol VIII pp 196-202) As said above, Hiuen Tsang's account begins with T9797 The kingdom of Feuer where he ruled must have been originally not very large. It was surrounded by petty states, which waged constant wars.amongst themselves bi's ancestors preceding naar are styled simply as महाराज. IT IS प्रभाकरवर्धन who is styled महाराजाधिराज for the first time Bāņa tells us that he had con. quered the kings of सिन्धु, गुर्जर, गान्धार and मालव, and he had also conquered the urs (cp तप चैवमुत्पाद्यमानेषु नमेगोदपादि एणहरिण- केसरी सिन्धुराजज्वरो गुजरप्रजागरो गान्धारापिपगन्धद्विपकूटपाकलो लाटपाट- वपाटच्चरो मालवल्क्ष्मीलतापरशु प्रतापशील इति प्रयितापरनामा प्रभाकरवर्धनो नाम राजाधिराज। हर्षचरित IV). But the conquest against the हूण does not seem to be then Sery decisive, becausc towards the close of 591quia's reign, 774947 bad to be sent against the guts. And maar died before 1940' could return from that expedition He was succeeded by qua, who was the elder brother of pat (see B RW W Vol I p. 210) When राज्यवर्धन came to throne he must have been about 19 or 20 years old The elder of the two गुप्त princes, companions of राज्यवर्धन and हर्षवर्धन, TITI was about eighteen years old then So also when 754- ao returned from his expedition, therc was a slight growth of hair on his chin, Harsa was about 4 years Junior to 779990 and trazit about two years junior to g. So at the time of TTi's dcathi wis about 16 and varit about 14, and the ofta often has referred to them as ates of a re retively (cp.

·28 यदि बाल इनि नितरा हि न परित्याज्योस्मि'-p 317, वाल एवाखण्डल. भूमिमारूद ' - 361, इय च न स्वसा वाला च बहुदु खखेदिता च । -p 449, also cp, V A Smith's Early History of India p 312 (2nd edn ) प्रभाकरवर्धन is said to have died 605 AD Harga then must have b en born about 590 AD, and he accended the throne in 606 A D C V Vaidya, calculating from astronomical data furnished by 914 shows that go was born on 4th June 590 AD (see) B BRA S Vol XXIV Pp. 252-4) Thus when 9*16*died his children were very young, the senior and heir-apparent ya being about 19 or 20 years of age. We had no wichination for kingslup and wanted to pass on the burden to Harga, who was equally keen not to oblige But just then a cutostrophe again struck the family fearf the husband or or it was killed by a king of Malavā 27379an immediately marched aganist him with a small but picked force under Bhandın and routed him as the quarto tells us But we are not told about the identity of this past king In eis inscriptions we fird red stated to have vanquished a king named ayyaa's regime was very very short, and probably his only batile after inheriting the throne must have been with the murderer of qui This mado Dr Buhler conjecture that the murderer Was at. This plausible conjecture is further strengthened by a referene in after which mentions that कान्यकुब्ज, ग्रहवर्मन्'s capital, was siezed by a गुप्त (cp. GTATA TATT TTET -p 395) Dr Hoernle does not approve of Dr Buhler's conjecture Two dificulties against that conjecture are (1) How is that the two Mulava princes #1799 and मारवगृप्त are treated with such confidence in the end family (cp TT quat निषष्णस्य मालवराजमूनोरकययत्।-p 129, सर्वरेभिर्दोगाभिपडगैरसङगतीवहधो- पधाभि परीक्षितो सची दिनीती विक्रान्ताभिस्पा मारूवराजपुत्रौ मातरी भुजगवित्र मे शरीरादयतिरिक्तौ कुमारगुप्तमाधवगप्तनामानावस्माभिभंवतोतुचरत्वा मिमी निदिष्टौ ।-pp 229-230 " अवलम्ब्य दक्षिणेन हस्तेन च माधवगुप्तममे"- p 413) If they were any way related to the murderer of reagi they would have been objects of suspicion rathr than confidence, specially after that murder (2) Secondiy the imprisoned 773771 was released from miprisonment by a certain noble called TCT ·29 (cp कान्यकुब्जात गौडराम्नमें गुप्तित गुप्तनाम्ना कुपुत्रेण निष्कासनम्-p 438) We feel that there were more than one 14 famılıcs ruling small territories in Malwa then, and 2017, the murderer as Dr Buher conjectures might be one of these several 3 kings. But this Devagupta, king of Malsa, and alleged muderer of DECAT is to be clearly distinguished from the distinguished EMFATIfort ( 689 A D-700 AD)(see Deo Baramark Inscription pp 213, 215), who was the maternal grandfather of ths TITE klog Pravarascaa II (vide Chammak and Sivani copperplate inscriptions in CI Vol III pp 240 and 247 ), as Mm Kanc asserts (Pria Mirashi would place Pravarasena Il in 5th cent AD) Though 759999, as said above routed the Malaya king who had murdered he put he himself was treacherously murdered by a 113 king according to the qafra Baņa does not mention the name of the murderer (cp आ मनाम गुरोनाम नामातिकृपणस्य च । श्रेयस्कामो न गृहणीयाज्ज्येष्ठापत्यकलत्रयो ।।) One ms of हप चरित narnes the killer as TETET ( cp E I Vol I p 70 ) The commentatoe of the हप चरित names him as शाहक Huen Tsang coroborater this because according to him She shang ksa (T-1657 ), king of Karnasuvarna (Bengal) murdered 9704977 (B RW W Vol Ip 210) Bada also seems to make a veiled reference to the murderer's name being माडन (cp प्रकटकलहकमुदयमान विशडकटविपाणो. स्कोण पहावसकरहकरराकुरराकरककुद्कूटमडसाशमारानाकाशे शाडक. 13H-P 306 Uc VI) Bana tells us that ascended the throne 1nn-diately after the murder of his elder brother But Hiuen Tsang gives us a so heu hat different Info mation According to um triliste Bhandın recommended to other ministers the choice of Harga as king They gladly acccded But Har-3 had his own scruples and hesitated for a while c V Vaidya observes that Harsa had no compunction to ascend the those of 471895, but he lau scruples to asend that of Kanauwluch legally belonged to fit, and which was o Tered to him So he consulted a Buddhistic Oracle jafara a faza) as Hauen Tsang tells 115 (see B RW W Vol I PP 211-213) And it was ordained that a should rule ·30 and Hassa be her lieutenant. Harga then transferred his capitai from Fatah to Karauj. Mr. V. A. Smith has remarked : “Some unknote obstacle stood in the way of Harga's accession and compelled him to rely for his title to the crown upon election by the nobles rather than upon his hereditary claims (cp. Early History or India (2nd edn.). p. 312]. We think CV. Vaidya has fairy plausibly explained the situation. The consultation by Harşa of the Buddhistic oracle seems to be created hy Buddhist admires of Harsa. We should also note that Bhandin was not just a minister, but a close relative ( maternal uncle's son) of Harga and was a very intimate friend of his. In age bc was slightly senior to a fa. Harga had two immediate tasks before him, when he came to the throne viz. (i) finding out soft and (11) avenging the murder of aan He first recovered his sister, who had resorted to the jungles of the Vidhya mountain And then folowed a long period of conquest, wherein in about six years, he conquered all kings or Northen India, includmg ET=T17. In this period he made himself the overlord of the whole of Northern Indra including Gujerat from the Himalayas to the Narmada and from the Bay of Bengal to Sindh. And he was crowned as a king in 612 A. D. and established an era in that year to commemorate his दिग्विजय. He had a long reign of about 42 years and was the last Hindu Emperor of Northern India. Some of his conquests referred to in the afort are his conquest over the king of farm and his securing taxes from Himalayan territories. cp "277 gaataa सिन्धुराज प्रमथ्य लक्ष्तीरामोहता। ..... अन परमेश्वरेण तुपारशलगुवो दुर्गार्या Teta: FT:"O . 147.8 About his relations with a much has already been discossed above About his two boyhood companions THTETIT and 919TT, the two 125 princes, we do not hear much later on. But he seems to have crowned TT, the elder of those tivo CP Affa71 TTT 1 p 118 and the comm. llicrcon. #19815, The younger of the iwo hlaa princes, and a special ·31 faxourite of FH HIS probably crowned as the king of Magadha (cp. The Aphsad stone inscription wbuch speaks of 799117 of HIT who was anxious to meet the glorious gu (P C. I. VOL. III P. 200, 20+ थीहर्षदेवनिजसगमवाच्छया च ) For further information about the Guptas of Magadha see Dr, Fleet's Gupta Inscriptions' (pp. 200-218 ). Kubera, one of Bāqa's ancestors was honoured by Screral गुप्तs. cp. अनेकगुप्ताचितपादपड्वजः कुबरेनामाश इद स्वयमुवः ।। Kad. Lol Ver. 10 Another royal family with whom Harya came in close contact was the मौखरिs His Ister राज्यधी was marned to ग्रहवां son of यवन्तीवर्मा of the मौसरि family, whose capital was atकान्यकुब्ज. Bāna inforins us that the parts were a very eminent family of eftes and were great devotees of Siva. For more particulars about Hrafts, sec Dr. Flect's Gupta inscriptions PP 219-230. The name of the family is spelt as if or HITT. For the word मोखरि p. Kad Intro V. 4 " नमामि मर्वोदचरणाम्बुजदय सरोखरं- मसिरिभिः कृताननम् ।" and the words 'शर्वदा मोखरि' from the Asırgad Copper plate of ini? (C. I. Vol. II p. 220 ). For the word 'मौखर' P मौसराणा मभुजाम' from the Launapar stone inscription of art (C I. Vol. III p 229). The stafes and 773 icre often at war (scc Aphsad stone inscription-C. I. Vol. TII pp. 200, 203.) Har acrita tells us that King Kumāra alias Bhaskarararman of Praguyot-3 (Assam) had formed a close friendship with just on the eve of Harya's career of world conquest. Hoca Tsang corroborates this information then he tells us how once Harga and Kumärarāja kept company in a journey towards Kanau), with Harsa going along the northern bank of the Ganga and 47 the southern bank (B R. W. W. Yol I pp 217-218, se also Vol. Il pz 196-195 ) Harza's one ard only defeat came at the hands of king Pulakcs'in II the greatest of the Calli vas of Badami, on the banks of Narmadi, in 620 A D. Pulalc.in Il ras the lord of South India, just as Hara tus of orth India (sce B R. W. W. Vol II PP 256-257, V A. Smith's Early History of Irda'r 313), The batilc betu con the two great months was a very greut Sed a very ·32 + 4 close battle The victor as well as the vanquished lost heavily therein and they agreed to make Narmadā as their dividing boundary. Harga thus remained in possession of entire Northern India from Himalayas to Narmada and from Kamarñpas to Gujarat and Saurashtra There are various inscriptional references to this episode cp "अपरिमितविभूतिस्फीतसामन्तसेनामकुटमणिमयूखा. फ्रान्तपादारविन्द युधि पतितगजेन्द्रानीकवीभत्सभूतो भविगलितहतों येन 979ft 1-E I Vol 6 p 6 and I A. Vol. VIII P 242. RT- रासस्तसकलोत्तरापथेश्वर श्रीहर्षवर्धनपराजयोपलब्धपरमेश्वरापरनामधेयस्य सत्या. श्रयश्रीपृथिवीवर लभमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरस्य प्रियतनय "-I A Vol vI p 76, the words. T 'recur on p 86 ibid, In I. A. Vol. VIII p 13 RECEPT is spoken of as garant fafTETEGHETTO नपस्या'. Harsa last campaign on record is that of subjugating the district of Ganjam on the coast of the Bay of Bengal in 643 A.D. Acc. to Hiuen Tsang, Kānyakubja was the capital of Harsa (BRW. W. Vol Ip 209 ) Baņa mentions that Harga's family capital was great at. The explanation of this discrepancy probably is that when Hiuen Trang met Harça (Probably about 643 A D.) Kanyakubja must have been one of the capitals of Harsa's vast empire After अहवर्मा was killed and राज्यश्री became a Buddhist convert, the kingdom of Kanyakubyn seems to have passed on to Hasza and Känyal ubja, more centrally situated in Harşa's vast empire, seems to have been made a second capital thereof. According to Hwen Tsang Hotez beyonged to the Vaisa caste, But probably he is conſusing the vasya caste with the Buis class of the Rajputs who were Ksatriyas (B R. W W Vol. I p. 209, n 129 ) Because Harga seems to be a 87f74 and not a aq for the following reasons:-(1) Biņa never suggests that Harga was not a क्षत्रिय (2) राज्यश्री Ras married to प्राय; a scion of the famous and ancient ksatriya family of hafts Ilari's mother 19ot seems to be born in a family Inown for heroism and religion cp.9897 gêr IT E Vp 283, at IT Nhctc. ET V. 284 ) Some scholars ſecl she might be the daughter of Taun fayhitacy of Ujjayin: Het parents were probihly living shea she courted death (cp. 379 9147 9574 9177 acetrafegat ·33 माम्-हाँ V.P 281) (4) प्रमावरवन's mother महासेनाप्ता seems to have been the sister of 19919 of 777. Harsa established an era of his ota which commenced in 606 AD and several inscnpuons dated in this era have been recovered (sec I A Yol 26, p 32, agd EI Vol V Appendix p 73 T) Alberuni's 2ccount of ibis era. as Mm Kane noles, 15 most confusing According to Alberuņi (1) Harca's Ta trus used in Mathura and the country of Kanoj (2) Ao interval of 400 years separates with and family But according to Kashmirian calendar the era of was 664 years later than fan ( Vide Alberupi ed, by Sactiac Vol II P S (Trubner) and Cumningham's • lodian Eras' pp 64-65] Harga was the last great Hindu King of Northern India. His sister art, assuming yellos robe, was a desoted companion and counsellor to Harm. Hare left ro heir behind ard the empire broke up after his death in 6-48 A.D. (647 A D according to Prof Kangle). Harça as a King and Administrator. After the conquest of Northern India and subsequent coronation in 612 AD Harya tuled his kinedom for 35 years, marked by peace, progress, prosperity The unsuccessful war with Pulakezin II and the successful subjugation of Gagjum were the only military indytalings duriag that parod. All the nortbert Isd 12 was under his way and bis uztaiaty sus accepted by rulers of Valabhi, Nepal Aud Assam. Hara2 **s a stsons, Vigorous and beceiolent ruler Indefausable like Asoka in discharge of his duties the king often toured his resim, servising the work of his officers Education #35 widely diffused and Bahrranical a-12073s ard Buddhistic monas trics were nichts endoned Harst got built seal temples, ponudities 11_msard dharma, 212 In the dy5124 rol cily food and drink was nos ded for the Deedy but ever doctors 21tered on the sick In intern 29.11391er tolerant person The 20 copier plate daties bim 775 (a great devotes and picts ·34 of Siva), but later or in his lifc he was stronly inclined to yards Buddhism, particularly under the moulding influence of his sister 27794t and the famous Chinese pilgrim Hiuen Tsang But Harga did not lose his reverence for Sisa or sun He has built costly temples in honour of Buddha, Siva and the sun All these three deities were worshipped at his assembly, and his charity was enjoyed by Brahmanas, Buddhists and Jains alike Thc Chinese Pilgrim Hiuen Tsang who visited India in quest of Buddhist scriptures stayed in Harsa's dominions for 8 years (635 AD-643 AD) He has left extensive memoirs of that Age and life and work of Harsa Harsa fell under the influence of this “Master of Law' in whose honour a grand assembly was held at Kapauj, the capital, the aim of which was to proclaim the doctrine of Mahayana Buddhism as expounded by Hiuen Tsang After this assembly he was called to another great assembly at Prayag,-- the sixth of the quinquennial assembles at which Hars& used to distribute treasures to holy men of different religions--Buddhists, Hindus and Jainas-and the poor and the destitute Harsa did not live to hold another such assembly Harga as a poet and patron of Literature. Harga was not only a great warrior and administrator but a great man of letters and a grert patron of learning He is the author of three dramas प्रियदशिका, रत्नावली and नागानद, which though not on par with the masterpieces of Kalidasa or Bhavabliuti are still quite good dramas and “they have a peculiar simplicity, correctness and charm which have endeared them to the writers on works of dramaturgy The Naga nanda has a Buddhistic buas. Besides these three dramas and is credited with the authorship of the yaaratata and 3*Cherefter ett two Sanskit poems with Buddhistic subjet-mater, which in the colophon bear the name SITED ( But in the Tibetan Tanjur and in Minayeli's Mss the former is ascribed to king ca of Avida J RAS for 1903 p 704) These are printed in Maurice Ettinghausen's . Harpa - Vardhana' Resides these about a dozen occasional stanzas, not land in ars extinre : Nebuind nr dlougies, ascridea' to his same In the Madhuban inscription a srsc composed by » ·35 श्रीहपं 1s quoted ( कर्मणां मनसा वाचा वर्तव्य प्राणिने हितम् । हर्षेणैतन् समाख्यात धर्मार्जनमनुत्तमम् ॥"-this being हर्ष's advice to his subjects) And the verse descriptive of tivi907 in the same inscription may be from Harsa's pen as Mm Kare thinks क्षीरस्त्रागिन् a commentator on An arakos a has mentioned a कोशकार हर्ष (cp महधातमृत्यु- मरक मरिसरी च देवतेति श्रीहर्ष.on आतुरोऽन्यमितोऽम्यान्त ). The सुभापिता- afos cites a verse of a which is not found in his extant works cp. "अाठमलोलमजिह्म त्यागिनमनुरागिण विशेषज्ञम् । यदि नाथयति नर श्री. धीरेव हि वञ्चिता तत्र "--- No. 233_n सुभाषितावलि The same verse occurs as No 470 in the शाडगंधरसद्धति without specifying the author. Jayadara in his प्रसनराघव I 20 has called हर्ष as “ the joy of Poesy. Harga was a great patron of literature. His munificent patronage was enjoyed by वाण, मयूर, मात दगदिवाकर and others. in rarfqaraf we have a verse of 7 in which a certain unnamed king-ostensibly - praised (cp No 2515-“भूपाला शशि. भास्करान्वयनुव पे नाम नासादिता मार पुनरेपमेव हि भुवस्ता देव मन्यामहे । पनाहग परिमृप्य कुन्नलमयाप्य व्युदस्यायतं चोल प्राप्य च मध्यदेशमधुना वान्च्या कर पातित ॥") In will be noticed that the wordsअदा, कुनल, चोल मध्यदेश and कान्धी are paronomastic) We have quoted at the the beginning of this chapter a serse from मारनमृच्चप, a commetry on the Kavyaprakasa, in which verse Har,1's liberatity towards Baya is praised Harşa's Date - We have already discussed in Chap II bow Ilarya's date is historically quite defimte Evidence from Lodian sources (literary and inscriptional) and froin Chinese sources, selds cract chronological details about Harga Hexas torn on 4th June 590 AD, and reigned from 606 A D. to 613 A D The details about Hara's date need not be repeated over here, for these are fully coscted in chapter II shile discussing Baça's Date ·SP CHAPTER IV BINA'S WORKS रुधिरस्वरवर्ण पदा रमभारवती जगत्मनो हरति । कि सरणी, नहि नहि, पाणी वाणस्य मधुरशालय [11 ~~धर्मदासकृत विदाम्पमण्डने Bana is the master of Sanskrit FIT4 as Kalidasa is the master of Sanskrit Tatial and F. And as soon as ono speaks of Bana, one inevitably thinks of his two well-known prosc masterpieces v12 (1) The Harpacarıta 'an Akhyayıkā) and (2The Kadambart (a Kathi) The two are the well known works of Bānay and we shall be devoting the next two chapters (V and VI) for a detailed study of these two Naturally in this chapter we would discuss about some other works which are ascribed to Bana's authorship, with a greater or lesser degree of authenticity a individual cases. A third work ascribed to Bāna is the autant It is a work containing a hundred verses in the failfca metre in which goddess Candi, a form of Kall, is praised in every verse there is a refernce to some incident in the fight between praat and #1 Its source is the देवीमाहात्म्य (ch 80} of the मार्कण्डेयपुराण There is nothing implausible in Bāra's having composed as encomu to Candı, because oft is a form of graft for whom Bana has a great regard in his srait aiso Bāna has given a powerful and picturesque description of the temple of afrezy Verses from aet. रात are quoted to the सरस्वतीभरण काव्यप्रकाश and अजनवर्म देवा 27 on 27640X 3 d (p 3'expressiy ascribes the authorship of Candigataka to Bàņa cp "323 Tuiafas ça 7814 प्रस्ताव देव्यारतदिगभिभंगवता भर्गेण सह प्रीतिप्रतिपादनाय बहुधा नम मथा Zafez & C (V 37 of 9731955), The Camugataka of Bana, the Surya 'ataka of Mayura and the Bhaktamarastotra of Manatinga" says Ds Peterson "are the three opposing poems written by devotees of one or other of the great forms of religion which flourished side by side under Harça's protection " There are commentaries on Candisalaka by Dhane /vara, by Nagojibhaja by Bhaskararaya and another anonymous 21 ·37 (A fourth work ascnbed to Bana sa शिवगतक or शिवस्तुति,which is an encomsum of Lord Siva and praises his victory oncr त्रिपुरा- सुर, " A fifth work ascmbed to Bara is a drama entitled मुकुटताडितक. चन्दपाल and मुगविजयापि, the commentators of the नलव of त्रिवि- क्रममट्ट, make a citation from a drama मुकुटताहिन composed by बाप-cp यदाह मुकुवादिनकनाट वाण - 'जाशा: प्रोपिनदिग्गजा इब गुहाः प्रध्वम्वमिहा इव दोर वृत्तमहादुमा इव नुव प्रोत्खानाला इव । विचापा क्षयकालरिकवनालयलोकपाटा दशा जावा.धोगमहारया नापतेर्दवस्य समानना ". bhoja in his azIEFH also giles a quotation from it. It has for its theme 1997's smashıog of Duryodhana with his club Nothing more is koon of this drama from any other sources. A sixth nord said to have been fittan by Bāja is afta- TTET TCC I 368) We do not know anyibing about this drama from any other sources A A seventh work said to be Banas is a play शारदचन्द्रिका शारदा- तनय rentions this play भारदरन्दिवा by दाप, of which the plot rates to चन्द्रागोड cp. या भट्टवान या शारदचन्द्रिका। दिव्येन मस वर नालम्पावनाबा ||---मात्रा Gosp 252 DArapa mentions भारदचन्द्रिका 25a1 example of प्टिार cp, "चन्द्रापी- हम्प मरा यत्प्रत्वज्जीवनान्दिनम् । पन्पित नहवान यथा शारदपन्द्रिया" An eighth oth of Bana is said to be a poetical sersion of Kadarbari/ धमेन्द्र in hrs औचिपरिवारपर्चा quotes a verse from Bapa, describing the right of lo.c lorn गदन्दरी, in her ssparetur on from चन्द्रारीर cp पावा भट्टवाय-हारा जन्मदं वमन नरिनीद- शनि मानवमीकरमचन्हमा पन्चनानि मरनानि च पनानि निर्वा- परमनि क्य म मनोनवाग्नि." अब विपरम्मरमानाचा:दादम्ब दिरयावन मापुमोर मानिशान दुवदनेन प्रिययत्वेन हयानन्द- सापिनी ददितनममाननोन"-Boribas Edn. p 121 There are other 1039s also in his time which are referrable to simular Huations for all surh resses cg Petersoa's Sib3 6268ard Thoraskar 55-590 जमादको दरमा मरम्पयामारपमानन- भरमा रामानन्दनेन नाचनबन्दुरित So it may be that BAPI HONAराहदरा 250l. Tiscirrss and also other 1 ·38 verses quoted in anthologies as Bana's show that Bana's was good at verse as in prose Dr P L Vaidya, however, says about the above quotation from क्षेमेन्द्र औ. वि च -"कदाचिक्षेमेन्द्रविरचितात् पद्य कादम्बरीनाम्नो प्रन्यादेव श्लोऽको यमुद्धृत स्यात् ।' We demurn view of Fra's wordiog given above Bapa might have written yet another (ninth) work according to Krsnamacarjar who says. "Bapa was probably also a philosophes, for आनन्दजीवित in his commentary तत्त्वविवेक on अनु भवानन्द's न्याय- रत्नदीपावलि, gives a reference to a work of वाण on वेदान्त " Now we come to the greatefrost, a drama ascribed to Bāna which has raised a lot of debate about its authorship Actually in the prologue of the play the author is specyfially mantioned to be बाण of the वत्स गोत्र cp अस्ति कविसार्वभौमो बत्सान्वयजलधिसम्भवो बाण । नृत्यति यद्रसनाया वेधोमुखलासिका वाणी।।-P P I 4 Our Bana is also adescendant of वत्मगोत्र And there is no inherent impossibility in his having composed this drama The subject matter is the same as that of Kalidasa's Thrafya, and similarities of words and thought between the two works are many, as we shall notice later on Some scholars feel, on account of these similarities that Bana could not have written a drama which draws so much on Kalidasa Some minor plagiarist must have composed the drama But Ibis is not a convincing argument There is no wonder if Bana now and then were to draw upon his illustrious predecessor Particularly in view of the fact that he had a great admration for Kalidasa and secondly that he was probably a novice at work at that time, such debt is quite plausible Further the subject matter of cradliftu was very similar to earlier part of the humara. sambhava Have not great writers like Kalidasa and Shakespeare also drawn much on their predecessors? Who can deny Kalidasa s debt to the Ramayana, Ehasa, or Bhagavadgit 1, amongst others ? Some scholars argue that natafuta not Bana's work because it compares unfavaourably in thought and style with the हर्षचरित and कादम्बरी This also is no argument. The qalafruz was written probably when Bina just #28 feeling his way to literary art and finding his bearings Is not cyen the Har acarita much infurior to Kadambari ?

·39 We feel that Panatiparinaya ceers to te from Bana s peu Our reasons are (1) There are many ideas and turns of expression *hich are very similar, in the army on the one hand and the पंचरित or कादम्बरी on the other cp a) हिमवान दवि,अ यदपि श्रूयताम् । कुचयुगल परिषद यथा यया वृद्धिमेति तन्दरग्या । दरचिन्ताहृतमनमस्तथा तया सचमति म गात्रम --॥' पा• I 15 and ' रखेगमहादत पातयति पयो घरोग्नमनबाटै। मरिदेव तटमनुवर्ष विवर्घ माना सुता पितरम ॥ दवितरपी भूदा वसा राज्यमी यौवनारम्म एव च रवानामिघनीभवन्ति पितर सन्नारानलस्य। हृदयम पकाग्यति म दिवसमिव पयायरानतिरस्या ।' हर्ष IVp 234,(4) भवितव्यता हि वरवती-पा P 21 and न हि शक्य देव. मन्यथा पर्नुममियुननेनापि-कादम्बरी P 62 (c) पत्पुन परिजनपरमापोमतोऽपि &c पाP 15 and मामपि विकुक्षिनामान मृत्यपरमाए मदघारयतु भवती हर्ष । 41 (2) There are many broad similarities between organisfree and हर्षचरित or कादम्बरी (a) The description of preparations of Panati's marriage in act Vis reminiscent of that of preparators fortrurits marriage in IV (b) The arrival of Sua for marriage in a Vis renin scent of arrival of प्रवर्मा for marriage in हर्ष. IV (c) The devotion of Bara for Siva is found in Parvatipanpaya (cp ec P IV 3) as in Harşacarita or Kadambari So also the the description ofSiva in पा (P 13) तम्य पुन गौरीपरिचरणम" Is Vedantic in tore as in other works of Bara (3) The prose of the drama, as Nim Kare obseries,.reminds one of कादम्बरी and हर्षचरित Mm Kane also, like us, does not agree with those who feel that Bapa could not Fave written the पार्वतीपरिष्य, though he would admit the relative in ferionts of the manfior to the tho Trose works of Baça Mm hane also remarks that Bana was generally handicapred in verse Mr Kale also feels that पावनी. sfits is quite likely to to Bapas composition, though, it must have been his first attempt befort hus pocucal faculties were developed. Pan't R V hranimacariar luas discussed the authorship of infiri 1 his edition of the drama in Varl 2 Sanskrit Series, Srirangan and is a paper published in the proceedings of 10 third All India Onentel Conferarce of Madras (1974) p ·40 to convince 68 69, and he as attributed the drama to T77891T alias afina au, an author of the 15th century A D ( who has also composed the नलाभ्युदय, शुडगारभूषणमाण, वेमभूपालचरित etc }. on aestheate and historical grounds T Ganapatisastri in huis Introduction to Nalabhyudaya also feels likewise Dr Keitth also believes that qatalafzt is by aIRaiga107 of 15th century A D who wrote about 1400 A D under the Reddi prince Vema of Kondavidu, and says that it owes its fame to its being mistakesn for the work of Bana, He cites the support of R Schmidt, but does not argue his case Mm Kane has the following opinion on the viewpoint of Kſspamacarlar and othres The argument's of these eminent scholars fait One of their main arguments is the non-metion and non-quoting of the graára feug by writers on poetics. This is a negative argument and proves nothing positive Secondly whuic attempting to show that the author of the play was 19h au alhas अभिनव बाण, a prolege of the Reddi king वेम alias वीरनारायण, they give no explanation as to why the author of the anatafrett calls himself simply as Bana, when 19HE atru refers to himself as वामनभट्ट वाण or अभिनव वाण Noy we shall give an Act by Act synopsis of the drama na rafort and give a few critical remarks thereon (Act I) We find the drama opening with two Nandi versesone in praise of Parvati's glances at the time of her marriage and the second glorifying the power of cupid and then after the stage direction arent, the 47917 enters The 77977 pays homage to the pumeval Divine couple ( ostensibly Siva and Parvati Scatters a handful of flowers and calls the 7 He tells that they are to present that day a new Ruraka, which is composed by a famous poet named बाण of the वत्सगोत्र (अम्ति कविगार्वभौमो वत्सान्व यजलधिमम्भवो वाण । qata 577197 quanferit anta) the drama though new, is bound to succeed, because it has (1) सविधानस्य सामग्रथम (1) रमाना परिपुष्टता and (i) सदभंसोकुमार्यम् It is also विचित्रसविधान He learns that his wife is worried about the marriage of their daughter ajrafost The F9 assures that the creator arranges to find out suitable bridegrooms for girls so she need not worry Here, for example, he says, is the divine ·sage Narada who is exerting to get the daughter of Himalaya suitably married And herewith ends the file and the main scenc begins Narada enters, travelling by aerial path, planning to bring about the marriage of Panati (who in calier birth was caput) and Siva, for the good of the gods (the description of Närada's descent 10 the earth is very reminiscent of Du,santa s descent is Sak VII) He descende in the precincts of Himalaya, and admires the cmincnce and majesty of that lord of mountains lle calls at the palace of f84494, and learns that far is discussing something with his Queen Mcna and decides to see them Then are shown Himavan and Mena in discussion, and the t?pic is the plan for the marriage of their marriageable daughter Gaur: (we fird here a close similarity to a talk between 9.19T यान and यशोमती about the marnge of their daughter राज्यधी,in Iberiafa) While the two are expressing their anxiety about setting their daughter suitably married, Narada usbers himself, and after ſomma! COILIESICs suggests that Panatı should be married to a worthy bridegrocm He also srcphesies that Panati, who is a reincarnation of a “grat sofa', would attain a • fazaife' 7, Narada, honcier, docs not mention Siva by narre just now He suggests that Parvati should wait upon Lord Siva, who is Practising penance on the slopes of Himalaya Thus, having introduced the secd' of action, Narada leaves Himalaya, guessing what [Narada is working at, leases with his Queen They would ask Parvati to folloh Narada's advice and here ends the first act (Act II) The act opens with a small interlude (Pransesala, wyorgk called stambhala m NSP EdA) 10 which there is a conrorition between 7, a to 30d 71 an . ato IS GONG 10 Nandanavana to fetch f'oreis requird by Siva, While 7 is out to meet her loser 777, son of piz, avoiding the other frrends or hers who are in the cases of mountain eru Turling there throuch fear of Torsla. Ramblis, finding separation unbearable is on an afar mission -From the conversauon ·42 love betscen these twofwe learn how Tanka is harissing the world, and also los Panati has started to propitrate Lord Siva Then are shown Indra and Bphaspati in conversation AG Damed egy brings fresh reports of art's depradations in heaven Indra assures him that steps are being taken against the danger and the trouble would soon be eliminated When the 2999 departs, mand aatta discuss the danger posed by any and the remedy prophesied by Brahma that Taaka would be killed hy son of Siva and Parvati, who would be the Commaoder-in chief of gods How to bring about this marriage ? Indra has got the heartening news from Rambha that Parvata has started the propitiation of Siva Then Indra thinks of commissioning Madana to affect Sıva with Madana, requested to undertake a task for the good of gods, says he would accomplish any exploit-even of conquering Siva' Brhaspali then tells Madana that his task shalt be just to conquer Sisa Madana is inwardly taken aback He has boasted about his proness, and the beast is now spelling bis disaster Even वसन्त and रति are gravely concerned about the task But काम! is a person of honour and magnanimity He, an insignificant servant, would undertake any task for the good of gods! The act cads with Madana leaving with Vasanta and Rati, on his errand, receiving the blessings and good wishes of Indra and Brhaspati, but with an apprehensive mind and Indra and Brhaspati also leave, hoping for the best by grace of gods (Act IIT) Indra and Brhaspati enter Indra is wondering whether the mission of Madada would succeed He has an ill omen viz the throbbing of the left eye Just then there arrives Narada, who had followed Madada invisibly to observe things as per Indra s direction Narada parrates the happenings When Madapa reached near farar, he requested Vasapta to display his glory in the forest and accordingly the whole atmosphere was full of the signs of spring like the cooing of cuckoos, Malaya breeze and the like Tress blossomed Siva was disturbed from his meditation Just thea came on the scene aidathile Par vatı saluted Siva and the lord blessed her AFS SUMIRITE' Madana fixed his FREE on his bow For a while Siva and ·43 Parvatı looked at each other with an emotional surge in the heart but Siva forthwith controlled his disturbed mind and looked on all sides for the cause of the disturbance And he espied Madada about to aim at himscif. Aad lo' a fire blazed out from the third eye of Siva and reduced Madana to ashes. Indra faunted to bear this tragedy and Narada comforled and revived him. Ralı and Vasanta, continued Närada, fainted Vasanta revived first and he revived Rati, who began to lament embracing the charred body of her lord A voice from the sky assured her that her lord would be revived when Siva marries Parvatı, Narada further tells how the disconsolate Rati was taken home by Vasanta, bow Siva disappeared to avoid any meeting with a lady, and how Himālaya took the fainting Paravatt home. Narada himself goes to report matters to Brahma There arrives Rambha on the scene and informs Indra that she had heard in Kubera's abode about the bumıng of cupid, and she had also heard there that Parvati. disappointed by the death of Madana has embarked upon rigorous penances to get Siva as her lord Her mother tried to wean her from the ordeal without success, while father Himayan has approved of the idea. The act is then wound up (Act IV) Nandın enters, entrusted by Siva with the task of verifying about the determination of Pārva't and about her penances, from her friends Jaya and Vijaya Nandın is struck by the firm determination and rigour of the penances of Parvati Then are shown Jaya and Vijayā collecting flowers, Nandin learns from them the purpose behind Parvati's penance 11e, obtaining Siva as her Lord He 15 told holl Panatı became lovesick after the #27273 episode and how with no oti er way of achieving her objective she decided upon severe penarces to attain her objective Nandın suggests that she should desist from the futile pursuit to many this *7TTITITI 77 and should marry some other god But Jas and Vijayā tell him that Panati's attituce is 'do or die Nandio inwardly happy, goes to inform Sua about the nC 15 hile the iso lady friends of Prats Custy flowers to Puyati Here the fanfaiT ends in the main scen“ Siv enters dressed 75 7 Brahmacarin He has in his mind trendy decided to rulent and accept Parvati. Parvati is next sho vn p'acitin, rananc. and ·44 accompanied by her friends Jaya and Vijay Partatı has the good omen of after and suggests that her desire is probably going to be fulfilled soon Just then Jaya notices a young ascetic coming that side Parvati tells the two fnends to worship the guest and she takes to silence The guest is received duly, and after usual courtesies, the young ascetic inquires about the identity and purpose of their penancing friend Learning of Pärvati s objective he wonders whether there is any person worth being lantered for by art When he learns that graft is seeking to marry S1v2, he expresses wonder that she should thinks of marry- 10g such an unworláy person He indulges in a lot of censure of Siva, but Paravati admonishes him curtly and decides to with draw from the place to avoid hearing frafal, a great sin Then Siva presents himself and proposes a Traa marriage forthwith But at ro's suggestion he agrees to undergo the formality of "age ceremony at Himavan's house after five days, and the girls return to their elders and Siva to his to get the marriage preparations working (Act V) The act opens with the entry of a Kancukın who is directed by ferala to supervise the city decorations for the marriage of aradt that dny He finds that all the city has been becorated and has gone gas He reports the matter to femalt who 1oquires about the arrival of all the guests viz mountains sandharvas, Apsarases etc He is told that all have comº the Kancukin to look after the proper reception of all and also see that the decoration of maat is attended to in the harem Then enters Narda woo greats fa 17 on the auspicious occasion Parvati's deco ation is described in detay! Then arrives the bridegroom in procession The myriage rates are conducted by Brhespati Brahma bless the mrriage ( 32) Mrdana revived by the grace of Siva and the drama ends with happiness all around He enjoins is We find how kalidasa s shadow hang over the drama as a whole The followin main points of close s milarstics between qarafica and ATTRO (and occasionally sone olla horks of Tifa) shall be crough to show this ·45 कुमार । युवा पार्वतोपरिणम Kalidasa's "Yorks. (1519, 10 (1) S'ak VII 8 (2) हिमालय is called. देवतात्मा (2) हिमालय is called देवतात्मा in on p: 4 (3) I 21 (3) S'ak IL (4) Details about rat's re- (4) Reaction to #TGE episode actions to the FGTEE CP1- in Kumara IiV sode in Act III (5) IV 9 (5) Kum V 4, 48 (6) p 30 'Tetacafia 39912 (6) KU V 30 d ' TITO 5497 यमो यथा' (7) IV 11 (7) Ku Y 41 (8) P 31 " FISHI... foneti (8) Ku, V 47 (9) IV 12-13 (9) Ku V 66-73 (10) P. 32 Taf TOTAL (10) Ku. V 83 cd. which seems to be a corrupt form of original tert wluch should read cagigfeafuret- मालिणो जारिस पाव तारिस गुणवदा ता' We find that for a dovice Bāna bas guen us a fairly good drama There are some good 39#(eg III 13, IV 29) some good naftas like frizat fa mait' or 'ply for fortift स्त्रीणा चेतामि। In descriptions and delineation of sentiments, there is obviously a Kalidasian influence Though नाटयशास्त्र does not permit to depict a marriage or other religious rites on the stage, Bana in his malfut does not hesitate to choose as his theme the nuptials of Srra and Parvati We find that after the two art verses, the 17417 caters, and lica 97817 in a 91 play, has his own et again 50 to say. Was Bant trying to bring a compromise berucen a traditional beginning and a मूत्रधारहतारम्भ drama' Anyway पार्वतीपरिणय in some measure reminds one of Boa's lesse 10 H3racinita Introduction, ther. in he describes some special feature of Bh sa s dramas, and which Bana in a way attempts to imitat:

·16 Lastly we come to the alleged authorship by Bāņa of 6779. In the 77717 we get a remark that any obtained money from (cp. ad falutem mert I), This led a few scholars to believe, relying on a Kashmir tradition that the drama maat was really written by Bāna and it was permitted to go under the name of Harpa for monetary return. But this is hardly convincing For, Harça is the author of three dramas viz. fstar- दशिका, रत्नावली and नागानन्द. The prologues of all these three plays are very similar. They all specifically mention as the author in each case. There are numerous similaritics of word and thought in the three dramas which show a common authorship. None has questioned Harça's authorship of fracferat and ATT nor autributed them to Bāna. Then how can only raro be ascribed to Bapa in fairness? (Ds. P. L. Vaidya says that all these three dramas are ascribed by some to TV. But does not mention who these 'sone' are. We are not aware of their ). It should be noted that these dramas are cited by many pirs and they have not raised a doubt about Harga's authorship thereof, Thus for example tentaf is referred to in art- गुप्त's कुट्टनीमत ( 8th cent A.D.) रत्नावलि and नागानन्द are quoted in pol (p 150 and 176 resp) The Tr 13 quoted at least a score of times and me and foreafiret on a fewer occasions In 975'S IET. But nowhere has the slightest hint been given about Bāna's authorship of arafa or any of the other two plays Kşemendra, the learned critic and himself a Kashmirian quotes some verses from Taf and attributes them to sfiga (cp In thes विकण्ठामरण-सन्धि V " इन्द्रजालपरिचयो यथा श्रीहास्य 99 a &c (R. IV 11 }, In facafaaraaf he quotes the following verses as stilsmi aft: 77 &C (R. 11 12 ); factieto farema: &c'(R 18), 3rtel & (R 1141, 97 ar vitae aeq'a 972 adat:' &c (R. II 2-3) Mammata himself has never said that Bana got money by ascribing bis 7 to g. He seems to be referring to the Wealth which allt got from an as a court poet of the la ter As Pria. Gajendragadkat says: "The phenomenon of Ling.poels ·47 which appears a povelty to westerners, was by no means Uncommon to India. We have such glorious examples as भर्तहरि, मुद्रक, मोहर्ष, यशोवर्मा, भोजराज and others." The wealth obtained by Bāņa from Harsa is also referred to in the verse At Taft etc, quoted by us at the beginning of Chap IIT. As a whole the ascription of any of y's three dramas to Bana's authorship seems to be totally upwarranted. And Mm, Kane, Prir. Gajendragadkar, Dr. P. L. Vaidya etc (practically all leading scholars) are on our side in this conclusion.

·Chapter V THE HARSACARITA " वाणस्य हयंचरिते निशितासुदीदम शक्ति न येन यवितासुमद त्यति।" -~सोडलस्य The Harsacarıta is a pioneer attempt in Sanskrit Literature to write a reaTou on a historical theme But though it has a historia cal thread as its basis, and is a valuable record for contemporary social and historical details, in the paucity of other records, still its value as a histoncal document should not be over-rated For we find fancy and imagination freely mixed with the thread of actual history Several points of interest hkc the names and ideolty of the Malara and Gauda kincs, who respectively assassinated Grahavarma and Rājyavardhana is left obscure It is left to Hiuen Tsang to give the name of the latter as 7TETT, though the former is not named by him too Chronology of persons aod events in the Hare acarita is weak and confused to some extent And so even of the work gives a close picture of the society of the day, we learn very litle 'indeed about the political facts of the great emperor's resgu as a whole And really this need not much surprise us because Harstcarita 18 Written by Bana more as a romantic story than as sober history A Sanskrit historical kavya ,may bave a historical theme, but the treatment thereof is hardly lustorical io style or spirit Indians, though not totally lacking a sense of history, centainly have no love for chroniclining of events in a modern historian's way Perhaps the Indian mind psychologically is more interested in the world of imagipation than the world of facts, is more attracted by mythological heroes than contenporary opes The Sanskrit theory of art also, in its emphasis on imaginative and impersonated creation, encouraged abstraction admitted beliet in fate and miracles, and had little feeling for the concrete facts and forces of hupun nature and human life "Sanskrit witary of you kavyas are more poets than historians ·49 The Harçacanta has a literary as well as a historical and cultural importance It corroborates in a remarkable way the social and historical information of the Harya Era left to us by the 19defatigable Chinesc traveller Hioen Tsang The Har acarita offers us a viud picture of the Indian society, its religion and culture, its manners and customs, its arts and industries, as these existed more than thirteen hundred yeas ago Bana gives masterly descriptions of couit and villace life, holding the mirror to the time as if “The court, the camp, the quiet villag-s, which then, as now, contained the great mass of population, and still more quiet ronasteries ard retreats whether of Brahmanas or Buddhists are all paintred with sogular power " Har acarita is thus a great social document as well Dr Karambetkar has emphasized the importance of the पंचरित as (1) कविचरित्र (2) नृपचरित्र and (3) a «ocial document of the Harga era. Hargacarita ard Kadambari are composed in the same ornate and clatorate style, teth exhibit more or less the same merits and defects But Hargacanita is inferior to Kādambarl as a literary It has more artificial puns and sound effects, it has more obsolete, obscure or provrcial words sts chararactentation is not as minute and subtle as that in hadapibari "In the ease and flow of speech, in the force and tour of thought and expression, and in the happy description of implises, cmotions and sentiments that sway human cordlct, the Kadambari vastly cxcels the Hardcanta () Ilarsacarita shows Bana's apprentice period, while Kadambari shows him as a master artist. But Har acarita certainly shows Baga's prospective promise as an author and show's bus ponius for imagery, description and charactersation, And as c lave temarked earlier Harsacanta bas a special importance of its Own It is of great importance to the historian of ancient India It gives an idea about the progress achieved jo administration and Communications, in medicine and other sciences 10 arts and crafts, 10 Cuisitisation and culture as a whole Only one regrets that Bana did not write about the entire career of his patron Another point of note about Har, acanta is that it supplies the definite louer limit for the dates of several avihors or works which Bapa work 1 ·50 The Harşacanta is a ma containing eight chapters called ars. At the beginings there are 21 introductory verses The Kerala University edition gives 23 introductory trses to foafor iasiead of 21 of the N S P. or Kane's edition The additional verses are (1) अधिरतश्ब्दमहायप्रक्षालिनसकलभूतलकलाइका । मुनिभिरूपासिंततीर्या सरस्वती हरतु दुरित व ॥ (2) दर्शयन्ती मुखे स्वेद प्रस्तलन्नी पदे पदे । कञ्चिन्नीयते सम्या स्था नववधूरिय!! I(1) Comes at the very beginning before PEUSTO (2) comes between yaratsa & nafar farto ) At the beginning of an 11 to VIII there are two verses cach Further a few more verses are scattered in the work. The work be gins with the mythical origin of the family to which Bapa b-longs and abruptly ends at the recovery of Tinteit by it in the main narratne of the grafter. We now give a detailed sutomaty of the work A summary of the Harsacarita - (Uc. 1) In the introductory verses, Bāņa pays homoge to s'ambhu (V. I) and Uma (V 2), then he salutes Vyaysa (V 3) in the next three verses (WV 46) he laments over the lack of real good posts in the world, which is only too full of poetasters and plagrarists, then he refers to some regional stylistic peculiarities (7) and to the essential featares of good poetry (V. 8) Paying 3 homage to TO (V 9), Bapa then salutes the famous writers of Arts who preceded hum (V, 10) Next he refers with admiration to several carlier works or authors He first refers 10 4112767 (obviously a 1997) VII), then to the 1764 T (prose composition) of war frT3 (V.12), then to 'SH (obviously :) ( 13), next to 'STO (igra) (V14 Then he refers to pa's dramas ( 15 ) and Kaldusa's fas (V 16) He then mention TTT (V. 17) and the 3 com posed by 1971 (V 18) In the nert verse (19) he proposes to undertake tho ambitious task of uniting the present sain?, thea in V 20 describes somic speeigl (calueres of an anifay and ·51 winds up thc introduction with an encomium 10 king "Sliharşa, his patron (V 21) Then begins the narration of Bana's autobiography Once upon a time the divine lord Brahma was seated in bis assembls, Maited upon by gods and sages There was recitation of different Vedas going on and some disputes were afising amongst the learned on various academic topics Just then the irritable sage Dorvāsas, who was at dispote with another sage Upamanyu ( acc Kerala toi Edn) recited a Saman with a tonal fault through anget While other sages discreetly held their peace for fear of upsetliog the wrathful sage, young taat, with her gırlısh 10- nocence, smiled at that error Durvasas flew into temper at once and poured water to curse the audacious Traat who dared to laugh at him! The goddess #fit who was seated beside Brahma got up in anger to p'otest agains! Durvasa's rashness There were protests and entreaties from gods, Durvasas's disciples and his father Airi, to Durvasas to desist from cursing areaat, but Dur. Vasas turned a deat ear to these and cursed rift that she would go to the nether world (41) Savitri was about to give a countctcurse fo Durvasas, but Sarasvati intercedeal saying that Durvasas deserved honour as a Brahmin, it not for anytrung else Brahmä tool Durāsas severely to task for his rotemperate behaviour, illsuiting his ascetic garb, and assured poi that her curse would last only till she sees il at face of a son torn to her, and that yrftit mould keep her company during the sojoum in the nether world Brahm I then retired from the assembly ardo did Sarasvati With Savitri The sua soon set and night arricd Savitri tried to console ait who **s uncasv on account of the impodlag departure from leaven She assured रम्दती that she would soon ſet to the end of the cursa puriod, by a devoted propitiatiod of Lord Siva Saristali rupied that with frit as companion ite is not nor'cd about residence or earth or the curse, but she is sorry to mis the opport inity of earung Lord Brahmi Nest mornire tu, w: hirit felt for thr resta world S descorded to citthalon CC citof descending s'le sau froni 11 siy te istC 917 ·52 And Titat and diferit resided in an arbour of creepers on the Western bank of Sona One day in the morning they saw a group of horsemen riding towards the place where they were staying And in the midst of that group they saw a very charming youth of eighteen And with him was a middle aged, fattish, bald companion, dressed in simple and charming garb The youth having heard from his fore-runners about the pair of young divinely beautiful girls proceeded to meet them keeping his retinue at some distance he entered the region of the arbour along with that elderly companion of his They were offered appropriate hospitality as guests by साविधी and सरस्वती, and after some time सावित्री in a very gracious spech inquired about them The elderly man told that the youth was दधीच son of च्यवन and सुकया He was born and bred till now at the hou of his maternal grand-father king Saryata and now he was returning to his father s hermitage, just bryond the Sona, and that he himself was farpfet, servant of syafa, sent as an escort to get The elderly man fapfer politely inquired about the identily of and information about the two young giris Savitri told that they wished to stay there for quite some time and their personal details would be known by दधीच and विकुक्षि in duc course दधीच cxpressed a hope that they would soon come to know about these details and suggested to fagfar the continuation of the jouruey, which they did they went out of sight having crossed Sopa, Sarasvati who was intently looking at the youth turned away her game with great reluctance Freact was smitten by love and becaune love suck Soon returned fagfa on his return journcy From him they learnt that can also is tow in a vacant mood and is emaciated He also informed that a messenger from him nanod at would 800n call on ther And next day Malati arrived with some servants and presented the compliments of दधीच to सरस्वती and सावित्री, both of whom were greatly drawn towards her Then when a noon Sayatri liad gone to Sona for her bath Muntil conveyed the message of love from दधीच 10 सरस्वती सरवनी conveyed lier acceplance of its love and Malati returned with the glad tidings lo afly to bring him back to meet his swect- And as ·53 heart Dadhica came that might, the lovers were united and passed more than a year just like one day In due course सरस्वती conceived and gave birth to a son who was called a TEST After the birth of the son, Tai with faut returned to heaven as per the stipulation by Brahma, and are too agonised by her separ. ation, repatred to the penance grove, after entrusting the task of bringing up his son, to TATT, the wife of a Brahmın brother of his अक्षमाला had a son Re born the same day as सारस्वत, and the two boys grew togethes WCF had inherited by his father's blessing and mother s heredity all knowledge automatically and he imparted all that to his cousin ah Then he cstablished af as a householder at sfart and himself joined his father for तपस्या at the forest From arose the famous family of the 7791as, who were noted for the religious and scholarly attainments After a lapse of a long time in that family was born a great person, named युर He had four eminent sons अच्युरा, ईमान, हर and पागुपन T143 had one son only, the illustrious aru afa. ofr had eleven sons भूग, हस, गुचि, कवि, महीदत्त, धर्म, जानवदम्, चित्रभानु, प्रन, अहिदन, and विश्व Out of these, fatit had from his wifeराजदवी a soon named बाण Bapa lost his mother in his childhood And his father acted also the mother for him, very affectionatly And B.na grew up gradually and had his ATT like a dull porformed But when he was about fourteen, his father too died I us greatly goeied Gradually felling over grief, B.pl for a while erbarhed on a wandering life 10 a miscellaneous company Bapa by his waywardness, became an object of diaparagement of the elders But after getting a aried and rich cuperience of the world in travelling Bupa oncc mort is attracted to his famili-sept and family traditions of learning and religion And the proctral errant, i ho returned, #251 elcomed at home we hopen 15 (Lc II) B.2dwell Happ'y at his nafii: place which was a Nesepte with lodic Ice 3-d şifl7! co when surm-- (-) had s-t ir, treat had boome intense and the CC Bu usuds blan and fortit 007" to 7,159 1.93 who was ·54 restrug after meals one afternoon, was told about the amval of messenger from Krşpa, brother (cousin?) of Emperor Harpa Bana directed that the messenger be ushered in quickly The messenger had brought a letter and an oral message from Kaspa to Bina The oral message was Ktran has always felt a special regard for Baca He found that some wicked persons, Ill disposed towards Bāna,had poisoned the Emperorears's against arr, and the Emperor had been finding it difficult to disbelieve so many informants But Krsna who understood Bana's worth correctly had interceded on Bapa's behalf th Emperos, and the latter was open to conviction about Bana's goodness So Band should hasten tu come to see Emperor Hatça Bana should Dot wotry about difficulties of royal service or feel diffident to see His Majesty For Harga 18 indeed a very great monarch, who has a real appreciation of merit and a broad mind Bana arranged for the rest of the messenger and that night reflected to what he should do He felt that with no court experience or hereditary court-links or influences at royal court, and with no outstanding achievements intellectual or otherwise Bana s modesty, by the way), it would be ruski pertraps to go to the king But here was the suggestion of a very affectionate yet selfless well-wisher like Krsna to go Betier he goes then And accordingly he left atfarma on his journey, after per forming several auspicious rites In the evening on the first day he reached a village named Here and there enjoyed the hospitality of a cousin (?) and friend cafii crossed next day tiver Gauga and rested next night in a forest hamlet named QIT And next day he reached Harşa's carp ficar Mapilara (vi Manipura ) on the Ajirayatı In the afternoon accompanied by **Fi, lic want to sec emperor Harya On the way to Harpis chamber, he saw the horses of the king and also the royal elephant cara Then be was duly introduced to the august presmice of Emperor Harga First Bipa was received coldly, and emperor Hitsi teferred to him &s "महानय भनद्रग " Bir made a very courteous but also very dignificd und spirited self defence He said that he was ·55 bora in the illustrious family of the air 495; and he had got gaod cducation befitting his heritage Hc was married and a responsible householder, Granted a young days he was a bit indiscreet in his activities but that was just due to juvenile immaturity and indiscretion But Emperor Harga should not judge him by those juvenile lapses, but by tus intrinsic worth Harga looked at him with approbation and joterest, but did not favour him immediately But soon Hafsa was convinced of Bapa's real worth and then extended to him every favour and consideration Bina could long for { cp. स्वत्परेप चाहोभि. परमप्रीतेन प्रमादजन्मनो मानस्य प्रेम्णो दिसम्भस्य द्रविणस्य नर्मण, प्रभावस्प च परा कोटिमनीपत रेन्द्रेति।) (Uc III) Once at the advent of autumn (T) Bāņa came back to unfer to meet hrs kith and kin He was recented Very warmly and cuthusiastically He inquired whether bis Telatives were quite happy dunng his absorse and whcther all their activites were going on as osual their sacrificial performances, Vedic studies, Vyakarana and Mimam să discussions and poetic pursuits They told him that they were quite happy in their Brabmanıc pursuits Bapa had long consersation Bith them on Various matters He was treated to a recital of the 91 T bv reader fe in the afternoon Then Bapa's four cousins गणरति, अधिपति, तारापति and च्यामल, who were eager to hear about the life of Bina's patron, Emperor Hra rcqucsted Raca 1hough the youngest of themselves, Syamala, Bina's greatest fivourite, to narrate abɔut the life of Harta Bipa pis ad-d his inability to do full justice to such an (mincat subject, but promised to partite a portion or Harpa's lire, to the best of his ability; and that he would commence the account nett day as it is already evening then (Here ends the autobiograplucat portion in the refor} Ne monding Bindego to narire as mucofitarea. There Wala prosperous country by name is It $ rcted for religion and prosperity. In that country these *** . province It was also marked by plenty and prospentyrarred माया ·56 The ladies of 181297 were very beautiful and sophisticated There was a king gaafa who ruled there He was a great devotee of Sıva and his subjects also imitated him He once heard of an eminent Aria named alat and came to have a great devotion for him, even on hearing of him Once evening the doorkeeper announced the arrival of an ascetic ( frais #47*t) who came from Bhairavacarya The ascetic was immediately admitted to the royal presence with great respect The asetic presented the king with five silver lotuses sent by BhairavaCary, which the king reverentailly accepted and promised to call of Bhairavacarya the nextday He accordingly went next day to see him The king was affectionately greeted by the sage and he too very reverentially saluted the sige and sat on a clothseat nearby They had a talk for a while the king returned to his palace Next Bhairavacarya paid a return-visit to the king He Tefused politely the wealth offered by goafor The ascetic emissary used to give five silver lotuses as presents to geqafa, whenever be called on the latter One day he brought a bright sword narmed अट्टहाम as a gift from भैरवाचार्य १० पुप्पभूति a sword which qar Eta, a Brahmin disciple of 74198 had snatched from the hands ofa ब्रह्मराक्षस The king accepted the sword as a great favour One day Bhairavacárya called the king and requested him to help him in वैतार साधना on the next वृरणचतुर्दशी night in a deserted temple near a 97, along with three other disciples of his yız the ascetic emissary aifer, the Brahmın qaroratf777 and a afat named at The king very gladly accepted the assignment, and on the appointed night, secretly Icſt his palace, FETIT in hand, and reached the rendezvous The tiles for altainment of विद्यापरत्व by भैरवाचार्य were started Suddenly there arose & ferocious figure from the ground,-a i named the who knocked out the other three assistants Burt king girafe challenged him, and in a single combat threw him to the ground But when about to bchead him by drawing his time, he saw the 11t's यज्ञोपवीत and spared him ·57 Just then in the अट्टहास in his hand the saw a vision of लदमी, who announced tbat she was pleased with bus valour and asked him to choose any boon The devout king asked for भैरवाचार्य सिद्धि, which was granted, And zent further announced that in view of this self-less magnanimity of the king, there would arise from him a new great राजवंश, compeer of the मूर्यवश and चन्द्रवरा, in #bich would be born a great Emperor Harsa, on whom she would personally wait. With these words Laksmi disappeared. Bhairavacarya obtained विद्याघनत्व. He profusely thanked the king and offered 10 do something by way of his gratitude to the king, who, however, said that the achievement by Bhairavacārya of his objective was toward enough for the king himself. Bhairavacārya then went to his appropriate higher region. The नाग घौरष्ठ placing himself at gurata's Esbest went back with his consent to the nether world. 97 fa cime next morning with three associates, to his capital. He treated the three colleagues very hospitably. Of these three, the qfcare safes left for forest later on, in spite of the king's requests oberwise; while 9781649114 and i look service with the king and lived with him ever after for life. (Uc. IV) From geenfer arose a famous T, adorned by eminent monarchs. In due course was born in that family an illustrious king #, who was a 731FTTTA. He had an equally illustrious wife यशोमती. प्रनारवर्घन was a great devotee of the sun. He cveryday worshipped the sud and thrice a day recited an uhrt for the sake of prgoeny. One day in the early hours of morning amat rose from her sleep crying for help. "The king immedially got up and asked what the trouble was. Toho told that she saw in a dream to young lustrous boys, emerging from sua's orb, accompanied by a young girl, and attempting to calct the belly of berself, cutting it open; and she got up sbouling. Just then several good omens presented themselves. The king reassured the Queen that the dream was very auspicious and Suseestive that three children would be born to her in due course, The Queen was very happy to learn this ·38 -- Then was born in due course, first Prince Rajyavardhana Then next was born the second son yasa Hargavardhana was horn on वद्य द्वादगी of the month of ज्येष्ठ on कृत्तिका नक्षत्र The time of birth was early night The Tes were all m 37TAS Astrologically he was destined to be a great Cakravartin There were several good omens A great पुत्रजमोत्सव was celebrated Then when Harga began to take his first steps with the aid of of nurse, and when ruzia was in his sixth year, anteet conceived again and the daughter rret was born About that very time ya's brother sent his son, about cight years old, as a companion for the two princes His name was Bhanuo, and he was a very eminently gifted boy. Prince Rajyavardhana and Harea grew into very valorous and intelligent princes Their father gave them as their companions two Malava princes ATEIT and Figaat, who were very able and trust-worthy and who were to be treated as confidante frends Kumāragupta then was eighteen yenrs old and was of mediu build. His younger brother 9 was fairly tall and fair 10 complexion They became the trusted companions of parent and हर्प. Rajyasri also grew into a very accomplished princess Her hand was sought by many princes She was betrothed to Graltavamma, the son of Avantivarma of the Maukharı family The martage of Rajyashi was soon celebrated with due pomp After staying for a while at 7990's place, En returned to his place with 780277 ( UV) Once king se sent his young san 444 who had become qart to conquer the Hunas in the north i accompanied 154497 on his march for some days, and when 77aft went ahead towards far north a semained behind to enjoy ur in forests for a while, before returning home One morning there he had a dream in which he saw allon perishing in #forest conflagration and lus lioness jumping in that fire, abinº doning the cubs On awalening Harga was made uneasy by this ·59 drca He had dlomcns too In the afternoon he sav कुरदगार a messenger from his father living with a report of his fathers being down with heavy fever Harga proceeded homewards immediately even thout taking food, having given in chants all his possessions He had many ili omens on the way He reached the capital after incessant march and cntered the palace which 25 a picture of sullen despondency, with desparafe efforts being made to save the kings life by cvery nicans possible Har a saw his father, seriously :!! He was embraced by his father sery affectionately even in that condition and sas pressed to take food after har ing fasted for three davin (nasıl Harza could practically Let the writing on the wall He asked the frank opinion of the young physician I, who promised to teilat next day and not day Ilargar heard that it had courted deatlı by Wi77457 | rather than convey the unfortunate n~$ of garaga s impording end to Harria 23 TTT decided to practis 'Sati (self immo. huon) before garnitur's deatli Harga tued to presuadc his mother to desist from that resolle But she did not relent She committed herself to fe and at sunset Prabhakaravardhana also breathed his last Harg2 romaned anxiously awaiting the return of Rajyavardhana (Uc VI Soon Rajyavardhana referred immersed in grief, Theme was a touching meeting of the two brothers Next day AT announced his intention to abdicate in favour of Fi, bmcause 7.5517 had 2 mind to retire to forest ard * 25 not Teeling equal to uudertake the taxing labour of rulership Harga COLU il t'lum ui sunt. tiny ar J lic too Jrc deu to follow 777747 to forest Just they came T, 3 start of a sith its sed forort of murder by the king of laras snd 1 impriso77"rt of *177t in jaiot saluhy. He also rrrorted thalts- lalan doe was dikely to atta I to kiegdom of 79797 as sc ! RJ1313 Una immediately started an uxdu on agus I. 12 hrs i anima zi la lock after the line ta 1.2 107 of the Galanas 24" 5*, Antod .

·out accompained by Bhag ſin and an wa of horsemen Harga pleaded for permission to accompany him but 2754997 told him that this time he only stall go Harga would have enough scope an later life is display his valour They need not carry too many guns against a trifling enemy like the Malava king But Harga soon heard of the heartrending news of the murder of 7754447 by the king of Gaudas after enticiaghim in confidence ta his house after 774997 had defeated the Malavas This news enraged Harşa very much His gcneral ferait also TCCOmmended strong action by 89 to uproot the Gauda king and all other enemies Hatsa vowed to extirpate the Gauda king and also to establish universal sovereigenty by conquering all kings of India His TFTET27 gave him a sound advice of moving warily in the world and not beleving too much in any one The enemies had several ill omens (Uc VID) Then after some days Harsa embarked on his expedition f e camps the doorkee प्राग्जोतिप आभोग to श्रोहप It was a wonderful parasol for: इद न सप्ताचिद हति, न पृषदश्वो हरति नौदामाद्र पनि न रजासि गलिनपत्ति, न जरा जज रयति । (P 374) He also conveyed the message of king art / alias भास्करवर्मा) who wanted lifelong friendship with emperor Harga Har a accepted the request and sent all with appro priate presents to the king of gitsztfarg The marches went on One day 79 ſound for returning bringing the conquered armies of Malava conquered by 774997 After a touching meeting gu learnt from Bhapdin that after 27vq वधन dted and कुशस्थल ( कान्यकुब्ज) was in this tands of one गुप्त raat had escaped from imprisonment and entered the Vindhya forest But efforts to trace her were yet unsuccessful Harga decided to take up the task of scarching 7471 personally asking Bhand to proceed ahead with the army He next day saw the booty obtained by you in the fight with the Malavas and then started towards foregizat in quest of truet and soon reached a forest hamlet 1n it king of ·62 would reveal to us Bana's deep understanding of human nature and his ability to give vivid portraits of different persons with their individual traits and peculiarities Biņa. We begin with a charactersketch of Bana by Bana For Bāņa is the hero of the earlier autobiographical portion of the Hargacarita Bana shows himself to be an impartial observer and judge of his owncassets and defects Bana as we have already mentioned earlier, w35 born in a fimly of rich monetary and educational traditions But he lost his mother very early and was brought up with great affection by his father, who acted also the mather to him Naturally Bina became very fond of his father and this trazt we find particularly presented in the Kadambarı in the porror's story of its early life Bapa unfortunately lost his fathertoo when he was about fourteen years old and then Bana for some years led a wardening life a thing not approved by his elders but which was obviously a result of hoyish curiosity to see the world And one should have no regret that Bana chose this wandering life for a while Because it was in these years of travel, where people were mocking him that Bina harvested a rich and varied experience of life He got acquainted in those travels with courts and courtiers gurukulas and scholars men of vaned professions and walks of life and assemblies of the learned and the elite The spark of iborn geaius got a special brilliance by this direct touch with life,20d by the time be returned 10 re-enibark on his academic career and to commence bis literary carecr, he was po ssessed of a rich background of experience of life which rarely could have been (equalled by others Bana was very fond of bus native place and his kith and kio, and be began fus life as a young housholder at प्रीतिकूट, the family seat of वत्स And then came the call of the court Bina besitated for some time Being a man of great modesty, he wondered whether he had abilities enough to succeed at the court But he left for the court at least to justify Krepa s good intentions towards himself When he found in the first interview with Harşa the emperor mildly Tebuking him with the words at 39 387 , he gave a very spirited defence of bumself This shows how he was very self responding At the same time Bapa ·64 varied role as 2 981), 761 and 2:1 with great charm and dignity But she is the Indian wife par excellence, to whom her husband is all in all, and she courts death when she finds that area's end is near The system of wat is a system questioned for good Teasons, and questioned by Bana himself in his ficant, but node can question that's great love for 9741970 which made her 1ake that extreme step Rajyavardhana Rajayavardhana like this carth's sweetest flowers, died young But even in that brief but glonous carcer Trague has left immortal fame as an obedient son, affectionate brother acd great hero Temperamentally he was a man of peace Hc had a great admiration and devotion for Buddha He was a परमसौगत He wanted to abdicate the throne in favour of his younger brother but cruel fate made him abdicate the world But he died at the post of duty Revenge for uana's murder was a prior duty before he could renounoce the world He took the revenge before being himself murdered by a treacherous adversary Hargavardhana Harşavardhana is the hero of the Harsaca sita He is one of the greatest monarchs of ancient India А great hero, a great patron of learning, a great writer himself and a person of great religious tolerance, he can be rightly called a great 75f9 iu the truc Indian style His birth was heralded by a prophesy of Laksmi His mother had before his birth as which typıfied the child to be born She would like to bathe in the waters of the four oceans, to see her reflection is a sbining sword to take up bow, leaving aside thc lute and to sec lions in captivity All these were prognostications of the Universal Sovereign to te born When he was born, astrologers predicted his grcat career and fortune Even as a young prince Harşa showed his great promise as a hero and administrator. Harga was greatly attached his parents, brother and sister It was his great misfortune to lose his parents, his sister's husband and bus (own) brother, very quickly, one after other But adversity brought out the best in him and he herocally vowed to extirpate all enemies and become the Sovereign of India and be Yed both these objectives When he started on his expedition ·66 CC Commentaries on the liarşacanta -Kyspamacitlar enu merates five commentaries on Hargacarita The authors of these ure राडकर, रडगनाथ, रचक (or रुय्यक), राजानकः and शइवरसण्ठ Out of these the first two are available in print (1) ## by 1977 is the one commentary which is widely known It is very valuable for the understanding of many obscure words or puus But it is often very meagre We do not know much about the life or date of this TFT He probably hailed from Kashmir because his commentary is only found in Kashmir His fathers vame as पुण्याकर He invokes Games 2 at the beginning of bis commentary He has obviously consulted earlier exegesis on the book and he frequently refers to easlter commentators by the words like केचित, अये, अपरे etc He acknowledges the debt to these earlier commentators in a verse at the end of his work " दुर्बोधै हर्षचरिते सम्प्रदायानुरोवत । गूढोर्यो मुद्रणा चक्रे शडकगे विदुषा वृते॥" He has mentioned उदभट , दाव्याल्डवार, ध्व यालोक and राजशेखर This would indicate that he came after 9th cent A D Ams of सडकेत is dated सवत (ostensibly विषमसवत् ) 152016 1464 A D Further TFT, probably a hashmirian himself does not refer to eminent kashmirian आलडकारिकs like मम्मट or रय्यक but quotes ancient Kashmirian 15 fifcus like an and Jay So probably he seems to have flourished before 12th cent A D Mm hanc potes bow T5FT has referred to some vernacular words, which may furnish some clue to his provenance (e & On the word गुजा he remarks ' सप्ता' इति यस्य प्रसिद्धि , on प्रोटिक he says योग्या शनार्थ प्रसेवर यो वरण' इति प्रसिद्ध , on लम्बापटहा he says 'तमिला इति प्रसिद्धा ). (11) Harçacarita published by Kerala University in 1958 contains a commentary on gufa by Team The commentary is named pataiful This is much morc cxhaustive than 1577 by 77, and is very helpful for the understanding of the text "From the prefatory verses se inor that 75757 175 the son of ringtone and beloneed to the units, and that he was the disciple ofनारायणाय He giles Malayalam cquirlents to sercraf dill cult words a fact which seems to surgest that the quthor might have been a native of heril or at at any tate one who was ·67 proficent in Malayalam. It is also notes orthy that the commentator has adopted the Kerala reading, in preference to other readings (Kerala Uni Edn. ) (1) It aprrears that एस्यक, the famous author of अलरबारसर्वस्व Lad atitted a commedtary called or afiaafar on the after cp. एका ( उत्सा) च तमन्नोमाप्रतिपादकविपपि हर्षचरितवादित साहिब मीमामाया च ते तेषु प्रदेशेषुदाहृता ।"~-अलहकारन स्व p 61. The author of the commentary on the व्यक्तिविवर of महिमनट्ट, who is Ensrally tegarded to be the same as Ruyyala also refers to his orrn cominentary on the हर्षचरिन called हर्षचरितातिक cp "एत- दम्मानिहंपचरितवाति विस्तृत्य प्रतिपादितम्, तत एवावसयन् ।--P• fot ibe comn on the trainer (Trivandrum Sanskrit Seno). It is a pity that this ancient commentary by such an emipeat critic has not yet seen the light of the day. If atd whert found, it is bound to help in settling the meaniog of many a doubtful word or Passage and in settling corruptions in the text of rifar We do not know any details about the other two commentaries beyond + 1 heir names Two casal points of pote are: (1) According to the learned ranslators of Harvacanta (Prof. Cowell and Mr. Thomas). Targacanta was generally forgotton by Indian writers, and that Only rare copies of the oth existed in the libraries They HEAntron oaly माहिर and कामप्र refermus to हर्षचरित. But Mm hade srons ho noia, ofta and put also have referred to afte He also tells that llarsacanta as carefully presorsed and studied in Kasbror at least. (For Kalhapa's indebtedoess to the Hurracarita sp Dr. Stein's Kalhin? SOLI P. 133). पथावंचरित नव (?) la sita's TGITT (chap 20) iterc is a quolaton : गुवा धारी ती मोठा। टामठ प्रपति हों हित महम्मामि । Thus shons itse asterce of another piafia. Thus sens to Lave so connection with our ift ·68 16 CHAPTER VI THE KIDAMBARI दादम्बरीसमरेण गमान एक मत्ती न विश्चिदपि घेतयते जनोऽयम् ICOTATUT I fratartt JAHIT Bana's Kadambari is a pccrlc»s work in Sanskrit prosc Romance, and is famous for its supreme literary merit It became Inter on a word signifying the type 'Novel' in some vernaculars Tlc name is true to its captivating grace, for that is name of wine And Kidambari maddens the heart and gladdens the soul, like the proverbial liquor And Bhūşana assures us that readers intoxicated by the wine of Bapa's poetry would hardly nounce the inferiority of his supplement to lis father's magnum opus cp (कादम्बरीरमारेण रामा एप मतो न पिञ्चिदपि चेतयते जनोऽयम् । भीतोऽस्मि यान मार्गविजिरोन तछेपमात्मवचसाप्यनुमन्दधान !-कादम्बरी ননা Intro v 7) Another proverb also tells us how the relish of ararao males one forget food a la wine repair शामामाहारोऽपि न रोचत । कादम्बरीरसज्ञानामाहारो पि न रोचते ||), Govardhandcarya feels that Sarasvati personally has taken the fuum of Band (asut) 909) "Bana's words breathie a freshness of vigour that bcspeaks a warm and sincere admiration of the profusion of nature which the Indian scenery offers to the poetic mind And in this respect he res very few equals even amongst oriental poets "(Krepam cariar) The Kādambara is hailed by all as the greatest work in the field of Sausinit 2 Aptry has Acarya Pathak said that if Hargacarita is a hustorical narrative of this world, the Kadambari is a poctic presentation bringing heaven to the carth " Dapa's fa-famed Kadambari ys rightly reckoned as h1 masterpiece In it his imagination takes rapid and sublime flight --thought succeeds thought and ore sin le is followed by anothe till the chain is so extended that one loses sight of the master ide which is smothered in his luxuriant imagery His memory survey the whole field of Indian history and mythology and bis extensiv ·13 9 Elcquaintance with Sanskrit vocabulary brings in words and expressions not familiar to even advanced students of the language It is especially popular among the Pandits on account of this feature as well 35 d unique character But it is accessible to Ordinary students owing to its most difficult and long compounds, as well as obscure and double meaning words, and allusious to strange mythological events (Kale), A Sommary of the Kadambari. Bāna begins Kadambari With a salutation to the Unborn Supreme Being which is the cause of the ra, fefs and of the Universe Next he salutes the dust from the feet of Lord Siva Then bomage is paid to Vienu (7) Then Bana salutes his Guru Bharvu who was bonoured by the stafrs and their vassal There is then a censure of thc wicked, a praise of the good and a praise of fra 1 e good literature Then Bana tells us how a दया which is स्मरवरालाप- दिगसकोमला delights like an अभिनवा व In y 9 are indicated the qualittes of a good क्या (1) नरपदार्य (1) निरन्तर दोष (1) Tarla (The earlier verse has emphasized sweet diction and r2525 ) In y 10 is mentioned Kubera, an illustrious scion of the *7471, who was honoured by many 2 Guplas (TIAT- पादपहरा His was a house replete with Vedic traditions of lreaning and ritual His son 3 aqft who rias also a great teacher and ageat sacrificer One of जर्षपति's sons was चिनमानु funar was a person of noble virtues and was a great sacrificer. He has composed this fait qu' viz Neces motive There was a great Indra-like King, Sudraka by name was a very poserful ruler and ruled his subjects with great efficiency and affection His capital w25 the city of fafint on the River वत्रवती He was aided by many competent ministets in his Concrnance. And he was accompanied by several talented prirces of like ac- and aptitudes He was temperamentally averce to loiesports, and con with a boy of beautiful queens, passeed his urre azay from los esports, a various intellectual or artstic Pursuits One day, in carly morning a deoriesper 1-ported to the king of the anal of a certain no witha perrot in a g: in her His son was in He ·70 hand, and her seeking an inter-view with the king The king directed that she be uşhered in The Capdala girl, after entering the royal assembly, struck the ground with her bamboo staff, thereby attracting the attention of the members of the assembly towards herself The king looked at her intently with amazement as she entered led by an aged मातडग and followed by a चाण्डाल boy carrying a parrot in a cage. The king wondered why the craetor created such a flawless form in the Candāla community The gul made obeissance to the king, and then the old TTT TT Presented the parrot 10 the king on behalf of the young Cândāla princess. He told that parrot was an extraordinarily gifted bird and deserved to be possessed by Emperor Sūdraka The parrot uttered a verse in praise of the king, who was greatly impressed thereby. At noon the king left the assemby-hall directing the Candalakanyā to rest and the parrot to be taken inside. He had his bath, performed Siva worship, after duly. paying homage to the manes and the sun. Then he had his food, Then in the afternoon, while resting in his BFT059 he got पैशम्पायन the parrot fetched there And there the king requested the parrot to tell its whole narrative as to where it was born, who were its parents, how it has obtained the Vedic and Sastric Jore, whether it was some being who had become a bird, how it happened to fall in the hands of Capdalas and the like. The parrot said "Your majesty, it is quite a long tale, may your majesty be pleased to hear it if you so desire The Parrot's Narrative :--There is a great forest on the Vindhya mountain. Therein there was a hermitage which was once inhabited by अगस्त्य, लोपामुद्रा and their son दृढदस्यु. That hermitage was hallowed by many a memory connected with the stay there of राम, सीता and लक्ष्मण in their वनवास. Near about that place was the beautiful lake 7797. On the western bank of पम्पा there was a mighty शाल्मली tree On that tree there dwelt hundreds of birds There I was born as a lone child of my parents, so a hollow of that tree My mother died of the pains of child-labour, and my aged father brought me up with all carc and affection.

·One day early in the morning there arose a great uproar of a hunting expedition, I sheltered in the sings of my father, through terror. Soon came a big group of hunters raising loud shouts There here shrieks and screams of wild animals and harking of dogs And then a sort of calm descended on the area, I tried to hase a pceping look at things outside from the hollow I saw then a big Sabara army marching towards our place, and in the midst of that I say the commander of the Sabaras, whose name I learnt to be FTTTF later on. He came and rested under the S'almalı tree for a while and marched ahead with his army But an old Sabara tarried behind, cast his covetous, greedy eyes at the tree and climbed it to catch the young ones of parrots in the hollons He went on killing them one after another, dropping them on the ground, and gradually he reached our hollow,pulled out my father, killed him and threw his body down, not noticing-luckily for me.me ,uho was concealed under my father's wings I luckily fell on a beap of dry leaves, and before the Sabara came down I somehow crawled some distance away to the foot of a big Tamala tree When the s'abara climbed down and collecting his kill wert in the same direction as bus coromander, I, DOW impelled by extreme thirst, tred to move towards some water reservoir. While inching my way with great dificulty I reflected over the urge to survive, which is uppermost than anything in beings How I was keen on survival, rather than follow my fatber in death-my father who had done so much and so affectionately for me right from the day of my birth, when my mother died, inspite of the advanced age of his I found the sun very hot, the water front was fairly away stil! I felt dazed and almost longed for death Just then att a hermit boy, son of the great sage gif, whose 277279 was nearbs, came to that lotus. lake for his bath He took compassion on me, on noticing me, took me to the water-front, put a few drops of water in my beak, whereby I felt refreshed, and when he returned home after his baih he took me home. I saw the holy A7, that resembled Brahmaloka There I say the sage of I was struck by the spintual emocnce of the sage and by the atmosphere of the heritage, ·70 hand, and her sccking an inter-YIC* With the king The king directed that she be ushered in The Culla rirl, after entering the royal assembli, struck tlc ground with her bamboo stall, thereby attracting the attention of the members of the assembly towards hersell The ling looked at her intently with amazement as she entered led by an aged IT and folloned by a T boy carrying a part in a cag* The lig wondered why the cretor created such a Nauless form in the Cip'ita community The girl made obenstance to the king and th-n the old T1 presented the partot to the link on behalf of the young Capilla princess Ile told that parto! Was an extrordinarily gifted bird and deserved to le possessed by Emperor Sudraka The parrot uttered a trse in praise of the ling who was greatly impressed therebs At noon the lins Ich the assemby-ha!! directing the Cuplakani to rest and the parrot to be taken inside lc had his bath performed Siva worship, afer duly. raying homage to the manes and the sun Then he had his food, Then in the afternoon while resting in his BTECTTTT4 he got ATTTT the parrot fetched there And there the king requested the parrot to sell its whole narrative as to s here it was born, who uere its parents, how it has obtained the Vedic and S'astro lors, whether it was some being who had become a bird, how it happened to fall in the hands of Capllas and the like. The parrot said your majesty it is quite a long tale, may your majesty be pleased to hear it if you so desire The Parrot s Narratire There is a great forest on the Vindhya mountain Therein there was a hermitage which was once inhabited by अगस्य, लोशमुद्रा and their son दृसदस्य That hermitage was halloned by many a memory connected with the stay there of राम, सीता and लम्मण in ther वनवास Near about that place was the beautiful lake 7777 On the Intc-nı bank of पम्पा there was a mighty पाल्मली tree On that free there dwelt hundreds of birds There I was born as a lone child of my parents, in a hollow of that tree My mother died of the pains of child labour, and my aged father brought me up with all care and affection ·71 terΓΟΙ father's wings One day early in the morning there arose a great uproar of a huoting expedition I sheltered in the sings of my father, through Soon came a big group of hunters raising loud shouts There were shrieks and screams of suld animals and barking of dogs And then a sort of calm descended on the area. I tried to have a peeping look at things outside from the hollow I saw then a big Sabara army marching towards our place, and in the midst of that I sat the commander of the Sabaras, whose name I learnt to be FrTF later on He came and rested vader the Salmali tree for a while and marched ahead with his army But an old Sabara taried behind, cast his covetous, greedy eyes at the tree and climbed it to catch the young ones of parrots in the hollons He went on killing them onc after another, dropping them on the ground, and gradually he reached our hollow,pulled out my father, killed him and threw his body down, not noticing-luckily for me--me, who was concealed under my I luckily fell on a heap of dry leaves and before the Sabara came down I samchow crawled some distance away to the foot of a big Tamala tree When the Sabara climbed down and collecting his kill wert in the same direction as his commander, I, nos impelled by extreme thurst, tried to move towards some water reservoir While inching my way with great difficulty I reflected over the urge to survive, which is uppermost than anything in beings How I was keen on survival, rather than follow my father in death --my father who had done so much and so affectionately for me right from the day of my binh, when my mother died, inspite of the advanced age of his I found the sun Very hot, the water front was fairly away still I feit dazed and almost longed for death Just then itt a hermit boy, son of the great sage Frauf, whose 777 was nearby, came to that lotuslake for his bath He took compassion on me on noticing me took me to the water front, put a few drops of water in my beak, whereby I felt refreshed, and when he sctuned home after his bath he took me home. I say the holy 17, that resembled Brahmaloka There I say the sage Erf eminence of the sage and by the atmosphere of the hermitage, I was struck by the spintual ·72 Where all animositics secmed to have subsided हारीत placed me under an Asola trec and valuted his father, and sat on a Darbha «cat ncaiby The cages in the hemlige asked him about the information relating to me 11 urta narrated how he found me under a tree, how he could not climb thc tall free to replace mc in my hollow and how he brought me to the hermitage to be reared up till I grew up and becamc capable of flying in the sky Then I may go or stay as I choose Jabali's attention too was drawn towards me, he looked at me with compassion, remembered my corlier life and remarked "This bird is reaping the fruit of his folly (in previous birth)" The sages in the hermitage eagerly solicited gift to narrate the story of my pres sous life The sage replied. “It is a long tale, and now evening is fast approaching Let us complete our evening sites, and let this parrot also be refreshed. Then I would narrate you the story by which the parrot would also remember his earlier birth” Then night fell When after evening sites and food the sages gathered together, Erta requested his father to tell tl e rarrative about me And sage Jabalı began his narrative as follous (Here ends the 7177 and Jabali's narrative begins ) Jabali's Narrative - There was in the country of Avantis a city named Frufuait on the bank of Sipra, hallowed by the presence of the Mahakala The city was ruled by an eminent king named तारापीड He was the sovereign of the entire Indian subcontinent His was a very prosperous kingdom He had a very wise minister by name Tay He left the task of administering the well established kingdom to the able minister 77714 and enjoyed various pleasures of youth But as he began to advance in age gradually and still was childless, he was very much worried and dejected by childlessness The chief Queen of that king was Vilasavati, a very beautiful and noble woman One day, the king visiting her apartments found her 11 great dejection, weeping He very solicitously inquired of the cause of her grief But finding that she did not reply to his querry, he inquired of the attendants And then the Queens betel bearer maid Makarıka told the king that the grief of sonlessness was the ·73 cause of her anguish She has been grieting over it for quite some time but just that day wbich sas a TT, she had been to worship Mahakala ard she heard from the Mahabharata reader there that a sopless person does not attain heaven This had jacycased her grief all the more The king consoled the Queen with a very feeling and eloquent adsice He recommended to her to still increasc her practice of divine worship sons and holy sites for qafar The Queen did accordingly One day in the early hours of morning att sats in a dream the ord of the moon catering the mouth of farrhat He told about that drcam to TYR14, bo told the king that it was a very AUSPicious dreani wh ch ind cated the birth of a son to the king and the queen very soon Esen 7 ta had a propitious dream that iery day when he saw a Brahmin place a lotus in the lap of गुन्नागs wife मनोरमा This indicated the birth of a son to IT IT and मनोरमा The kjog along with 77719 saw the Queen and told her about both these auspicious dreams In due course दिगसवता conceived The Dews was conveyed to the king by a ma d कुलवधना The kmg was highly delighted and so too was the Qu'en A con was bom in due course The #sty was observed with great eclat. Very soon after that time a son was born to शुक्नास and मनोरमा The two boys grew up and when they were of the schooling age the king got a special fagara prepared stalled it with a highly qualified staff and put Candrapida (bis son) with Var-ampayana ( TATA S SOD) in that दिद्यामदिर And Caudrapida soon masteļed all the tores of the day He and Vaistampayana became intimate friends Then when am completed his education ihe king sont his general बलाहक to bring him from the विद्यार्मारर At that time an excellent horse A kas presented to Talits by the king Tant has wonderstruca to sas the matchless horse Candrap da mourted Indtayudha and accompanied by a posse of princes on horseback scot by his father, started for the city As he cotered the city people thronged in streets and doors ·74 to see him The prince duly reached the palace He paid his respects to his father and mother Then he paid respects to शुकनास And then he came to the mansion earmarked for him At night he again called on his parents paid homage to them returned to his palace and slept for the night Next morning he went on a hunting expedition Next day he was given an attendant maiden named ynëtar, a daughter of the king of Kulutas she was to be treated with great consideration and confdence Candrapida found her a very devoted attendant In due course तारापीट planned for the यौवराज्याभिपक of च दापीड On the eve of this यौवराज्याभिषेक, शक्नास gave a very worthy advice to चन्द्रापीड He advised tam to be on the guard against the indiscretions of youth and passion and the wayward behaviour of wealth Then anon auspicious day चन्दापीड was installed as a यवराजा Next चन्द्रापीड started on a दिग्विजययात्रा He conquered the whole world in three years and after going round the whole world in that way, he happened to reach सुवणपुर a residence of Kuratas, which was near Kailasa and eastern ocean (") and there he decided to halt for a while to refresh his armies One day he espied there a farefaya and went in pursuit thereof He quickly went for a distance of 15 r in that single pursuit and ultimately found the couple scaling the heights of a lofty peak, with himself stranded behind Then he realised the vainness of his pursuit and knowing that northern limit of the world ended the north of navige, and then there lay a forest uninhabited by man and then came Kailasa, which he had already reached, he turned back to seek his way to his camp by keeping to the south But as it was noon, he thought of refreshing his horse and himself hy some water and some fodder for his horse So he started 10 quest of some lake And soon he came across a very beautiful lake named zoete Ile refreshed himself and Indrayudha there and rested for some time Then he heard the notes of music Going in quest of their origin he saw ? SIV? temple There he saw a young or very white in complexion playing on the late and song at praise of the Lord down from his horse ticd his horse to 1 branch of a free and went He ·75 to the S'iva temple, saluted Siva and intently gazed at that divine damsel. He was very much struck by ber divide beauty and form, he became eager to inquire about her personal information and so Wasted there patiently till the siaging came to an end When the soog ended, Mahasveta noticed Candrāpida and requested him to accept her hospitality as a guest, which he did after profuse requests to be spared of these formalities After partaking of the simple fare offered, Candrápida vecy modestly requested the young girl to tell about herself The girl remained silent for a moment and then began to shed tears And then she procceded to narrate her account as folloss - Mahas'Teta's Narrative. There are fourteen families of Aparascs and two families of raras One of the families of Tratas was ruled by faza son of 299719fa's daughter for and the other गन्धर्व family was ruled by हस, the son of दक्षप्रजापति's another daughter afri. This # was married to to who was born in that family of Aparases which was born from #19 I was born as the only daughter of that couple, and was sery fondly brought up by my parents and duly attained youth One day, with my mother I came for bath to the stat lake Then while wandering here and there I smelt an extremely divine fragrance And being attracted by it, I moved ahead and saw a very lustrous and beautıful of the accompanied by another young ascetic boy as his companion. And beholding that matchlessly beautiful young ascetic I fely in love with him And when I, trying to curb my emotion, saluted him, he too forthwith fell in love with me. I then inquired of the friend of that youth about the youth and about the fragrant blossom he carried He replied. There is a great sage by name hty One day he had gone to TTET for collecting lotuses for duine worship There he was seen by Laksmi, who was affected by cupid at his sight, and by a mental consummation of volon with him got a son She handed over the son to data, who duly brought him up and named him qusia This is the same as that young ascetic Thc blossom he is nearvig on his ears is of TETA ( from the heart, presented to him by a Fiche Grand worn with ·76 reluctance by him The young ascetic offered to me that blossom and placed it on my car We both were thrilled by the consequeot mutmal touch He inaduertently dropped down his rosary, which I caught in the air and put round my neck Just then there came a maid-servant, and she remoded me that it was almost type for our return, and so I should coinplete my bath 1, with great difficulty, moved away from that place and then the friend of the faast began to chide him for his mental agitation as follows 0 Pun larika, how is it that you have been so swept away by passion? It hardly becomes your penance and self-control You have already lost the rosary At least do not lose your heart Pundarika tried to be stiff towards me and demanded back his Tosary, only to receive a pearl necklace, which he took without noticing it I then returned and remained utterly lost in love Just then came my amistarfent named asfott, who had tarried for a wfule and who brought now with her a love letter from Pundirika I was enthralled to read it and talked about पुण्डरोक with तरलिका At about sunset there came the trurfer reporting that one of the affairs has come to the door, asking for the sterat Wher he was brought 10, he reported the lovelorn and desperate condi tion of yozta Just then my mother came to see me, and Kapojde, that furn1 hastily returned After my mother returned, I in early night discussed the matter with a fost and I left, love lorn myself too, to meet my lord There was ominous throbbing of my right eye when I reached near the place, I heard the loud laments of Kipiñjala over the death of quellt Then I lamented long and bitterly At this stage of the narrative महारवंता broke down and fainted Candrapida revived her Then even though Tata requested tier to discontinuthe narrative she continued When I was thinking of consumuing myself to fire a divine being, comjog from the orb of the moon, took 314ay the corpse of 4753/1, telling me riot to commit suicide, as I would be reunited with conta as un Kapiājal flew in the sky after that divine being Then I decided to stay there in penance, awaiting for the day of reunion, Tejusting a}} cfforts of my father to wean me away from this fesolve to lead an ascetic lifc Gund- ·With the FT Tāpıda then very cloquenty consoled Maha'svetā and told her that she had done everything possible for a belosed to do for her lover, and she should never think of 374 37% is not a Iesort of the heroc but of cowards, strange though this may seem! It is an admission of loability to stand up to the trials and tribulations of life अनमरण does good neither to the dead nor to the dying There is no guarantee that अनुमरण can reunite the अनुमत On the other hand it brings the sin of suicide So We should follow the path of a courageous facing of hardships Great ladies like , ar, 27 and others bare also not taken to यनमरण And particularly Fri, having the assurance of reunion given by the drine being, hardly has any justification for the She should contiauc to hope for the great day Just then the sun set. Both coat and Friliis prepared to retire for night, Talking then, his inquired where #afft was then. She told. Prince, there is the Gandharva king F479, who has married FET born of the family of Apsarascs born of nectar. They hasc one daughter, wamed Ghall She has been my childhood compa: Dion. On hearing my misfortune agradecided not to marry till I was again happy The Gandhana king had therefore sent a Kañcukio site to me to try my hand at persuading Kadambari to change her decision, and I have sent aft with a message of appeal to कादम्बरी. Next morning तरलिका returned with a Gandharvalid केयूरक, the lute-carrier of Kadambarl, who conveyed Kandamban's return-message confirming her decision to remain unmarried till TTTT was reunited with her lover Mabaketa sent back Keyuraka with the words I shall personally speak to Kādambarı about this After Kejuraka returned, Eldar suggested that Candrapida can accompany her to friza's Tealm, if he would not mind He agreed and duly came to the palace of Triat He was introduced by Fiera to 176 in suitable terms and was received with great regard Needless to say that rats and fell fell in love at first sigst ·78 Then Mahāsveta went to see the parents of Kādambarl, who had called her,and चन्द्रापोड was lodged in a mansion on a ीडापवंत. There q-a1975 was sent a priceless necklace as a present by Ticket. After staying there for a couple of days are returned, with his love for F1 and vice versa, being firmly established. He returned to the hermitage of praat, where he met his followers who had come up there in his quest Next day he saw वेयूरत, arriving with materials of hetel and the forgotten necklace sent by Kadambari Keyaraka informed him about the lovelorn condition of Kadambari Candrapıda made another trip to Hemakūta, this time accompanied by Palralekha And then he soon returned to his camp, keeping behind that at Kādambari's request. At the camp he found a messenger, who had been sent by king Taripida TTT had called back Candrapida, who was away quite some time, immediately, and so too 14747 was called back by शुकनास Both of them started back with their army चन्द्रापी kept behind 1971, son of his commander to escort home a when she returned from Hemakula He also sent a message of touching farewell to Kadambari and Mahās vela, hoping to meet them sometime in future And asking GT-9197 to come with the army at a slower pace, 777976 himself started home at great speed with a few picked horsemen In the evening he reached a चण्डिकायतन, where a जरद्न्द्रविड धामिर was in charge Hc halted there that night, next morning marched ahead and soon reached Ujjayini He was very gladly grected by his parents He paid respects to TTiT and IT and went to his mansion. Ilc remained awaiting the arrival of it, who came after some days Ic asked her in confidence of things connected with it and 61- i ga told in detail of ritmiil's love-sickness She told how she told Kidambari that she would return to bring back her lord Kadambari wondered host she could frame a suitable message to Candrapida (And here Bina's outralte comes to an abrupt end) Bbuyapabipt continues ) Kidambari uas iery much as cr- Mursed hs lovelornness She conceded the request of givni or reluraing to bring back ! 17 a returned and told about ·79 कादम्बरी's love sick condition to चन्द्रापीड चन्द्रापीड was very anxtous and did not know what to do just then After some days Keyuraka arrived and conveyed Kadambari's sull more desperately Jovesick condition Cand sapida was in a fir as to how he could return to TATIZ Without informing his parents, and how he should tell about his love, to them He badly wanted T441276 to be near him to advise Iust then he heard that the army he leſt bebiod with a 3779797 in charge, was dear and so decided to send F and er in advance to Kadambari, promising that he would soon follow King T71917 started thinking about the marriage of Candrapida चद्रापीड felt that the arrival of वैशम्पायन would make his marriage with qigat a near possibility when his father was now thinking of tt चदापीड started to meet वैशम्पायन When he reached thearmy-amp he was shocked to hear of Vaisampāyana's absence And on inqurics he learnt as follows a T+7147, before Starting the return journey wanted to bathe in the holy Acchoda Jake and worship Lord Siva When he went there he was so lost la sa indescribable mental agiation that he just refused to move away from that place in spite of the entreaties of his companions He advised them to return and said that he would return when he got into a prcpu mocd for three days the companions waited, hoping that a Times, would come and ultimately leaving suficient provender for him started the return journey When Tat heard this he was totally at a loss to understand why वैशम्पायन acted that way He though he should straightway go in quest of वैशम्पायन But he decided to first report maiters back to Ujjayini and then leave for the search of GFTICA, and he may use the opportunity to meet Kadambari as well So he returned He called on 74714 whose piace was already being visited then by the king and the queen The king chided Candrapida for degligence Sukan sa ir terceded powerfully Candrapida's behalf soundly olaming 945145 for his own folly ENTIDE told TTT that he had heen too harsh in criticising 1977 te volunteered to go to bringá Tamahome and was duly permitted to do so He proceeded forthwith, dreamıog of the recovery of वैशम्पायन meeting महाश्वेता, meeting marriage and lovesports with Kadambari marrying 947 with adi etc On the way there carne the rainy scason which caused a lot of On ·80 discomfort by heavy showers On the way he saw a returning and asked him about वैशम्पायन But he reported that he had returned before reaching Breyte at the insistence of qērat and 85: रक, who advised मेघनाद to return, as चद्रापीड may not come im autumn that side so he could go back, because there was no point in his waiting for uts's arrival very soon and he better return in good time to Ujjayint They were confident of making their way ahead . Candrapıda then reached Xasic He did not find any trace of वैशम्पायन and decided to inqure of महाश्वेता about him He was surprised to see herzaal weeping bitterly On inquiring she repled when I returned from Gandharvaloka here, I saw a young person. He began to woo me ande when he pressed his suit persistently I cursed him to be a parrot And then I learnt that he was your friend Hearing about this unhappy end of a tearaat, E fell dead Taralıke and Candrar da's retinde began to lament And just then came on the scene कादम्बरी with पत्रलेखा for seeing चन्द्रापीड She was over-whelmed by seeing 737915 dead. She wanted to burn herself with raiz's corpse But just then some refulgent 'ustre came out of 7978's body, and a voice in heaven told that Frantz's body should be guarded and protected there lill he is once more revived as he would be gozzini's body is also wellguarded in a All were surprised But पत्रलेखा leading इन्द्रायुध with her, jumped in अच्छोद Out of अच्छोद rose up पिज्जल who informed महाश्वेता thus When I went after that devine person who had taken away qosita's body, I reached चन्द्रलोप in that process There the person told me that he was the Moon He was cursed by Pundarika dying of lostsickness that the moon, who is bringing about his death by excruciating rays shall more than once be born in this mortal world, and falling in love would die before being uuried with his belased Thic moon, cursed for no fault of his, retaliated by a counter curse that quscit would be sharing his joys and sorrows Then realising how this पुण्डरीक was the lover of महाश्वता bis descendant, the moon directed me to go to , who perhaps would find a way rirongo this mess, wine qustir's body is so guaruld' In TTT When I left towards my destination I absentmindedly jolted ·81 against a wrathful a tfta who cursed me to a horse On intercession he ordained that I shall become the horse of Candiapida, son of Tarapida, who ( Candrápida ) would be the moon reborn. My friend पुण्डरीर was to be born as दाम्पायन I was to regain my form when I would bathe after my master's death I remembered these things and intentionally brought Candrápida in the Kara's pursuit to that region Vasgampayana was done else than gostia and so through previous attachment tried to woo Mabasketa At least two births of unrequited love shall have to be spent by the moon with Pundanka as his companion. Mahāsveta was overwhelmed by grief on hearing this account Kapıíjala consoled her by saying that shc should carry on with her pedance with a faith in divine dispensations, which are bound to be realised. Kadambari asked What happened to पत्रलेखा? Kapijala sard: I do not know but I shall forthwith go to ao and seek information of the next birth of 7771917, yrst and also about the subscquent information about 7. Kadambari ard Mahasretā waited with hope Some messengers from OTTE arrived and went back to report matters as they stood Torn between grief and hope, तारापीट, विगममती, शुक्नास and AT accompaoled by some retinue came where the body of Tata was lying; and remained waiting there. Here Jabal concluded by saying ibat the parrot before them was 1791977 cursed by her car to become a 77. The T4 now remembered everything and inquired of safe as to what had happened to his friend चन्दापीड. The sage counselled at against impatience and asked it to wait till its wings became strong Then it may inquire Harita inquired why gusty was cverpowered by love and why he has short lived, Jabalı ansacred that he was born of 1914 only and so he was so Jabali then ended his tale. Whue Tita attended (continues the parrot) on me, who was uneasy and desirous of going away in quest of my lost kith and kin, there came Kapuñala from S'ietaletu's hermitage in scarch of me He told me how RTT by divine Vision had come to know what had befallen qoszta, how he started coucteremedies, how he himself, when freed from the birth of a borse, went to ·04 वेतकेतु, how श्वेतकेतु told him that वंशम्पायन was born as a parrot but advised him not to visit a regrat just now how one day प्वेतकेतु ndvised him to go to जावालि's hermitage to meet वैशम्पायन viz myself in the present partot s birth, who had now remembered my earlier birth He conveyed to me a message from the that I should stay at siais s feet till the proper time) comes for my release from the parrot s birth I was also informed how my mother in niy qosla birth was interested in saving me Kapiñjala and myself talked for a long time on these matters and then कपिञ्जर eturned to श्वेतकेतु' आश्रम After I grew strong one day I flew away to the north On the way I was caught in a snare by a fowler who had done so on 20structions of the daughter of a Malinga chef I was taken to her She kept me in a prison I first refused to take any food but later, on an appeal by the Candala gırl relented When I was grown up the Cap lalakanya put me in a cage and brought at to your majesty Why she brought me here who she was etc, I do not know (Here ends the parrot s tale ) King Sudraka became eager to know about these matters and inquired of the Canlala girl apropos these She told how Sudraka was Candrapida the parrot was greita and she herself was went Now that she had brought the two friends together, her task was done They shall now regain their original divine forms With these words Lakşmi fiew up in the sky Sūdraka and Valgampayana then abandoned their bodies and Candrapida and Puņdarika were duly revived Both couples and all their relatives met in highest bliss and there was joy all around Cadrapida was duly entrusted with the kingship He entrusted administration to gosta and used to pass his time ever after" wards now in उज्जामिनी, now on हेमकट now on the banks of अच्छोद and now in चद्रलोक And both couples thus attained highest bliss in mutval company Sources of Bana's Kadambar) -Bana obviously seems to have derived his plot of Kadambart from the story of king Sumanas (ITE IN GER917974) as told in the Bihatkatha of ·83 Gupādhya. The qer, a work written in Palsācı language is not available now, but two Sanskrit abridgements of the work are available v7. सोमदेव's कथासरित्सागर and क्षेमेन्द्र's बृहत्कथामञ्जरी. (M. Lacote has brought out a third redaction of the 641) The 2441 has served as a popular source of material and inspiration for many later writers, and Bana(who has expressed his admiration for बृहत्कथा in हर्ष. Intro 1 17) has based his कादम्बरी story on the story of king Sumanas occurring 10 arter and occurring in कथासरित्सागर, लम्बकx, तरडग III V. 22-179. (N S. Edn), and 979ryFurtt XVI 138-251 (N. S Edn) We give now a Summary of this grafait parrative A comparison of the story of the 10 with this original will show to what extent Bapa bas based his work on the story of king Fu, and how far he has modified, moulded or improved on the popular tale to serve his purposc, and to infuse lifc and vigour in the somewhat dry narrative in his original. A Sammary of Katbāsaritsagara, Lambaka X, Taranga III, rv. 22-179..There was a city named 91779€r. There ruled a great king named Sumanas One day, when he was in his assemblyhall, a door keepr informed him that a daughter of a Nogāda chief, by name Muklalata, was at the door, with a parrot in a cage and her brother Viraprabha accompanying her, and that she wanted to sce the king She was permitted an interview with the king, and as she entered the assembly hall, all people were impressed by her charm. She presented that parrot named S'as'traganja, well-versed in all lores and arts to the king It uttered a terse in honour of the king and also offered to give evidence of its s'astric proficiency. The king was surprised, and his minisers suggested that the parrot may be some sage undergoing a curse The king requested the parrot to tell its account and it narrated as follows (The Parrot's Tale) Near Himalayas on a tifositat I was bom to 2 parrot couple I lost my mother just at my birth and my father brought me up. One day a Bhilla army came there on a hunting expedition One old s'abata came to the trec of our residence in the evening, and pulling out r1203 a bird from their nests, and willing them, through them down. I Turled in my ·84 father's fenthers. My father was aiso killed by that S'abara and throi n under the tree. I made my escape by concealing under grass and leaves I pussed that night in great sorrow and next niorning, being thirsty, proceeded towards a lotus lake There I was seen by a sage named zifa, who took pity on me, put some drops of water in my beal and picing me in a leaf-bowl took me .to his hermitage There the fa try laughed as he looked at me He then told the others how I was a sage turned into a parrot by a curse, and then in the afternoon told them my account. (Pulastya's Narrative) There was in the city of Tarta king named ज्योतिप्प्रभ He had a queen named at They got a son through Siva's favour The name of the son wus T. When the prince grew up, he was installed as 49717, and he was given as his minister प्रियकर son of his minister प्रभाकर Just then Frater came from heaven and presented at ST 12th a horse 3rpat (son of 357 STEF), because I was Indra's friend, a faargt born as a human being, and so this victory bringing horse was presented by Indra to him Then prence मोमप्रभ started on an expendition of दिग्विजय. Conquering various kings he reached the Himalayan regions, where he indulged in tur for a while. Having scen a fa he tried to pursue it, but the fått gale him a slip, only leading him far away fram his camp, in the pursuit It was evening when he started back and seeing a lake he decided to halt on its bank far the night He first fed and refreshed his horse and then rested for a while, when he heard some song near about Going in quest of the source of it, he happened to see a drine yourg girl, singing before an image of Lord Siva She saw hun, welcomed him as a gucst and both asked about each other. Theo after the Prince told information about himself, the girl ( ATTEIH1) began her account as follows (Manorathaprabha's. Narratie) There is a city named कान्चनाभ on the slopes of हिमालय There Ines jord of Vidyadharac named 9202 there. I am his daughter loved rore than a son, born of a Queen named at My name a ·85 15 मनोरथाप्रभा. One day when I was wandering on the bank of this lake with a lady-friend of mine, I saw a young 1994 with a friend of his We both ( viz the far and myself ) were greatly impressed with each other. My friend asked of his friend about the fire's personal information He said There lives in a hermitage nearby a sage pamed affa; he, a brahmacārın once came for bath to this lake hod was seen by Lakstu Laksmi, without physical union, got a son from the sage on account of mutual love, and she handed over the son to the sage, who brought him up and named him as f*!! The मुनिकुमार under reference was this रहिममान् son of दीयिति and लक्ष्मी My friend told then about my ancestry, and we both fell in love Just then another lady friend of mine came there with a message from my father calling mc back, as it was time for food Just as I finished my food, I heard from my lady-friend that the friend of xf917 had come to see me on behalf of his friend That friend told how Er was overcome by cupid and could not live without FRUST Ry the time I went to meet him I fouod that the bad already died at moonrise I wanted to consume myself to fire with the corpse of my lover. But some lustrous divine being came there from heaven and went away to heaven taking futa's body With him A divine voice asked me not burn myself, when I tried to do so alone The voice assured me that meet my lord And so here I am, propitiating Siva, and longing for reunion with my lord I do not know where the friend of रश्मिमान् went Hearing this narrative of मनोरयप्रभा, सोमप्रभ asked her where her lady-fread was. To that querry she replied. There is a विद्यापर king named सिंहविरम. He has a daughter मकरन्दिका. That girl is a very close friend of mine and she is very grieved on account my misfortune She had sent a friend of hers today to 10quire about me and I have sent my friend to her along with her frend so I am alone just now. Just then came the lady friend of मनोरयामा. They all spent the pight there Next morning came a FER, He had been sent by king farzlato requesting would again named दवजय- ·86 मनोरथप्रभा to come at his place and try to make मकरन्दिका think of marnage, which she is refusing on account of the postponed marriage of मनोरथप्रभा When मनोरथप्रभा prepared to start, गोमप्रभ expressed his desire to visit the विद्याधरलोक and मनोरयप्रभा gladly took him there, leaving 3rTuas well provided for, behind When they reached their destination 37 and 83f mutually fell in love 77499 settled their marriage in consultaron with the elders telling T42f73ft that she need not delay her marriage, for her sake because her marriage is already fired, she is only awaiting its solemnitation. 7119suggested that he should first go back to the hermitage of 1998, where he would like to meet his army, which would be searching for him and worried about him He would then return to firefah s place for the marriage When this was agreed to and he returned to the hermitage, he met his friend fort with the army and told f50ft all that had happened Just then came a messenger from #1989's father calling him back. So the son, in obedience to his father's command, staricd homewards, telling 1991 and the fault 1954 who had accompanied them upto the hermitage that that he would soon return 239 conveyed this information to a who was very dis consolate through lovelornness Her parents tried their best to comfort her but finding her disconsolate still, Afers father cursed her to be born in the fare community for a while, which happened accordingly The repuntent falatu died in grief along with his wife He first became a sigc and then due to some carlier unrequited dement a parrot, and hts wife became an Till . This parrot remembered his learning of previous liſe through atap Thinking of thcsc 11018situdes of this parrot's life, said Pulastya I laughed. He further said that this parrot, when he would tell the story in the royal court sould be free from that birth And 11977 would meet GTI/TT that dauehter of fit fama in his fragt birth as a forart And so also part would obtain #17 who is born nou as a king as her husband 118 17, having seen his father, went to the U9 and is there propino ting Lord 5111 to get his bel ned (ho by 'er fither , curse diss become a fasrat) Pulistya stopped telling thus narrative and ·87 I remembered the previous life with joy and grief The sage ift brought me up I, on my rines being gTOR n, flew here and there displaying my lore till I was caught by fagras and was brought to your majesty And now has ended mv sin which had made me a parrot. On hearjog this narratise king 1977 too had a mental extacy Just then Lord Siva, who was pleased, told Somaprabha to go to the court of Sumanas, where he would meet his beloved as a farsa ramed 7991 with her father as a partot in cage They both (He and f27) would regain their previous status So also Siva asked fatig to come to the court of He who was f1 There these two lovers too would be reunited in their original form All the four, so also the parrot, regain their form and fortune! Bana's handling of this source --It would be noticed, if ne compare this story with the Kadambari narrative, that but for change of rames of persons and places the two stories sun very close from the beginning upto the retum of 2015 to उज्जयिनी after his visits to हमकूट The ino minor changes are that stilc jo 6ft crsion of volunteers 10 accompany tyg on her visit to falts place, in Kadam. bari महाश्वेता suggests that चन्द्रापीड may accompany her to चित्रग्य's place Secondly in Fraft TT, SITE 7 arrarge the betrothal of सोमप्रम and मारदिना at the time of this visit under reference, while in कादम्बरी, no tetrothal is done, though चन्द्रापोड and काद it fall in love rrutually In the latter part ofthe story the troversy ons fall out to agreat extent In the क्यामरित्सागर verston, मकरन्दिका who had become lovetorn on the departure of 14SH, was cursed by her own father to be a funt when itfal could not be made to give up her melancholy mood Then her father humself died and became a parrot e parrated his account in the court of सुमनस (who was रदिममान, lover of मनोरथप्रमा, in a new birth) Then the parrot, the fort who brought it there and king Suma nas regained their earlier forms Somaprabha and Manorathaprabha are directed to that place by Swa and the txo couples and f7f777 meet in all happiness In 777 Candrapida sent back to Ujjayını laying *9947 to accompany the army on its retura ·88 journey at a lesurely pace But wlien the army reached dick it was found that Vaigampayana had not returned because for some Unknown reason, he insisted to stay back on the banks of Acchoda lake Candrapida came there to take him back But he found that Vatsampeyana had vanished On inquiring of aan he learnt that he had solicited love of Mahasveta and she had cursed him to be a parrot. Hearing that, Candrapida too died Kadambari, who had reached there just then, was preparing to die herself but an itatut intervened and told her to preserve Candrapida's corpse, for Candrapida would be revived Patralekha entered the Acchoda with Indrayudha and out came Kapiñjala (who was born as Indrayudha ) From Kapinjala महाश्वेता learnt that वंश F4897 whom she had cursted to be a parrot, was the same as पुण्डरीक. When Jabākt told this narrative, the parrot remembered its carlier birth as a 1797441 When he went in quest of arte ho fell in the hands of a 16377*17 (who was Laksmi his mother 10 his birth as gratiai) She brought the parrot to krog Sludraka On hearing the parrot's tale 7+ remembered that he was quite, and casting away his body entered Candrapida's body, which became alive again So also the parrot became gosip and went to Acchoda and there the happy reunion of पुण्डरीक and महाश्वेता and चन्द्रापीड and कादम्बरी took place Bana has followed the profil narrative very faithfully in the main outline for a major portion, as seen above But the names of characters in the two versions are different While in the FTAFAK version the Himalayan regions and Vidyadharas figure, Ti refers to more southern regions at many stages and the Tags and as figure in his parralive Further Bana expands and duplicates thus for example he has added the characters of शुकनास and वंशम्पायन, he has two वितरsanstead of one he describes the childhood of age which his source does not Bana's des criptions and elaboration of love theme are all his own "In the tale, however, after tre princes departure, de princess 4771141) annoys by her grief fier parents so deeply, that she is cursed to ·89 become a fac maiden, while her father it is who, ashamed of his aclion, dies and becomes the parrot, who repeats the tale of its experiences and what it heard Pulastya recite, to king Sumanas At the court of that prioce al 9 is reunited to the farura marden, who resumcs her true shape, and it is the king who is revealed as रश्मिमान, mind-son of the sage दीधिनि, and is united to मनोरथमभा, while the parrot is released and reaps the fruit of its austeritics (Keith). Bana's story of Kādambari was summarised in 78 verses and was put in the 24th dars story in some Mss of the बृहत्क्या- T! (vide the office at the end of that work. Nir 'Edn) Critical Remarks on Kādambarı The tale of Kadambari is strange and unreal for one who has no belief 10 rebirth or reunion after death To such a person the story would appear to be fantastic and the atmosphere upreal But to the Indian mind wluch believes in thc transmigration of soul through various births, reunion after death,divine intervention and grace, curses and counter.curses, and the inter mixture of the human with the supernatural, there is nothing fantastic or im. possible in such a tale to the Indian miad “the story may justly be deemed replete thith tenderness of human love, the beneficence of diving consolation, the pathos and the sorrow of death and the abiding hope of reunion after death as a result of unswerving fidelty to love " ( Keith) Whilc Harsacarıta is a historical Kavya and as such a at Bāna had to keep his fapcy related to fact in such a way that the story should have a fair semblance to the facts of the Harga era, the Kadambari is an epurely imaginative work and Bana could give free scope to his Poetic Muse therein Bana's Kadambari fully loves up to his own description of a 791-" Tofa- लासकोमला करोति राग हृदि कोतुषाधिकम् । रसन शय्या स्वयमभ्युपागता स्था जनस्याभिनवा वधूरिख ।।-कादम्बरी Introv 8 ** The principal sentiment of the work is 51 (love) Bāna's treatment of love is refined and graceful For a conspicuous instance of the sentiment the reader may be referred to the poet's description of FIFA when she mounted her terrace in order to ·90 Among the have a look at that and generally the whole state of her mind from that moment ontards. Ever since Kadambari gazed at the prince, Būna has delineated beautifully the currents of youthful passion and virgin modesty, which sway a girl's mind when she first falls in love. Bāna has dereloped the sentiment of STIFT through all the ten stages including that of death, which rarely has been achieved by any poet before or after him other minor schliments displayed in the book may be mentioned thosc of wonder and pathos, instances of which are scattered all over thc work, chief among which may be noted the successive lives of the moon and पुण्डरी and the state of कादम्बरी and महाश्वेता on the death of their lovers ". ( Kale amended and amplified). There is no lack of movement Even though Bāna's descriptions and eloquent effusions halt the narrative now and then, the action suell manages to keep a quick tempo as a whole Bana's use of contrast is seen in his descriptions of the innocent life of the parrots on the TF7797 tree or the peaceful life of Jabalis hermitage on the one hand and the pomp and splendour of the courts of S'üdraka and Tasapida on the other, His sense of drama 15 revealed by the brilliant portraits of king Sūdraka and the Candalakanya His close observation and love of nature are scen in the descriptions of the Himalayas, the lake tok, has abode and the like As in the Hargacarita so in the Kadambart, Bāņa blends the descriptions of natural scenes with those of urban life The political insight shown in Harşacarita is seen again in Kadambari in sūkanasa's advice to Candràpida, or Kapinjala's advice to Puņdarika both of which are amongst the masterpieces of Bana's literary art too In Kadambari, however, we find ** more mature view and a deeper insight into the springs of human action" Kadambari obviously seems to be later than Hargacarita There are some defects Bāna as a writer, which we have to admit The style at places is verbose, the construction of the plot of grant is very complex with p ist and present lives inter woven in the narrative, there is lack of proportion at places descriptions are often overdone es description of Mahaset2 DF of Canlıkty itina "Bapa does not let lijs reader sce the wood ·91 for the trees, in his devotion to the beauties of the evening and moroing, on the rising of the moon, or limbs of bis heroines, he often loses sight of the plot itself " (Keith). * The last but not the least of all comes our author's peculiar excellence in adapting even a story of super-human beings to the daily concerns of the unn."sal human nature" ( Kale) Apropos the use of supernatural element in Kadambari by Bāņa, Dr. Peterson has the following remarks to make. Bana's greastest merit we have reserved to the last. Separated as we are by a thousand years and one-half the world from this Indian writer, there is nothing surprising in the fact that the superhuman machinery of his tale, the hero who is the moon, thc Gandharvas, the Kinnaras, Kadambari's hums beyond the mountains that gird the world, strike us at first as flaws which no natural force on the author's part en remedy. As we proceed all, that falls away, and we find ourselves face to face with a story of human SOITOand divine consolation, of death and of passionate longing for a union after death, that goes straight from the heart of one who himself felt the pang, and nursed the hope, to us who are of like frame with him. The macinae) is as unrealca, that of virgil's poem. the pathos is Virgilian, Men'eil mortalia tangun. Kādamhati has its place in the world's literature as one more aspiration out of the very heart of genius after that story, which from the beginning of time, mortal ears have yeamed to bear, but which mortal lips have pever spoken.” On Bhāyaṇabhatta's literary ability, s bich we mu t assess in F250s, there is a d fference of option Keith is too hard cab.m, acd 10 brief his observations are: He is inferior to his father His hurried treatment of the remainder of the plot was perhaps due to obcrent difficulties, but he is deficient in his father's facile imagination His knowledge of mytbology and observation of the flora and fauna of Nature is much less than his father's. He at times becomes too lengthy e gia the description of Kadambari's lovelon condition He has no master-pieces like s'ukanasa's advice to his credit. Mm Kane has almost similar complaints about Bhuyana. He too says that we do not find the bold and ·92 siriling fancies of Ban? in the Utlarabhaga, nor the masterpieces Jike Sukanssa's advice, that descriptions by 794 tend to become ofton tedious and lengthy as in the descriptions of Kādanbari's love torments, that references to mythology and to other branches of Icarning are fies and far between in Uttarabt aga, that Bhūšana has attempted to wind up the threads of narratxe hurriedly, and that the picturesque nature-descriptions and the genius for making characters live as if, are wanting in Bhūsana's work. We feel Bliū apa is being judged too harshly Why compare his amateur work against the mature production of Bana? Even Papa in his apprentice days had many faults Bhūsapa, though no compeer to Bipa, was not much inferior to him And this point is conceded practically hy Mm Kone too for he opincs that Bhūsapa deserves great credit for the task of completing artit, dutifully undertaken and crcditably performed He also says that Bhūsana's command over Sanskrit and his use of ornate style and T759's is almost similar to lus father's Kadambari unfortunately was left incomplete by Banabhatta' due to the cruel hand of death snatching him away, and his son Bhüpara completed it, not to faunt his poctic abilities, but as part of filial duty Many scholars, as said above, have asserted that Bhusani is a much inferior literary artist De and Dasgupt? too hold the same opinion They grudgingly admit that Bhuana has considerable command over ornate style and diction, aod possesses some literary excellences of his fatl.er, but say that he imitates and at time exaggerates some of his father's maanerisms, and adds a few of his own The story of etsrait deals with the lives and fores of two heroes, each of whom is re-born twice. The story is narrated in a very complex way with stories bored in stones Bana's own narrative ends before the plot is properly developed, and it is Bāga's son who ingeniously completes it How far Bana's son has developed it as per his father s original ideas is not exactly known. Some scholars and critics think that Bānı may not have made the narratic as confusingly comples in latter part as his son his done it. They wonder whether Bāņa intended to ral? S'utraha and ·JÍ the parrot to be चन्द्रापीड and वैशम्पायन In fide, they feel that Bapa might have closely followed the Brhathatha version to the end But we feel that this is very dubious criticism Bhusāņa must have probably known his fatber's plan of developing the story, and we cannot agree with the view of De and Dasgupta that the charges of complexity of plot and deficiency of construction should not be fairly lovelled at Bana, but at his son, in whose portion these occur For we feel that Bhusaņa koew the broad outlines of the plot as planned by his father and tried his best to complete his father's unfinished work as per that plau Ile may have heen gulty of some faults of plot-complexity or plot construction, but we cannot put the entire responsibilty and blame for these on hun We feel so because Bana's sun refers to the debt he ones to his father, in writing the 3TTATT, in the following words 'वीजानि गभितफलानि विशसभाजि वप्त्रेव यान्युचित. समंवलाररतानि । उसृष्टभूमिविततानि च यान्ति पोष तान्येव तस्य तनयेन तु ETETT II" This should clearly indicate that Bhūsapa had the scheme of the Uttarabhaga, inherited from his father, during the latter s life time, and that he completed Kadambari on these lines. This would give the lie to the view of many scholars that Bhūsana has not been a worthy completor of Bana's plan, and that probably Bana would have done the job much better and much differently Perhaps Bant would have done it muca better, but we do not think he would bave done it much differently Commonsense that the plan of the father for whole work must have been fauly well known to his son, particularly when the son was himself a literary person We may say that he wound up the threads somewhat burriedly and this made the details at times somewhat confusing. Some say the denouement as presented by Bbūşana is fiat, but this is goly partly true On the whole he has welded the plot tell and kept the element of suspense and surpre right upto the end, wiere re, with as much surpri e as 75 and 17 realise, that they are the hero's of that parrature It is fair "That the method of emboung tales can be carried to a confusing crtent is seen in the arrangement of सामरव's कथासरिता- 77, wbere, often with an insiga.fient framework, we hasc A's 1 ·92 striking fancies of Bina 11 the Uttarablaga, nor the masterpieces Jike S'ukanisa's advice, that descriptions by 799 tend to become often tedious and lengthy as in the descriptions of Kadambari's love torments, that references to mythology and to other branches of learning are few and far between in Uttarabhāga, that Bhūşana has attempted to wind up the threads of narrative hurriedly, and tliat the picturesque nature descriptions and the genius for making characters live as if, are wanting in Bhusana's work. We feel Bhayana is being judged too harshly Why compare his amateur work against the mature production of Bana' Even Bana in his apprentice days had many faults Bhusana, though no compeer to Bipa, was not much inferior to him And this point is conceded practically by Mm Kane too for he opines that Bhusana deserves great credit for the task of completing TFF), dutifully undertaken and creditably performed He also says that Bhusana's command over Sanskrit and his use of ornate style and 3775977's is almost similar to his father's Kādambarı unfortunately was left incomplete by Banabhatta due to the cruel hand of death snatching him away, and his son Bhusana completed it, not to flaunt his poctic abilities, but as part of filul duty Many scholars, as said above, have asserted that Bhí ani is a much inferior literary artist De and Dasgupta too hold the same opinion They grudgingly admit that Bhuana has considerable command over ornate style and diction, and possesses some literary excellences of his father, but say that lic imitates and at time exaggerates some of his father's mannerisms, and adds a few of his own The story of Pretrat deals with the lives and loves of two hernes, each of whom is re-born twice. The story is narrated in a very complex way with stories bored in stories Baba's own narrative ends before the plot is properly developed, and it is Bāga's son who ingeniously completes it How far Baņa's son has developed it as per his father's original ideas is not exactly known Some scholars and critics think that Dāpa'may not have made the mmaries nasingh' anlex. atter pris lesuritus oli it. They wonder whether Bāpa intended to scale s'adraka and ·93 the parrot to be चन्द्रापीड and वैशम्पायन In fine, they feel that Baga might have closely followed the Brhatkathā version to the end But we feel that this is sery dubious criticism Bhūsana must have probably kdown his father's plan of developing the story, and we cannot agrce with the view of De and Dasgupta that the charges of complexity of plot and deficiency of construction should not be fairly levelled at Baga, but at his son, in whose portion these occur For we feel that Bhusaņa knew the broad outlines of the plot as planned by his father and tried his best to complete his father's unfioished work as per that plan He may have been guilty of some faults of plot-complexity or plot construction, but we cannot put the entire responsibilty and blame for thesc on him Ye feel so because Bana's son refers to the debt he ones to his father, in writiog the 3RUTT, in the following words ' वीजानि गभितफानि विकासनान्जि वय यान्मुचिन- वर्मवाहतानि । अष्टभूमिविततानि च यान्ति पोप तान्येव रास्य तनयेन तु Taft" This should clearly indicate that Bhayana had the scheme of the Uttarabhaga, inbented fron his father, during the latter s life time, and that he completed Kadambari on these lines This would give the lie to the vicw of many scholars that Bh.sana has not been a worthy completor of Bapa’s plan, and that probably Bapa would have done the job much better and much differently Perhaps Band would have done it much better, but we do not think he would havc donc it much differently commonsense that the plan of the father for whole work must have been fairly well knosa to bis son, particularly when the son was himself a literary person We may say that he wound up the threads someu hat burriedly and this made the details at times somewhat confusing Some say the denouement as presented by Bhūşına is fit, but this is only partly true On the whole he has Welded the plot well and kept the element of suspense and surprise right upto lhe erd, were ve, with as much suspn s as Tze and AF reanise, that they are the heroes of that nasratnet " That the method of emboung lales can be carried to a confusing extent is seen in the arrangement of मामय's कयासरित्सा- , wbere, often with an insiga ficant (ramework, We have A's It is fais ·94 narrative account of B's report of C s recounting of Ds relating of what E sad, and so forth, until we liave the disentangling of the entire intricate progression, or reversion to the main story, which the reader in the meantime probably forgets The fornl is not all suited to a succession of disconnected tales, as in the q576, where they are narrated generally by the characters of the framestory or of the inset stories There is further improvement in the TOT AIZfest, where, their several experiences are narrated, with a semblance of rcalism, by the princes themselves in the first person and in the missfazifa, where all the separate tales are connected to serve one main purpose In the Kadambarl, the old machinery 15 adapted, with a cici cr plan, to the conditions of the complex The device of first hand narration is made an essence of the form for the inset stories explain matters which the main narrator could not himself know and which each subsequent narrator is alloued to describe as coming within the scope of personil cxperience The nain narratic here is not recounted by the hero, but in effect by the sage erraris, who supposed by has insight to know vividly what he relates and who in describe freely and objectively bi i cach of the minor narratives Dlc that of HET=4a1, Erses effective cipression to the intimate knowledce and feeling, and is made essential to the development of the plot'. (De & Dasgupta ) Luna's charactensation is also very effective Desides the main characters of W, 91:72, qr17 and FrTTI, "c find a number of minorchatucters lle atritt, T707, T710 T, 71757, formatt, 977 etc alt ir fused with life and colour We now file character sletches of the leadine characters in hidambari Kad subart We shall aptly cnough busin with the charau. 1crsketch of Lüdambari the graceful heroinc of the story which Bina has nam-d after her It is the peculiar method of Pipa's narration, which has delayed the entry of this Gandharya princess till a pretly the stage of the rarratisc, and Malt heti toids the stage carlier oth her robic mg; hul once h. dar burt comes on the stos', s'it ico's 1h attenlion of the riders by Ier shy charm Kadambari has been shown as a beautiful, coy girl, to ·95 is born and grows up in almost idyllic happiness The first encouter with harsh reatiliss of life com, en hardmar friend Mahanta tas a poignant task of waiting for the revival of her dad lovet, and a sircere frierd that hadambarf is, she refuses to H2IT) till TT remains hor happiness K dambari tad great love and record for her parents and Fer noble famils When she meets Candrapida ato tapfered to come to list for place with Mahasketa, be is deepy drawn towards him as bº is towards het; and thy fall in love at first sigut But then tus modest shy girl, Hile Bhavabhuti's Malatt, Is torn beta een love and family cons de rations But when she finds herself in an identical situation with Hahastets on Candrapida s death she wants to die, only to be halled by deside hand ard asked to kait for the day of re-udion with her revived lord And then inspite of all persuasions of hay parents to go back home, she prefers tos tav in penance at Acchoda and faces the test of life with stern resoluteness The d-limate Ti suddenly becomes a resolu'e beloved defying 'd-ath' to recoser her Lord The personality of bouyant sneettempered and sweetly eloquent bashful Kadamt-1 is an excellent ſoil to the noble, ascetic ard majestic Maha; nela, no us sweet in form word and deed The following apprecause remarks of Dr Pettson about hndam. beri aptly reseal her real status in the story On his reprsentat on of Kadambari in particu'z- Bana has 11 311 bis alth of obsenztion, fullness of images Teennass of sympathy, Trom the moment en for the first time hay eie fails and rests 07 ·96 Acchoda lake Receiving Candripida with grcat courtesy and hospitality and forming a friendship suith that noble prince, she unfolds her tale of soc and hope to his sympathetic cars We learn therefrom how this young frail-looking gul has a steellike firmness in her devotion to her lord and to love though fate plays many a cruel prank against her Once she falls in love, she displays a single-hearted devotion and grit An affectionate friend both to writest and 77975, she tries her best to make them come together in a happy wedlock Fair in form, she is equally fair in disposition and character ardreminds one of Parvati, practi- Sing penance for attaining Lord Siva as her Lord, She tries her best to scan akay Kadambart from the latter's decision not to marry till dat was happy, and introduces Candràpida to her with the obvious expectation that she would be drawn towards him and he touards her She is mortifled to see that a TF112-1 whom she cursed to be a parrot was gos himself Her sincere love, like that of Kādambari, wins in the end. Candrapida An incamation of Moon, Prince 751975 was a highly gifted prince He as beautiful in person, sharp 10 Intellect and heroic by nature He was brought up with great care hy his father and was educated in a very thorough going way In due course he became the gala and also a universal conqueror With all these shining qualities, he shone sti]] more by his great devotion to parents, great respect to elders like 77774 and TIRT and exemplary modesty and humility He was also a very affcrtionate friend and 779777 and Flaar had the great privilege specially to enjoy that friendship in full bounty He was a very considerate master whether to the debonair maid in-naiting Patralekha or the frmons steed Indrny udha He was a sincerel oter and Kadambari was his heart s all in all When he returned from 49 after meeting Kādamkarı, his mind was torn between 305- यिनी andहेमकूट When he came in search of वैशम्पायन, back to the Acchoda bank, and found 1917 turned into a parrot, he died of heartbreak True to his जगातरसदगनि or जननान्तरसौहृद, heeren as Sūdraka, kept old lies, for Suaraka wild ailiis Kingiy quades and accomplishments 15 perse to love-mitters We find ·97 T TITÍTE a good conversationalist and an cloquent pleader of a cause Altogether a worthy life partner for Kadambari, gusta-d7-4797-377- Pundarlka, the lover of Mabās'ela was the son of Svetaketu and Laksmı He was an embodiment of beauty and intelligence Bom of Firatu alone he had in his very make-up a weakness of nature that would be overwhelmed by passion He, once afflicted by love for Mahagvetā could not control his mod by his own will power, nor by the admonitions or persuasions of Kapiñjala He cursed the Moon in desperation and brought upon himself two births viz 719147 and before he could be reunited with Mahāsveta In his birth as a he was a very deeply devoted son to शुकनास and मनोरमा and a devoted friend to 1918. He was very intelligent and erudite. But an the banks of Acchoda he came under the influence of STTT7147TTS, which over-whelmed him, and he was inexorably led to make advances to Mahāsveta and court disaster in the bargain, by getting a curse of becoming a parrot In that parrot's birth too he passed through different vicissitudes keeping the earler HFTTTS of Icarning and finally in S'ūdraka's court got redemption from that birth and all then went to Acchoda to come together in a joyons 'coming together' of lovers and friends. Then we get king Târapida, a great king affectionate husband and loving father He had the worthy and wise minister 79 who was a friend, philosopher and guide to him, sharing his weal and woc. Tasapida was possessed of great composure of mind, which we sec in his consolation of Vlasavatı. But when a F9097 did not return with the army, Tarapida severely,and much wrongly admonished Candrápida for that event But when he learnt of his son's death and his would be revival, he went to the banks of Acchoda with his queen and remained there patienty waiting for that day. He treated Kadambari with a great paternal affection A typical Indian great king he retired in the end in the typical Indian style, leaving the charge of kingdom in the hands of Candrapida And through all the ups and downs of life he had by his side the devout, beautiful and noble Queen Vilasavatı, to whom all the world seemed to centred in her husband and son, and in her happy ·98 home. Other characters of note are the wise 74714 devoted Manorama, the intelligent 1991, the very sincere Kapiñjala the royal cage Sudraka the winsome Candalakanya the holy sage onalfes and his kind son, young cht, so also hadtent, the firs Farge and many others! Commentaries on the Kadambar] - The only commentary generally available is that of 777773/ a Jain Pandit) on the पूर्वभाग, and of सिद्धनद्र (भानुचद्र's disciple) on the उत्ताभाग / The com mentary of these two has been published by Nirnayasagara press Both the witers were proteges of Emperor Akbar The said composite commentary repeats almost every word of the text and is very useful in understanding the text of Kadambart But it docs not meet all the needs of a modern University student The commentary rarely discusses variant readings. seldom cites parallel passages hardly gives accurate references to works like रामायण महाभारत and 9tius and often gives farfetched explana tions some of which are positively wrong The important aid of This commentary is in the dissolution of compounds and quotations from Kosas) भानुचन्द्र and Dr Peterson's Totes bear evidence of three other comment aries on the gaTT (1) 798' by Sivarama Tripathi (2): A commentary by almacurand (3) A commentary by 99147 Another commentary on the पूर्वभाग in the विषमपदविवृत्ति of वैद्यनाथ Two more commentators on the Kadambari are महादेव and सूरवंद्र (both mentioned by Aufrecht) Mm Kane could not get any of these commentaries except the commentary of सिद्धचद्र Mm. Kane was supplied by Mm Ganapatısastrin with transcripts in dat script of two commentaries on the Kadam bart, written in old Malyal characters on palm-leaves The first of it called 37TATE IS in verse The author is a Brahmapa named arszafa, whose father was Narayana He chose verse for memo rableness enfa was an inhabitant of Malabar ( Kerala ) and belonged to Bhrgugotra It is quite a learned commentary god the author seems to be well read But the commentary is not exhaustne At places it is very mearre The commentary is fuller + ·99 'अपर, at the beginning But the Johny of t, which accupics one of third the whole Frů gets only extent of the commentary. The commentaor often potiles readings and quotes the views of various other commentaries by words like qafa', etc One commentator seems to be referred by name viz. fpiring. The commentator, rcntioning 1847417 and 70s amongst several writers is later than about 1200 AD, the specific date is not known The second commentary ( 297 ) is by an anonymous writer This also comments on both पूर्वभाग and उत्तर- The commentary is generally meagre, and seldom notices variant readings The wnter seems to be a South Indian, probably from Kerala Mm Kane has argued, with reasons, that arivy seems to be earlier than tar and artita seems to refer to apy at places without naming it and at places he seems to improve on Tota's explanations On the 37cm Mm Kane refers to a commentary by अर्जुनपण्डित son of चदास It is a very learned and critical commentary The commentator often discusses various readings At times he refers to the views of other commentators without naming any It is not known whether he wrote any commentary on the पूर्वभाग Kişnamacanar mentions three additional names of commentators of Kadambari viz हरिदास, शिवराम and घनश्याम. Works connected with or based on Kadambari Story. The story of Kadambari is onginally traceable to the ET It is found in सोमदेव कथासरित्सागर and क्षेमेन्द्र बहत्तमामजरी (Shri Krunamacariar curiously enough refers to a1477891U'S हत्कशमन्जरी) and Dandan's अवन्तीसुदरीकथा (wherein the story agrees only in the game portion of ICT, which is composed by Bana himself Dhundiraja Vyasayajvan wrote the THEFTETIT, while there is an anonymous कल्पितादम्बरी. Epitomes of Kadambari are available in good number These are (1) अभिनन्द' कादम्बरीकथासार a poem of eight Cantos {27 विनदेव' ·100 $ (alias fafalTEFT UIT 19T, a poem of thirteen Cantos (3) कादम्बरीश्यामार by श्यम्बक (4) कादम्बरीचयू by धीरप्याभिनवास्थिन् (5) कादम्बरीवल्यापम by नरसिंह (6) पद्यकादम्बरी by क्षेमेन्द्र (यादम्बरी- कयामार by मणिराम 18) मक्षिप्तरादम्बरी by काशीनाय (9) वादावरीसाह by R. V. Kripamācārya (10) Grafta by V. Anantacarya (11) कादम्बरीसार by Apte (12) वादम्बरोपपा by Navare (Epitomes of Harçacarita are available by R. V. Krppamicărya, Srinivasian and Mm V. V. Mirashi ). Some Miscellancous Points .-(1) "Three verses of Kadam. bari in praise of Vişnu, S'12 and Brahman arc quoted in a grant of HT174 74179181a (997 1297, 1 A. XVII 230). But the jotroductory verses are not found in manuscript D, V. XXI 6315." (Krupam.icanar). (2) According to some scholars the introductory serses to Kadambari are not from Bapa's pen, but from his son of some Mim. Kanc nightly rejects this view for the following reasons :-(1) If Bunt's son would have writion these verses te would have mentioned the fact of his authorship thereof us he has done in case of 15€ 31.17. 12) lle hardly would have givet such a colourless description of his father as we find in the verse विजेन तेन&c. (3) Bin?, an orthodor author, *3 normally 61* pected to havca Nanpala at the beginning of his Kadamhart as he has done at the beginning of his llar,carita, (4) GT 1 his works has quoted four costs of the introduction to Kadim hari, axoribing two of these specifically to Rina p. *ETTTT*777&s, ( in feira) and It'&c. ( quoted 25419*s in The UTRITI") onc clsc.

·101 CHAPTER VII BĀNABHATTA AS A LITERARY ARTIST ' वागीश्वर हन्त भजेऽभिन्दमश्वर वाक्पतिराजमोडे । रसेश्वर स्तौमि च कारिदास वाण तु सर्वेश्वरमानवोऽस्मि ॥" सोडलस्य. Bāņa is one of the most brilliant stars in the galaxy of Sanskrit Poets He is as peerless a master of Sanskrit Prosc as Kalidasa is of Sanskrit Verse or Drama And he is the norm and model for later Sanskrit गद्यकवित Sanskrit prose is limited in extent, but Bapa has made up by his quality for that deficiency. He can well be termed the Prince of Sanskrit Prose writers It has been said by rhetoricians that Prosc is the touchstone of poets (cp. गध क्वीना निवप वदन्ति-quoted by वामन in his काव्यालद्धकारसूत्रवृत्ति on I 321), and Bana has no compeer in the field of Sanskrit Prose His two masterpieces, the हर्षचरित and the कादम्बरी are the outstanding specimens of the two classes of literary prose com- Positions vim. Erenfant and 747 respectively, and are said to be Fine examples of Pancall style (p शब्दार्थयो समो गुम्फ पाञ्चाली रीतिरिप्यते। शीलाभट्टारिकावाचि बाणोक्तिषु च सा यदि । कस्यापि, शारघरपद्धति No 179) In पाञ्चाली style word and sense have to be equaly balanced Ancient and modern critics have bestowed on Bapa an unstifinted mead of praise (cp App II for appreciation by ancients and this chapter VII for appreciation by modern critics ) Bana's style 1s characterised by some as पाञ्चाली (शब्दार्थ यो समो गम्फ पाञ्चाली रीतिरिष्यते) But personally we feel that all alternately uses the गोडी and वैदर्भी styles (वामन, by the way refers to three style viz वंदर्भी, गौडी, and पाञ्चाली These originally seem to be provincial pecultanties. विश्वनाथ, author of साहित्य. दपण, added लाटी to the list, while Bhojaraja and others added three more to वामन' Just yz आवन्तिका, लाटीया and मागधी. op"वंदर्भी चाय पाञ्चाली गोडी चावन्तिका तथा । लाटीया मागधी पेति पोडा रोतिनिगद्यते।' Provincial stylistic tendencies are also referred to by Bada ? Harya louro v 7) Bana, in bis ornate portions, ·iO2 prominently displays ओजम (described as समासभूयस्त्वम् ) chara. cteristic of गोडी style,and in simpler passages he displays माधुर्य, प्रसाद and gift of the deaf style #azit in his faciana 037 nientions two characteristics of Bapa's style (1) tfacracao1959 (having charming words and letters and sound echoing sense) and (2) 791996 (describing appropriate sentiments and emotions) The author of 77997uat has referred to Bana's proficiency in fart ( an exaogerated or indirect manner of describing things ), Acurya Pithal obseries, that in Bina's writings we get-thred types of prose styles (1) jafnt which abounds in compounds, and which he has used mainly in descşıptate passages (2) nich contains a few small compounds here and there and which Bapa freely uses all over his works and (3) ay which generally eschews compounds and which Bana uses a highly sentimental and emotional passages and often towards the end of long descriptions བླང་བདེ་ The first thing which strikes us about Bana's literary style is his overfoodness for puns and recondite allusions Hc is never satisfied unless he uses, practically at every step, double-meaning words and expressions. When he begins to give long chains of famezitats, where there is no other resemblance between the 3TAI and it except a fene expression, one almost gets exasperated with him So also when Bana gives a wealth of mythological historical, geographical philosophic, Sastric or literary allusions, one is bewildered by their brilliance, plenty and variety He uses all the paths of art of sound and sense in the flow of his descriptions, and the modern critic may be almost offended at tfus intellectual and literary firework but the ancient critic had a great partiality for such fare We find for exampla Subaadhu boasting of his प्रयक्षरपलेप ind कविराज acknowledging only him and Bapa as Mis equals in that province Another characteristic feature of his style us the use of Jong compounds, which at times extend over more than one line, and which along with Bana's propensity for puns make his works so ornate as to stare his general readers and particularly to many European scholars these traits become a puzzle and despair But ·103 while admittag Bāņa's orrateness we must not forget that Bina wrote in an age when the Rhetoric poim for prose was 313 416R4ESHTUR Alfara' (Kavyadatza I 80 )' Baņa paturally tried to show bus ability to wield an aturat style, but this fáct should not blind us to the fact, which Weber and Co do not care to note that there are numerous literary masterpieces of simple graceful and elegant prose in Bapa's works Bana writes in a mellfluous Vaidarbht when particular sentiments or emotions require it He seems to have anticipated 297407's dictum Taraft दीर्घसमासरचना न विप्रलम्ममृद्धगारवरुपयोराख्यायिकायामपि शोमते। (आन दवर्धन obviously is rotexbaustiseinlistang items calling for simplicity) Actually Baņa seems to hase a double stylistic Personality which he uses as per the occasion_At times we find Bāna w.cldmg a smooth, simple, facile, colloyukai" style, at times Phot writes vigorous, majestic, high flown and ornate-prose But even in such ornate passages, Hana's poetic art, richness of fancy, Nand mastery over language are obvious And even his ornate descriptions are interspresed with small wõrld and phrases having their own charm Generally his diction is smooth and forceful and his imagery and fancy vaned and rich "As we follow from one poetic fancy to another, we are struck at the Oights of his imagination in regions we never dreamt of and we see before us a veritable poet si ho possesses in the rost astounding degree the power of giving to airy nothings a local habitation and a name" (Prun Ganjendragadkar) Only we often base to complan that Bapa uses bis known gifts of iragination and word paintioglile a prodigal spendthnít, using them at places without much propnety or proportion, only to display their riotous plenty Bara uses a very large vocabulary Though in general he uses words of common occurrence, still he also uses rare, out of the way or obsolete words now and then (apd specially so in the Harçacarita ) and it seems that Baga like Carlyle has been inspired with an ambihon of having a separate dictionary composed for him Another feature of Baya's style in his runnearying fandiress for using figures or speech, both of sound and sense He often S16, ฯ ·* 104 strives for a jingling assonance of sound of alliteration Je seems at places to be specially striving for such sound effects His PTOSC specially abounds in various arthalamkāras Upamā, Rapaka UtprekşāParisamkhya and Virodhabhasa being of common occurrence. “ Indeed Bāna at places seems to justify his fondness for jeg att by telling us that the poet and the lover-- he does not include the lunatic as Shakespeare does-are of imagination all compact ( vide Kādambari 199 11 12-19) and have therefore the privilege of bodying forth the forms of unknowa things it is only in these T's that his imaginative power is seen at its best His eye, in a fine frenzy rolling, moves from heaven to earth and it appears as if there is nothing under the sun that he will not imagine" (G) Among other figures of speech used by him are निदर्शना, सहोक्ति, व्यतिरेक, विषम, व्याघात He is very rich in Subhāgitas, which have adorned Sansknt literature ever since ( Vide Appedıx A ( Part I) for bis use of a wide variety of Alarkāras and Appendix A( Part II) for his Subhasitas) Bapabhatta also had a sense of humour, though he is no specialist in the field We find bim particularly humorous in the description of the 47 af73 71# That old monk sung songs during day tune with nods of bus bead and with his voice resemb. ling the hummung of moths ( दिवसमेव मशकवणितानुकारि किमपि REYTTRICT MUST) He had to practise a forced celibacy and hence tred to woo old nuas (cp. Tataginagampadinato तासु जरत्नजितासु बहुकृत्व सप्रयुक्तवशीकरणचूर्णन ). Thus we find that in this entire description Bapa has blended humour with realistic description In after he has temarked how rica had a nose as long as bis sovereign's pedigree' ( 799 181977 TUTT). One undisputed merit or Bāpabbaţta is his skill in the art of plot-construction We find this evidenced well in his Kadambari, where a very complex plot is arranged very ingeneously and consis. tently, with a master-hand T! whole story is developed in an atmosphere of deep mystery and suspense, and the curiosity of the reader is kept up right to the end, when one is suprised to realise, all of a sudden, that king Sūdraka and the parrot, intro duced to us at the very outset, 278 the two heroes of the romaart in their second and third lives! The heroine Kadambari, who ty ·105 Eres t'e name to the romance comes on the scene only at about the middle of the story, and then we find that the earlier account of Mahasveta's love is just a back ground for des cloping the story of h, dambari's love The atmospliere of the story also shifts and contrasts llc start in the august royal presence of king Sudraha, to whom a strikingly beautiful Mutunga gırl presents a gem of a parrot, and then by a flashback we go the quiet world of parrots and birds on the Salmalı tree in the thick Vindhya forest, suddenly ruffled for a while by a Satara army, we go to the peaceful hertui tags of the patriarch Jabali and therefrom once more in Tarapica s royal capital & court in Ujjayini, and soon scale tre Hima- Tayan heights, to the regions of Gandharvas and Apsarases Thus We are kept moviug right up to the end The double story of कादम्बरी, and महाश्वता, is interlinked and interlaced in a masterly and ingeniousway and by itself is a sufficient indication of the poet's superior art of plot construction Bava, unlike Subandhu, shows his expert knowledge of grammar 12 many pointse & he adheres to the use of perfect only in reference to matters not withio the experience of the particular speaker His long compounds are generally clearly built and often interspersed with shorter words in order to achieve ojas Bana has considerably influenccd later writers like धर्मदास, गोवर्धन and 545 by his sound effects and brilliant use of figures of speech Başa's descriptive power is really as marvellous as it is varied While he can give pompous acd ornate descriptions of the Vindhya forest or Tarapida’s rosal houschold as described at Candrapida's return from his college, or Candika temple with old Dravida monk thereil(in Kadambari) or of Dadhica or Harsa or Darpas'ata (in the Hargacanta) he can write literav masterpieces like Sukadasa's advice to Candrapida, Candrapida's consolation of Mahasveta or Brahman's address to Durvasas We now just enurerate at random some beautiful descriptive passages from Bana's works, noted for their varied appeal –We Gnd a beautiful description of Malatı as a veritable flower-boquet in Hargacarita (cp TITTART" -Ep 52) In that work we find the very touch. ing and life-like speech of प्रभा व रघंन discussing " कुवलय ·106 with his Queen the marriage of 757-47 We have a striking picture of Bhanlin returning with the news of Rajyavardhana's death ("f791e faalfae VII) Elsewhere in Harçacarita (p 407) we find a nice description of a S'abara replete with उत्प्रेक्षाsand रूपक The lamentations of the friends of Toft are touching while farefn75 advice to left is very eloquent yet simple, and one in Bana's best vein Kadamburi presents instances galore of Bina's descriptive art eg the condemation of the forester's life p 321 is simple and colloqial in wording but very eloquent all the same The mental reflections of the young parrot after his father's death are intensely poignant Tarnpidas consolation of childless Vialsavatı is dignified though having an undercurrent of mental anguish bravely suppresed The psychology of a childless man and his loogings are very feelingly depicted in Tarapida's speech "The speech is a grand Forata at length Snkanasa's advice to Candrapida is a masterpiece of sage advice and graceful and dignified style The self reproach by Candrapida for the farfuraha a charınıngly worded excellent passage, and the description of the feelings evoked in Candra pida's mind by the sight of the Acchoda lake is known for its majestic beauty Icp Kd pp 124-25 para 9) Candrapida's address to Mahasveta eloquently illustrates the inherent graces of the Sanskrit language, courteous and courtly Kapajala's admonition of Pundarıka displays yet another facet of Bana's sheer command over colloquial Sanskrit which scintillates in admonition. The description of forest (on p 223) is very life like And a thesc different descriptive passages, Bapa generally shows a propriety by making the style suit the particular subject in hand Thus while he wields an ornate pen in describing the country of Srikantha or the city of Upayınl or Emperor Harpa or Sage Jabalt, or marriage festivities in Prabhākarvardhana s palace or the dense forests in the Vindhya, he has written in direct and forcible Sanskrit, in simple and elegant diction when occassion needs c. 8 Kapınjala's advice to Pundarika, the laments of Rajyas'ti's maids or the speach of dying Prabhākarvardhana "In its own way there is a model of force in the picture of the exclamations of the motley host of the royal army and the cries of the despairing sense of ·107 villagers who are being plundered sight and left.” Bapa wields epigramatic brevity, when he wishes to convey weighty truths or striking thoughts 10 simple words cp retaua's address to his, darung son Harsa (Harsa Uc V) or Sukanasa's advice to Candraphta, amongst other passages At times, however,Bāna carries his partiality for such epigrams also to a length where he himself almost becomes wearv! The descriptions of king Sūdraka, his doorkeeper or Canlalakanya exhibit Bana's normal prose style. Rhythmical cffects and alliterations abound in his descriptions and are oftea happy cp "शनाम्यायं स्यैव पादपासुम्पर्शन, यदि परिगणित रेव वामरै सकलनापचापलललितनसतिचरणरणरणायमाननिगडा निर्णोडा गान करोमि ततस्तनूनगाति पीतमपिपि पतग इव पानवी पातयाम्यात्मानम् ।" (7 p 335) or 537afazakarah Tatata f * Ah- दनम् । शरासनद्वितीया करदीचकार चक क्रमागतभुजबलाभिजन वनमदावलिप्ताना *951 TIVE" P 371 ) Here is Krsanamācariar's compliment to Bina's diction and descriptions: “His language is chaste yet Ornate and learned yet.. charming, and his descriptions show no end of their resources The meeting of reaat and quity, the last embrace of fait of his son, these for instance in bafta, the bogining of the narrative by the parrot, the advice of S'ukan sa to Candrapida, the progress of the amours of Kadambari and Candrapida in the Gandharva capital and the pleasant associations of the lovers after vicissitudes, these for instance in Kadambari, arc worthy of a special appreciation " Bāņa depicts with the same minuteness and gusto the fair Mahayveta as he does the dark Candalakanya. Bhūsana also has given us several decriptions wuch show how he had inherited considerable literary abilities of bis father IIc has graphically described Candrapija's dismay at Vaiyampayana's non-return with the army (pp 273-4) and his wonder as to why Valgampayana should prefer to stay at Acchoda (p 280) A graphic description of morning (p. 284), the condemnation of AT by 1HT (PP 286-9), the shrend speech of astrologers (p 294 }, Vilasaviti bidding adreu to Candrapida starting for the recovery of 44 (pp 295 6), Kadambari's poignant speech of taking leave of Madalekba (PP 315-6), Tarapida's consolation of ·108 Vilasavatı (Pp 334 5 ) are some of the other striking passages in Bhūşanas' work Sulan.sis address (pp 331-8) shou s Bhuyara to be a chip of that old block His varied knowledge is seen hercin Bapa shows great skill and discrimination in characterisation, His characters in Harşacati and kndambarl are lifelike and well drawn The affectionate father TITTEET the moody and saintly 74247, the serene and heroic 67, the ill fated charming 21312t, the gentle and youth ful F717, the generous and loving aparatthe wise and loyal TTTT the tender and devoted finaal, the intelligent and devoted 77, the affectionata yet stern Kapinjala, the holy and fair Art, who serves as a foil to the coy, yet VivicioUS 1777, are some of the immortal characters that he presents in his two mai All these impress ; the reader greatly Bana of course, has lavished his skill in full bounty in describing the hero and heroine of the Kadambar! And like Kalidasa or Shakespeare Bana too d-picts the heroines more strikingly than his heroes In Har acarita Bana was dealing with a historical personality as his hero ( there is no heroine therein) and he has presented his hero with a fair historical veracity, and has not given more overtones than historical Kavya can reasonably have Baņa's characters are not always clearly individualised they often appear as broad types But Bana has shown generally deep insight into the working of human mind He excels specially in characterising bis heroine and the characters of Kadambari and Mahas/eta are finely individualised the mudenly love of Kadambari torn between new born longing and filial duty, being set off by the pathetic fidelity of the lovelorn Mahasveta, awaiting her lover for long years on the shores of the Acchoda lake • Allthough most of the characters of the Kadambari are shadowy and some of them are in their second or even third birth, the poets' genius is so superb and his power of developing love and pathos is so great that the reader soon forgets the unreal character of the work and his mind is enthralled by the engrossing interest of the woes and happiness of his characters' (Kane) ·109 "We find ourselves face to face with the story of human SOTTOW and divne conso'atio-, of death and ite passionate lorg ag for a la on aften death, that goes staroht from the heart of one ho Lad himself felt the pang and nursed the hope to us a ho are of Itxe frame sith him" (Peterson ) Bapa deliacate various sentiments with grea' ability The lor bolxeen 3 and 5577 or one and its is dasmined with great pscholog al insight and deft touches While the c-scription of Prabhalanardhara's death cr Yazomali's self mmolatioa or iht- tragic condition of Mahasketa or Kadambari rith therr loverdead for the fim-, are described with a louching patros Bapa specally excels in depictins farm and Bana s treatment of love is done in a very chaste style, free from grossness Unlike Dasakumaracar ta, which many times cage nºra'es 17 vulganty,Bana presents various aspects and stages of losc with great precis 07, syropatny, unders'anding and crimpeachable good taste To tim love is a lasting reality which brds Louis to gethay 10 a succession of births too And that love is an iron colion which unfolds itself at the proper ume voder propas circumstances (cp कारो हि गुणारच दुर्निदारतामर पनि र ·110 though he does follow many a routine poetic conceit or convention in his references to trees and flowers birds and beasts still on the whole he shows himself to be a great lover, clase observor and deft describer of Nature He has described the flora and fauna of India with great charm, though sometimes his descriptions are overdrawn fanciful and verbose "Both in his descriptions of natural objects and his poetic imagination, Bana's words breathe a freshness and vigour that bespeak of a warm and sincere admi ration for the grandeur of nature which the Indian scenery offers to a poetic mind And in this respect he has very few equals even among oriental poets (Kale ) Bana was a close observer of man and nature, of courts and kings, of hermitages and forests--actually of the varicd vista of life His descriptions of court and citylife or of hermtages and village-Ife present a picture of times in which he lived The advice of S'ukanasa is a masterpiece, unnersal in import The description of the old Dravi 11 ascectic, though somewhat long drawn and tedious, shows that he had an eye for the ridiculous and the bizarre The Harçacarita is of great interest to the antiquarian for the fact that it affords a vyd picture of Indian society in the 7th century and of the manners and customs of those far off days Bana also shows in all his work a very sturdy commonsense, and a vigorous eloquence So also se always find in his works the rich dividends of the wide experience of life he gained in his early travels and then residence at royal court which gave him a close knowledge of men and matters Weber as back as in 1853 has, in a well known, oft-quoted, but somewhat one sided trade censured Buga's ornateness in the following words "Kadambari compares most unfavourably with the Dasakumaracarita by a sublety and tautology which are almost repugnant, by an outrageous overloading of single words with epithet the narrative proceeds in a sirain of bombastic nonsense, amidst which, it, and if not it then the patience of the rcader, threatens to perish altogether a mannerism already arpa Seni in the Dinomaricar117 ts here 038316d to excess the oceb is kept back to the second, third, fourih, nay once to ihc suith ·111 page, and all the interval is filled with epithets and epithets to these epithets moreover these epithets frequently consist of compounds extending over more than onc iine, in short Bana's prose is an Indian wood, where all progress is rendered impossible by the undergrowth until the traveller cuts out a path for himself and where, even then, he bas 10 reckon Bith malicious wild beasts in the shape of unknown words that affright him' (from Weber's review of Kadambari contributed to the magazine of German Oriental Society in 1853, quoted by Dr Peterson his Introduction to hadambari p 37) Macdonell also shows great impatience with Bapa's ornate descriptions cp A History of Sanskrit Literature by A A Macdoncil pp 332-4. Thus in twentyfive pages .. and so forth". Keith ,has the following remarks to make on Weber's criticism The censure is just, Bana revels in the construstion of sentences consisting of heaped up epithets in compound form, throwing away all the advantages of an infected language, more. over he loves to pile up in these compounds double meanings, and these he brings about repealely by the use of rare senses of Ordinary words or the use of ulterly abnormal phraseology But before condemning Bapa in the Weberian style, we must remember that an author is to a considerable extent a product Bana lived at a time when the presence of long compounds was consıdared the very life of prose ( 117 4914- ARTITIEF sifaria) The Sanskrit Prose Romace had for its sine qua non " 3 richness of imagery, wealth of description, frequency of rhetorical ornaments, length of compounds and claboration of sentences, a grandiose pitch of sound and sense ** (Ds & Dasgupta ) An author was also expected to display his erudition by profuse allusions to mythology, legend, history, Ecography, Istcrature and the like, some of which allusions would he most rerondite 100 was espected to be an important hand maid to **f 1747, 251777 was also espected to be qp_Dandin's TATİ 11 363 * mali gunit set asifta पिम् । भिन्न विषा स्वमायोक्तिवेधाविनश्चेति वाहमयम) The Scholar in a writer got the belier of the poet ia hım, and so nc find in such authors a craze of cputhets, cpithcts of cpithets, sjonymous phrases in different wording. Vakrokas ard alanı karas of various of his time ·112 types, -all often spun out to such an extent that the author seemed to halt ultimately in sheer exhaustion And when an author adopts such a style he courts displeasure of the average reader and gets drastic strictures as Bina got from Weber and Co, though ancient critics wliose opinion has much pertinency as contem. porary verdict, have paid rich encomia to him Veber's charge seems justified with reference to those passages where Bana is over-ornate But there is the other facet of Banas style where he is charmingly simple And even in the so called difficult passages one with a good knowledge of Sanskrit and an acquaintance with Banis conventional deas, can have a fairly easy journey through the wood', with a scratch here and there at the most And Weber has totally ignored those passages whcre Bapa is a model of best Sanskrit prose & description of Acchoda, Kapiñjala s admonition to Pundarika Candrapida's consolation of Mahas veta or his argument agatnst 3477747 and the like Rightly does Prin Karmarkar observe" There ( in such passages ) you find the four characteristics of a good prose style, - regulanty uniformity, precision and balarce, properly illustrated The small clauses are nicely bilanced even the number of words in them properly regulated, the use of past participles, doing away with the verb altogether, the shifting of the position of the verb, sometimes at the beginning sometimes in the middle and sometimes at the end, the use of simple figures of speech in apt manner, like सहोक्ति, विरोध, घ्रान्तिमान, निदाना, मालोपमा, रानोपमा, - these Tre some of the characteristic of Bana's style He is, of course, the supreme master of and fret! and in spite of all his love for exaggeration and out of way allusions, Bana displays amplc poetic genius capable of attracting 1 sympathetic student of Sanskrit literature A very prominent flaw in Bana's style is that his works abound in too many puns on words, many times intricate, md there are many recondite allusions These features, used with god s plenty, often smother the original najrative and make his work somewhat gats at places From the modern ingle these features constitute 1 blemish of style, but in Bupa's time these ·113 literary by-Rays scre called «axlfaars', and were said to be decorations of poetry Does not et, for example, boast of bis प्रत्यक्षरमलेप? Another day back is the tendency to box stories into stories, diving rise to a great complexity of structure to the story, wluck hc reddit cf en finds difficulty 10 remember coherently Curious turns of events, and curses and countercurses make the story often very complex, and ornate and spun out descriptions make the progress of the story very baltiog Even this is a fault w huch Bapa shares with many Indian authors "The fact that the greater part of the story is put in the mouth of a parrot is a serious drawback to the verisimilitude of the work”, says Mm Kane. We wonder how far' But the greatest handicap to Bana's constructive artis his weakness for elaborating the tales, by dwelling on too much details, in a style which drass prose and poetry together in an unpatural alliance The sense of proportion is the very foundation of style and treatment, and Bana has tuo prodigal an imagination and too much propeness to descriptions to achieve the proper proportion in his work cp e g the too lavish and fancıful descriptions of Upayını, Vindhya, Jabali's hermitage, the temple of Candikā, the Dight the morning Mabos eta's beauty etc, which give 'wonder. ful word pictures no doubt, but most of them certainly overdone "Bana's power of observation and picturesque description, his love for nature, his eye for colour and ear for music, the richness of bis fancy ard his wealth of words, are excellences which are in questioned, but they are seldom kept withio moderate bounds His choice of subject may be good, but his choice of scale is fatal The readiness of his resources is truly astonishing, but the exaggeration often swamps the reality of his pictures Sometimes there are absurdities in matters of detail. The young physician 7114 committing suicide on the eve of warTH'S death seems to be too fanatically sentimental Bana can be forcible and drect when he chooses But pretty often he is tempted to be verbose and then - Bana allons no topic ·114 to pass until he can squeeze no more out of it \Vhether in description or in sseeches of lamentations and exhorta ions to possible detail is missed no existing variety of synoymous epithets omitted, no romantic symbolism and coccit overlooked, ror any brillant rhetoric devicc ignored Ferein he reminds one of Bhavabhūti who also often describs at length what a Kalidasa may compress in a few words or lines Onc woders at Dana's hiterary gifts and still cannot but feel that the Master commits mistakes of excesses in cr bosity, abtruse ness and descriptive element . It seems strange that one should be capable of denying the splendour of Bana s prose at its best, it is eccentric, excessive and even wasteful, but its organ voice is majestic in movement and magnificent in volume and melody (DD) Bana's prose is too highflown at many places and his wonderful spell of language and picturesque imagery often smothers the main story or sentiments But it has made Bana famous for the very extravagant charm of his diction and imagery 1Bapa has combined in him a rich ornateness of style and richsensitiveness to tender human emotions Bana is known for an amazıng command over words a beautiful phraseology, tich in imagery and wordmusic, an extravagance of expressions and ideas often piled upi in a single para or even sentence and here and there a beautiful prece of simple yet artistic finish " Bana's work impresses us by its unfailing and unrestrained wealth of power we have here not an abundance but a riot, a love of all that is grand and glorious In fact or fiction Bana has often the habit of repeating himself Whether in description or narration or conversation B na would not be satisfied unless he expresses a particular idea with every existing viriety of synonymps Though such passages are an eloquent testimony to the poet s sichness of resources and ready wit, they often tire us by their profusion and become a defect In longer descriptions especially Bana often displays a lack of fense of proportion Buna tries to load his descryptions with all sorts of facturi details and poetic devices and the reader s patience threatens to perish with what Weber calls an outrageous oyes 7 ·115 lozi.ag of single words with epithets and epithets to these epithets So also at times some passages seem to be spun out to an improbable length in a particular situation e g Prabhakaryordhana's death-bed advice to his son or Skanda cupia's advice to young kinz Harya on the evils of too confiding a nature at that critical coment, are inordinately lengthened out and appear improbable ard uuteristic So also 10 his descriptions of Vabasteta and the temple of Candika he tưes the reader by dnelloog too much ca es cry detail Oftes the poet sems to be interested in gand descriptions of morolng or es enung or of some person or place, Isaving the plot to take care of itself Another law of Bana's writing + the unreality of atmosphere at place Because Bara's extras agance of style has affected his duineation of characters and sentiments which lack realty Occasionally, But inspite of toe element of marvel and magic, hich was a recognised concormittart of a popular romantic tale, Baya still displays considerable porer of characterisation and delineation of sentiment The scene in hadamları shifts between the wond of fancy in th- Gandarvaland beyond Himalayas and the Wo Id of humanity in UIDI, whore king Tarapica and his wise minister Solanasa, hold court in toval splendour "The world of fancy is conceived as vivids mothe world of humanity, but thic hole Lorcal machinery fades away when we are brought face to face with a tale of tomar love and sorros, set forth in its idyllic charm a well as its depto of patboy' (DD) A Vetric31 Vote –“ The number of serses ned by Bana is mall, thouch less limited thao 10 the case of Baca does pot observe the rules laid down by Ima thai the TF11147T should cantain at the beginning of each J615, 777 and 77 777 Verses, annonaciig the subject of the chapter The first Lechy sa of the Haracatita las an introduction on poetry, the other have two ver es, but the form is enher tho ES OT 2 ME and 33 arti 11 the body of the chapters u have an *1971 thrrest3nza,उदिका, गादवितरित and परदत्र in 11, ITO pairs, 1191 and in 1, 1 pair of 1.533, 273 and Tiar ad a detached 7.1.01, a iT and 28 37T 19 y; a d 20 17 1 ·116 of बाण 19f in vi the last two have no inserted verses The वर्वत्र is not the 17 as in metrical textbooks, but a sort of it with a spondee at the close of even lines The Kadawbart after its verse prelude in 274 metre is essentially in prose (Keith slightly adapted ) Bāna's literary viers --Bāna had some specific views about literature and poets and he has presented them at places in the introductory verses to his Harszcarita and Kadambari and also in some occasional references in these works Bana has lard a funda mental norm about really great poetry viz that it should be creative Only a poet who is JCCF', who has something new to say is a great poet, the innumerable poetasters ( FIFTHTH ) who produce trite poetry with 100 commonplace 7937a1fan are poets only in name, not in fact Unless the poet has something novel or original to say and unless he presents it in a poetic way, he has no claim lo afara Obviously Baza wants that poetry should have axifaa as a soul of poetic style Bana does not vote agaist rautalfa per se, he would admit fqurallat which conveys things with striking charm (par FIFA ic Bana admits स्वभावोक्ति as one of the अलडकारs Bana has noted the regional peculiarities of poetry in his days cp श्लेपप्रायमुदीच्येषु प्रतीच्येषु अर्थमात्रकम् । उ प्रेक्षा दाक्षिणात्यषु गौडेल्वक्ष रडम्बरम।। (हर्ष Int V 7) But Bana wanted a atay of all pecessary elements of poetry to make the really best poetry Acc to him the following constitute the essentials of poetry, which as he also obseries, are rarely to be found togetler.791st erfaurer श्लेषोऽक्लिष्ट स्फुटो रस । विकटाक्षरयाश्च वृत्स्नमेकर दुष्करम् ॥-ह Intro V8 Bana has tried to live up to this norm in his own compositions Being a prosc writer, he has some specific views on the requirements of the good prose style Thus he has remarked in K dambari ( p 90 ) that 'eczka (57) faferacijosfato पाद्यमानतभिमवार्यसञ्चयम (राजकुलम ) Wherein he emphasizes both the sound and sense aspects In Kadmbar] (Intro vy 7-9) also he has given his idea ibont a 91 cp ay a fofastwn) T1 2 ·117 दृजनस्याकरिपारिवामृतम् । तदेव थत्ते हृदयेन सज्जना हरिमहारलमिवाति निर्मलम् ॥ स्फुरत्कलालापविलासकोमला कराति राग हाद कौतुकाधिकम् । रसन शय्या स्वयमभ्युपागता कथा जनस्याभिनवा क्यूरिव ॥ हरन्ति क नोज्वल- दीपकोपमनवे पदार्थत्पपादिता कथा। निरन्तरश्लेषघना सुजातयो महास्त्रजश्च- मरकुड्मल रिख ।) Bana has severely condemded the plagiarists in his introductory verscs to Hargacarita, but he has not criticized anyone by name But when Baņa has praised some eminent predecessors of his and some literary masterpieces known to him, he has named them, bestowed an unstinted meed of praise to them This shows बाण's excellent manners, Banabhatta's leatuing Bana was a very learned person He personally testifies to this cp सम्यक पठित साडगो वेद । श्रतानि यथाशक्ति शास्त्राणि - Harsa III and his Harsacanta and Kadambari are monumental standing evidence thereof We find therein his varred learning which shows his acquaintance with al)Srutis, Smrtis and Vedangas (2) The different dars anas (3)The Ramayana, the Mahabharata and the Puranas (4) Indian mythology in general and (5) Several other miscellaneous lores We now present a fairly detailed evidence thereof (1) References to Sratis, Smrtis and Vedangas (a) शिप्यद्वयव पदममुख रेण-ह p 12 (b) Reference to अपमपण-ह p 22 का p 133 (c) व्याकरणमिव प्रथममध्यमोत्तमपुरुष विभक्तिस्थिताने का देशकारकाख्यातसप्रदानवियाव्ययप्रपञ्चसुस्थितम्- का P 90 (d) ज्योतिष मिव गृहमोक्षकलाभागनिपुणम्-का p 91 (e) दीपित्तवाचमिवाप्राकृताम् । 131 (f) असमस्तपदवृत्तिमिवाह द्वाम-का 18) आर्यामिद समुपात्तयतिगणोचितमानान् -का P 131 (2) References to Darganas -(a) साख्यमिव पपिलाधिष्ठितम्- का p 40 (b) साध्यागमेन व प्रधानपुरषोपतेन का P 51 (c) असत्सायन- मियादृष्टातम्- चा 2 124 (C) मोमासकालषभायमानुक्रिया-या p 131 (e) Bana has referred to प्राणायाम, ब्रह्मासन, यागपट्टिक्र, समाधि etc from the योगमा स्त्र at vamous places (I) Reference to दययान in भास्वमध्यनायरमनेमुक्तानुयातमपवा मागमिय हारमदहती।'- हp 12 -का P P 11 ·118 (3) References to Rámujapa, Mahābhırala aod Porānas: (a) पारय इष्ट रामो मारेर मरयमका- p. 145.6 (b) सागर इय सगर- प्रभायात्-.p 196 ८) रामायणमिर सरिरयासमाकुलर-सा. p.91 (d) The entirepara 19 on pp. 21-22 of Kadambari bristles with Ramayana references. (c) रापकगरप्रहारजरितजीर्णतालतरमण्डरय व समीप~या . 23 (f) अनवरलगरनिररपिरामनिहताव रदूप पालनियहमिव - p. 29_18) रामानुगगो रामायगेन गचौयनेन-या. p. 41 (h) Ilars? intro 1 3 refers to 17 and, his 777 (1) Hari intro. Y. 9 refers to भारती कथा ( दाव पाण्डुपुत्राणा गतमा कर्णगोचरम् ---- Harea intro... 11 (4) महाभारतभावितारमान:--ह. p. 142 (1) कस्मन द्वितीयमहाभारते भवेदग्य धरिते धुतुहला~ह p. 149 m) विविध.. वीररावनालरामणीपन महाभारत लघयनिष-- ह. P. 326 (a) या च महाभारमे पनियरा Pat १०) महाभारतगियानन्तगोताकगनानन्दित- नरम्य। P 90 (0) अपरिमिनबलभरावान्ना मन्ये स्मरति महाभारतसमर- मक्षोमस्या स्थिति-या p 118 (q भारतमिव पाण्डुधृतराष्ट्रालाक्षरत. क्षोभम्--या. P. I13 (1) रामदगलमहीयमि महाभारवे दत्तावधानाम्-का' (s महामारतपुराणरामायणानुरागिणा -या. P 51 (0 हरियश- पधेयाने क्वालनीटारमगीया-- का. p. 52 (u) कृष्णबालचरितमिव तटकदम्ब शाखाविस्टहरिमनपातश्रीडम्-का p. 123 (v) पुराणे घायुप्रलपितम्--- का p.41 (w) पवमानप्रोक्त पुराण पपाठ-ह P 140 (x) पुराणभिव. यथाविभागावस्थापितसालभुयायोशम्पा. p. 90 (4) References to Indian Mythology in general (a) न्यक्तननगनर . स्वामी ह p. 86 (6) नास्य हरेरिव .. श्रिय--ह. p. 126 (c) तात याण ..उसृष्टवान्ह pp. 143-7 (4) अन बलजिता.. महासमा- रम्मा.--ह Pp 1479 (e) गुरुवचमि... प्रजाकर्मणि-ह. P 163 लोय.. भरतेन -ह. p. 307 (8' आसन्नवर्तिना .. .. स्त्रीराश्यम् - ह. (h) अग्निशापात् .. परिवृत्तिः-का p. 13 (1) पुरा चण्डकाशिक चतुरः पुत्रान्-का. P 62 (i) पुरा किल...उवास--का. p. 80 दशरथ . प्रनिमा.का p 117 (1) स्मर तावत....जीविता:-का. p 174 {m) विश्वावसुना : आनीतवान् - p. 175 (n) जानकीव .. एति--का. 256 These are just sonte select passages, Bani's extensive and deep knowledg: of indtun mythology is seen practically on every p209 .. pp 371-2 ... page of his work ·119 - (9 MiscellaneoCS Teferences to other lores (a) Bana's acquaintance with बलदकारशास्त्र Houd heclear from ourd scussion about Banas literary views elsett here in this chapter (b) वाव्य नाटकास्याग्विारस्यव्याख्यानादिनियानिपुर्ण -का p 7 (c) reference to वर्णीमुतक्या- का P 19 (d) उदयनमिव अभिनन्तिवत्सकुलम --K P 40 (e) गिक्षिनाशेषदाभ पण वास्तिनिपुण नास्यायिकात्यानपरिचयचतुरेण सवलि पिनन महाभारतपुराणरामायणानगगिमा वृहत्वयाकुशरन-hp 51 पलित मस्तित्रय नीतिशास्त्रविरद्धि अधीतघमशास्त्रः-bp 53 (g) Referer ce to कोरा (२ सय घु') and वीथिमावणातकानि Hpp 414-415 (h) Reference to Buddhimard Jainism बौद्धनन जीदानुकम्पिना- K p 51 (1) Reference to TEETTIÊNaf71941 (light talk) forg मती, प्रहरिका नरपतिकृतकाव्यम्भापितानि, द्विपदी and aविण -KP 88 (3) नरवाहनदत्तचरितमिवान मधितप्रियदानगजदारिकाधवत्तीपष्ठन--- Kp 91 (k) नारदीयमिवाप्यमानगजयमम-Kp 91 (ोटिन्यगास्त्रम -- K. p_169 m} बदबुद्धिमिव निलम्वनाम- KP 131 लोकायतविद्ययवाघमरच hp 10 10) References to दगास्तान, कुवत मनस्टिना and मरागारमन, which seem to be some religious tr acts-ktp 22€ 7 ( p) K p 297 8 Tarapida s speech at Candra prda's departure shows Phuaras proficiency in 'अयशस्त्र (8) Ap 347 · श्रुतौ जीवति ' shows Bhasarma s crudition ] BapattanasPeligion Earallatta was a devoice of Siva as can be scenery clearly from his works But at the same time we fiod that he was no bigot Be was rather a person like halıda sa who believed in Unity in Trinity, (of Brahma Vieptu.and Siva), and yet bad a special affinity for Siva as also Prati describe him plother words as a Vedantın in principles and Slyabh akta in pract ce We er umerate the refererces which show * his religious inclinations (a) Bana a Sua Cerotic (1) 11 1 2 from 743f Irtro Verses salute शम्भु and उमा resp ctively (11) Savitra advised Saras 211 10 proputuste Josd Sulg hen he was cuised by Durya sas (cp 'रान पारणा घाद्य प्रमनि प्रतिपयस्व मन्मा बाघा स्यिया च दवदव त्रिभुवनगुरु ग्यम्दवम । अपायनद काम स न पशावर्गन वितरिति' इति। p23) () There is reference to farfar We may ·120 वालुवालिङगs at हपं. p 30 (iv) Sarasvati, residing on the western bank of s'oga, worships the eighr divine forms of lord Siva hy offering अप्टपुष्पिका ( cp. पृलिनपृष्ठ... अष्टपुष्पिकामदात् ।)-हपं p. 30 ). (v) When Bāna received the message from Krsna to come to Harsa's court, he wa- hesitant for a while; but ultimately decided to go relying on Siva's favour { cp. सर्वथा भगवान् भवानीपति वन- पतिगतस्य मे शरणम् । हर्ष p. 90 ). (1) And white proceeding on that Journey he worshipped Stva ( देवदेवस्य विरूपाक्षस्य... विधाय परमया भक्त्या पूजाम्-ह 290) (vii) While describing पुष्पभूति's शिवभक्ति,Bana has praised Siva in highly eulogisticterms cp यतस्तस्य ....पशुपति प्रपन्नो ऽन्यदेवताशून्यममन्यत त्रैलोक्यम् - p. 164 (viii) When ह's march is described at the beginning of Uc. VII. Harsa 1s described as worshipping Stiva then cp. विरचय्य परमया भक्त्या भगवतो नीललोहितस्यार्चाम् ।"-ह p 350 (1x) King Bhaskaravarman is described at Harsa Uc VII (p. 383)where it is said about him: अयमस्य च शेश- वादारय सकल्प. स्थेयास्थाणुपादारविन्दद्वयादृते नाहमन्य नमस्कुर्यामिति । (x) Harsa's appreciativeremarkabout Bhaskaravar man's Stvabhakti shows Harsa's devotion to Siva ( स्वप बाहुशाली मयि च रामालम्बित. शरासने सुहृदि हरादृते कमन्य नम-यति। ह P 385) (xi) In Kadambart introductory verse 2 Hana pays homage to Siva (x1) King Sūdraka also worshipped Siva ( cp उपरचितपशुपतिपूजन:-Kp 16). (xii) Mahakala of Ujyayint is described as भुवनत्रयसर्गस्थितिसहारकारिन् (K. p. 50). (xiv) Mahakala is described with great reverence in the उज्जयिनीवर्णन (cy. यस्या सुरासुर... स्वय निवसति-- K. P. 53 ). (xv) Mabās vetā is described as a great devotee of Siva cp. अद्राक्षीत् ... भगवन्त त्र्यम्बकम् । ( K. p 128) (xvi) When महाश्वेता asa young girl had come for a bath to Acchoda she saluted Siva images (cp. अत्र च स्नानार्थ... वन्दमाना-K.p 138). (XVII) Mahasveta in her distress sought resons with Siva ( देव लोक्यनाय .... स्थापुमाश्रिता- K. P 172) (XVIII) Candrapida, when he visited गन्धर्वलोक, had worshipped Siva there (cp अन कुममधलिसिफतिले गिरिनदिकातटे भगवानचित मूलप णि !~K. P 213) {xix) Kng तारापीड is called परममाहेश्वरः (KP 221) (Even Bhusara seems to in. There hts father's शिवभक्ति, for he salutes गिरिसुतापरमेश्वरी n Kad. Uttarabbaga Intro v. 1; and makes Vais'am payana also a devotee of Stya cp. " प्रगम्य. भगवन्त भशनीप्रभु महेश्वर शशाइक्शवल. शेखर प्रजाम [-K.p276 ·121 1 भगवन (b) Bana's Vedantic hent (1) In Kadambari intro v I Bana speaks of Unity in Trinity (11) Jabalis asrama is said to be 'यच्च मा नरिहरपितामह' (Kp 40) (c) Some miscellaneous references showing Bana's broad religious sympathies (1) There is a reference to afufafafa f1117' at pp 1712 (1) The Assam king's a tudat is referred to with admiration at p 386 (111) fag is described as "Timanfaatfaran' ( p 416) (v) Bana s bigh regard for Buddhism is shown by the following passage in Uc Vill सर्वमत्त्वानुकम्पिनी वचमाम । PP 428 9 ) and 47 FEIT 2171farfari" (4 p 430) (V) Kadambari intro V 3 pays homage to Visņu ( Bhusaņabana in Kad Uttara intro v 2 salutes Narayana ) Epilogue - When we read Bana's works and last rage, ihe impression Be carry is of having met a master mind of literary art His absolute mastery over Sanskrit language, his rich Vancty of style, his fine delineation of the whole gamut of sentiments ranging from शुङगार, वीर and वरुण to बीभरस, अदभुत and T ( to mention some at random), and his power of making a character, scene or situation to live as if before our mind leaves us spellbound We gladly concede that Bana really in a "T- वाणीरविचत्नि" Defects no doubt he has--for who is free from them?—but they appear to us to be due to his times rather than an inberent fault in his muse and before the full splendour of the glory of his all sided genius, they become comparable to the spots on the sun (G) We have often felt that with Kalidasa and Sapkara Bana makes the Trimurti of Sanskrit Literature over the ·CHAPTER VIII SOCIETY IN BINABHATTA'S WORKS 'वाय्य व्यवहारविदे' -मम्मटस्य Introductory When we try to get 1 picture of contempo mry life from literary works, uc cannot expect to get 1 detailed co-ordinated account of the social ficts by the very nature of things ror in literary works the author s main obj ctive is to unſold his literary art and acferences to socul life are only madincidentally We have to piece together such references and details to get a social account Further in literary works - and specially so in case of Sanskrit literary works fact is freelly mixed with the fictious, the fanciful and the supernatural So we have to sift the evidence carefully and choose only that which appears to be historically and factually sound But if we proceed on these lines with due caution, we do generally get a fair idea of the social background of a work, because after all the life round an author enters tn many ways in the life of make belief which he tries to project in his work We shall now try to have a pen. picture of the society in which Baņa seems to have lived and moved about basing onr conclusions on the material furnished by his works The people and their professions - The people in genera belonged to the Aryan stock They were fair 10 complexion ha big eyes rich hair, acquiline noses broad foreheads and chests and muscular arms and thighs [ cp आयतलोचनम ( का p२०) बायतललाट ( p७४) उन्नतघोणम (का P१९)] The aboriginal tribe like the Bhils and others had a different aprearance being possessed of dark cyebrows redish eyes flat noses, broad lips and chins prominert cheek bones and well formed bodies The lower class of people seemed to be mainly coming form Dravida and Simhala countries (cp the description of Tatapı las servents 31 ZafasFTE SITTO 1999 11-7 p 88 ] and these were gene rally engaged in menial service There were four castes in the soc ety they were based on criterion of birth The Br ihmins had a superior social status and ·123 माननीया ।- ह P. जाम्मि। 1 Brahmin was expected to be revered for his birth whatever his qualifications and abilities [cp अमस्कृतमतयोऽपि जत्येव द्विज मानो ११, also cp है p. ११३ where पुष्पभूति ets off a suicked Naga because he was Brahmin] But it should be 'oted also that there were several Brahmins like the Vatsy yanas, sho ere sages of high eminence, religious, dutiful, straightorward and never caring for worldly glory | cp apps o of the description of the Vatsyayanas) Bana, while describiog his oustns, houses (Uc II Para I ) gives a graphic picture of typical houses of the strips and their surroundings So also when pana gives a spirited rejoinder in self-defence to Emperor Harsa who at the first interview, first laitted Bana, gives in the that rejoinder many Brahmanic and scholarly qualifications of his, hich deserved a better treatment (cp TTI TRI अभ्यागारि T.27fen - Il Further when Baua feturns from Harsa's court, he questions luis Sinsmen about matters that sete Vital to the Brahmins of his days viz the performance of sacrifires, the incessant study of the Vedas the grammar, logic, the first and poetry The caste system was rigid, and Brahmios did not take food at the house of the other three [. cpap 63901942 rafafttat 47 '] The diksitas pould avoid prakrit specch (cp at p 131 779TTHIEUA) Brahmın priests ware invited at religious and household cerenio. 19 The performance of animal sacrifices was fairly common. Pीकृष्णमारच्छागशावप्रकटितपशुवधप्रवधानि (नवनानि)- ह pp. 273 ] Marriage rules generally were strictly for marriages in the same community, But ty marriages seemed to be 10 ogue Baua speaks of TXT EVT as his cousins (uncle s sons, born of Sudra wife and Fun.c 91797) [cp ह ४१. भ्रातरी पारगवां चद्रसनमातृपेणी We wonder whether they were cousins of Bara as Mm hane and others take them to be, or step brothers of Bana Bapa has specifically mentioned his mother seat to be so ferhaps his father had some a wife too 'l Affair barnage, however, with a Brahmana as a party, was held to be inful [ cpap cc where 491fa is said to have become Ku because he married torta TITTI] Brahmins who bccame converts to other faiths were called titrafta A Brahminvamas ·124 kıller had to undergo a very serious expialion { cp 6 p KỲ? 'ब्रह्मघ्न इव प्रतिदिवसवन्दनोद्घष्टसिर कपालस्य ।] Though Royalty was often connected with Ksatriyahood, it was not an invariable order of the day Emperor Harsa, according to C V Vaidya and Hiuen Tsang, was a Vaiyya (though others have contested this view) Ksatriyas were known by their aats or by TTS Polygamy, w ich was commonly seen amongst people then, was more so in royalty The favourite game of | royalty was hunting and Candrapida and Harsavardhana are both described as enjoying hunting expeditions The caste of Vaisyas was generally a trading caste, though they occasionally distinguished themselves in other fields as well The term iz mainly indicated the aboriginals like the Bhuls etc We have reference to Sinhalas, Dravidas etc who were mainly employed in menjal jobs The Sudras were generally busy with agriculture and mental service There were several subcastes also, caused by intercaste marriages Though argaon was the basis of social structure, the occupations of people were varied and they occasionally were taken to without a particular caste label In a growing social order and advancing civilisation variety of occupations was just a logical outcome (cp the description of a village at upp 8-9 and description of Bana s companions at a pp 72-87 10 get an idea about the variety of professions] With that was also generally waning the class-consciousness though the caste system was existing Besides the wide variety of professions, high an low we have Buddhist and Jain monks and nuns, doing the work of i of religion We have so called magic and tion of the old 243 enforcer in Frant amply shows ho he 17 deceived by various ascetics with nice promises of securing of ample wealth and a charming bride by some magical means Jf seems that there was continuous warfare going on in these days, and thus made the social life far from stable and prosperous ·125 on the whole Harga was engaged 10 warfare for nearly thirty years Candraplda embarked on fifq54 to establish his suzerainty It seems that royalty delighted in asserting and parading supremacy by power of arms And when a great king would pass away the empire oftea started to crumble and crash Brahmıas gencrally lived up by the profession of priesthood and teaching The other communities had their usual professions, and further, as said above, a wide variety of professions had grown The list of Bana's companions in his young journeys shows “what strange medley of people an orthodox Brahmana could associate without running any serious risk of losing caste or position Bana refers to Natakas Nata's, ( cpp 19 reference to 19] dancers directors of dramas [cpp 434 reference to 179127] We cannot say for certain whether well formed dramatic companies were then 10 vogue It seems that in Bana & days, dancing was popularly represented on the stage and not the plays, which were probably displayed on occasions like Yatras as Bhavabhutt indicates But we should note that Natas were not looked upon with much respect in Bana s days while the catholic Bhavabhuti has no scruples in being on intimate friendly terms with the actors! There were m9fs also in Bana's days, who would present on picture screens the happenings 10 Yama's kingdom Social Customs and Manners - From Occusional references we can get some idea about the code of customs and manners of It seems girls had a fair amount of education and a fair measure of freedom of movement as could be seen from the prevalence of Gandharia marriage The reference is Harsa's Nagananda viz 'निर्दोपदाना खल कायका ' reflects the same fact Friends and well wishers generally served as useful and helpful mediatorseg.मावित्री to सरस्वती ॥ हा चरित, कपिज्ज to महा वना in के दम्बरी But we also find that sensible girls like that, FT or TT ***t took care to see that they choose a good person before falling baad our heal z lose th tim that age ·126! pieces of cloth Hosts were expected 10.6.' respectful towards guests, and formalities of speech and reception scre meticulously observed eg the conversation of सावित्री, सरस्वती, दधीच and विक्षि in the हर्षपरित, or that bettreen चन्दापीड and महाश्वेता, or the address of 71 to Cadrapl.la and the latter's reply thereto Women trore treated with great courtesy Respect was shown to great and cideris persons & Candrīpidla going to scc Sukanasa sat on the ground (cp चा p. १८९"चन्द्रापीड. क्षितितल एव०' and का १९४ 31TETU PATIRT 344711a RETO) The clothing of man and women sexms to be made up of two No tailoring seems to have been in vogu: The upper garment (Jaze ) was merely kept hanging on the body, while the lower one seems to have been tied with some knot The garments of men were generally white, those of ladies were generally coloured Ladies seem to have an सन (दुकूरावल्कल), a bodice with a knot between breasts ( rahegar rufe) and an उत्तरीय worn across the body ( वक्ष्य) Icp है P 34] Women seem to be using a seil occasionally (e & Candalakanya in the royal court and Rajyasri at the time of her marriage, had veils ) Men used to wear turbins or some other type of headdress Widons wore while clothes Buddhist monis red and Jain monks yellow The hair of men generally hung loose, at times at was tied in some dead koot In case of women, ladies had afts and widows para oft Flower and sprouts as decorations, as also gold and jewelled ornaments were used by ladies, men occasionally used some ornaments Women applied TT to "heir feet Sandal paste was used both by men and women Bards, Bhuls, etc. had their specialised type of dress The family life was very cordial in general And there are descriptions of many a happy household in Bina's works A mother great affection for her children e farthaal's affection for च द्रापीड or यशोमती's affection for हर्षवर्धन But a women loved her husband more than her child The husband was the ruler of the household but generally consulted his better half in famıly- Affarseg प्रभाकरचम consulted anमती before रामश्री s nange Relations between a husband and wife were gencrally very cordial, ·128 the influence of evil spirits (5) The birth of a male child 135 Irighly welcome that of a drughter #3s an occasion for sorrow [6) There was the worship of net on the sixth day after child. birth The fither could see the res bom child after this worship 17) The nanung of the child was done on the tenth day (op 7 p 137 • *9181 Tot aft') (8) A boy was sent to in the sitth your ulter ceremonials like TTIT77 had been performed, and returned after ten to these 38118 (9) 12 and a forms of marriage Wete in vogue The girls were fairly grown up at the time of martie (10) The hand of a grown-up girl was asked for by a suitor, and the girls father would consentif he so liked lle consulted his family members too (11) The marriage ceremony was performed on an auspcious day at an auspicious moment at the bride's house Deruled ceremonials were gone Through There was considerable rejoicing frolic The consumma. tion of the marriage is on the simc day, this would indicate th: the brides were fairly grown up (12) Child marriages were not in soguc, nor dos remarriages Widows scre expected to lead a secluded ind religious life ard occasionally they committed of (131 The custom of scil immolation or r by ladies was occasion nally practised by ladies on the death of their husbands and on rare occasions (as in the case of that jesen before the death of the husband It was supposed to be a glorious thing Doth Mahasicla and Ardambari wanted to commit 37#TV, but were warded off from that by divine agencies, because of the would be reunion in cither case Even 79 the young and learned prysicion in waiting on travaia preferred death to informing 4 of the impending end of his father Widow's who did not commit Sali were expected to lead a religous life The enlightered opinion of the day was of course against the institution of at, as one can see from a s arguments against that system, in his address to Serah Thal passage shows that Bina himself was obviously a great social reformer and he has in that passage put a spusted argument against ano in his Kadambari He seems to be the mouthpiece of a new rationalistic view taking shape in the mind of young elite (14)The rites to be performed after denth Merc frictically the same as obtaining at present After the ·129 period of impurity, the personal effects of the dead were given in charity, the bones of the dead #cie talen to a holy place; a cow was given occasionally to a Brahmin as a gift. In case of eminent people, the departed acre often commemorated by crecting a monufaint or building aft, or by the composition of a poetic clogy (fati ). At one place Bida has described monuments 10 dead beroes 24 773 TRTTITETETTING**17's. (15) There were some rites to be performed when a person would cambark on an important journey. [cn. pr. 46-40; 207.308.] Some miscellaneous points are: (i) At times of eclipses, people fasted. Icp. Rp. 29 “... TITITE":} (ii) At the time of receptions, foral arches were raised. (op. 5.p. 51 "Trafy पुनः हायप्रवेगमारिवामिव साधारयन्ती।"] (it) on occasions of joy and festivity people, men and somen, young and old, mixed freely and enjoyed song and dance. (iv) The descripition of the rites performed when TTTT mis on death-bed, though some what vierd, show's us shat popular Hindu religious practices Ad obseurances wese in the 7th Cent. A. D. Sports and Amosemets: Among social entertainments and sports the more important rete darcing, singing, animal fights and bird-fights. (p. K. 896381fqFafatiga"] On the fights of animals or birds, there was an occasional resort to betting. The main sport of royalty was hunting. [cp. Kādam-, bari pp. 44-48; pp.1:8-10]. Gambling was considered as an art and pastime and there are proſuse references to it. [cp.K. P: १५६ ' मर्वामु चूतरलामु'K. p. १०६ " चूतादिवलाकलापारगेज...दनेन"; K.p. 131 " Tacir a:TH6414 "). rred to in Harçacarita. (cp. p. 159}. Kings were expected to be proficient in gambling. I ep. K.P 10" 1997 AT...' FTATIST"] The game of chess was also popular. (sp. for Teferences to 1977. p. 14, 127, v(5611 TTEETTT)). Mim. Kane thinis that a game 'caturanga ' is referred to, cortes ponding to Marathi '. Gambling, however, was not respected in society. There were also intellectual pastimes "like reciting stanzas, finding out missing words, supplying lines of stanz चूतस्यान is refe- ·130 etc (अक्षरच्यतक मात्राच्युतक, विन्दुमती, प्रहैलिया and the like ) [cp का pp १८०-१८१] City Life and the Country Life. The typical description of the city of Ujjayını shows broadly how the city-lıfe of Bana's days was The cities were surrounded by walls and trenches, they had suburbs, parks, rest houses drinking places and hills The people in general were fairly prosperous, fair in appearance given to various worldly pursuits, cultured and educated (cp K p 51 “शिक्षिताशेषदेशभाषेण सुभाषितव्यसनिना" &c] Bana's हर्षचरित gives a description of Bana's wanderings over the whole of local and beyond We find therein cross-sections of a varied society, plying various professions and trade The village people were more unsophisticated, and more orthodox in religious matters Agriculture was the main profession, and rice was the main crop Other crops also were numerous eg godhūma (wheat), mudga (kidney bean), Jiraka (cumin seed), Rajamāsa,sugarcane, grapes and the like Coconuts pomegranates, dates etc were also planted The land was fertile The device of waterwhcel was widely used Vegetables too were grown in abundance The cattlenealth consisted of cows and bulls buffalos, rams, horses, mares, camels, etc There were lakes and water reservoirs here and there One could also see scarecrows popping up (cp artmaqugq-K p 2941 On the whole villages had a sort of smug pcaceful life and people were healthy and contented The forest life was a harder life The foresters lived in huts and subsisted by hunting, wild produce and elementary agriculture with spades (and not plouglas) [cp TEC RUTfafa ह P २२] Some foresters used to collect honey, various types of fruits, feathers of birds etc and to sell these things in cities or villages nearby Their clothings was generally fashioned out of bikgarments Their goddess was Comun la or Candika and they offered as 'n her honour (cp Reference to shares offered by forestert at FrP 30 Three starta pussists whic Firma gives graphic description of forest life I op zi np pro-, 97€ ·131 pp. S & Y, PPP49-84, pp 354-5 pp 886-78.] One curious reference by Bhūşaņa Bāņa is to a Zahraat. ( cp. K p. 316) There kere many hermitages in forests where hermits fed a pious, holy and quiet life (For descriptions of hermitages cp. & PP 77-E, 41 P 08-62] The young boys there were educated In various branches of Vedic lore Many sages lived the lives of householders in the tranquillity of these hermitages, which they liked for their quietitude and simplicity, and where penances and Toeditation could be pursued without obstruction The life in hermitages was generalls self sufficient and self dependent, the basic amenities of life like food, water, shelter ande lothing were managed with local resources in the तपोवन- Learniog and Literature:-Education was fairly common and widespread The 3775 or TTTIS Rere the seats of learning, where the young boys went to receive education. Some might have received education at liome Bāņa seems to have learnt partly at his home, known for erudite traditions, and partly at the feet of Bharvu. Candrāpida was educated at a specia) fagafar built for his sake, where a highly qualified staff was engaged to educate the prince Candrapida sent to the fach: at the age of six and returned at sixteen Tarapida obviously beleived in a Gurukula discipline Otherwise he could have asked the Pandits to frain Candrapida at the palace only The curriculum seems to consist of Vedic lore in various branches and various other arts ar sciences current in that age [K p. 75 para 71 gives a list of thr Literary and artistic curriculum for education of a prince Thule the description of the parrot fafca fa on K p 12 represerts the cxpected intellectual attainments of a well-educated person ] There must have existed Gurukula type of Universities like Nalanda and Takgaçıla, as references by Bāna seem to indicate. ( cp References to Tas atp. 69 & p 159 ] Learnicg 13 ordinary villages and small towns was probably connected wita श्रुतिs and स्मृcिs and ritual they enjoined यज्ञविद्या, व्याकरण नर्क, मोमासा etc were also studed at these praces, which ·132 also must have boasted of some learned scholars in these branches, But there were also persons interested in subjects of a secular character and connected more with art and artistic tendencies In one Among the arts cultivated by people Music seems to be the most prominent It was almost the only art in which people of all vocations took an interest" There are words like a [cp का p ३७६ ] गन्धर्वशास्य [cp का p. १५६] गान्धर्ववेद [cp का p १२६] गीतथुतिs {cp वा २६ ह र ८६] etc which show how music was cultivated both as a science and an art passage in Kadambari, various musical instruments are referred to [cp.in. sakit at p 16] We find technical references to सवादी and विसवादी स्वरs, [cp हा ८६J ताल and लय, [cp• ह. P. १३१] तान and समा etc [cppP78] Among musical instruments mentioned are 3153 (a small drum ), flutes, cymbals (झल्लरी), अलाबुवीणा (gourd lute), काहला (a musical instrument ), qura (a tabor ), 7979 (a kind of lute) and मुरज. “Danciog was usually accompanied by music and it was considered as an independent art and science. [cp K P. 848 PP3] It was practised as a profession mainly by the class of courtesans, though it was learnt and taught in respectable families " The art seems to have been learnt both by women and men. The dance was generally accompanied by a musical orchestra, and at times by vocal music The dramatic art also was known " Painting and sculpture also appear to be pretty commonly pursued arts In the description of Ujjayini, picture-galleries have been mentioned Occasionally there are references to शालज्जिकाs or dolls or statues The existence of पुस्तकृत [cp ह. p 127] and TeTafa model maker, would also indicate the development of sculpture Citrakarman painting IS described as one of the arts like music to be learnt by a man who seeks to be versatile Besides these there were a Bumber of other arts which were considered as csscotial for making a man versatile They are शकुनिस्तज्ञान, यन्त्रप्रयोग, तुरगवयो- or ·133 मान, पुम्पलक्षण, रतितन्त्र etc". We find in this way that the people in those days had an interest in several arts. [cp Kp 196 "चन्द्रापोडो. अंगात wherein we find reference to some arts and games of that time. So also at Kpp 199-200 "तामि आमाचके" we have references to some pastics At Kp 149, 199 we have references to इन्द्रजारिकपिच्छिा At K. P 91 we have reference to गान्धिकभवन, ताम्बूलिकमवन and सहगीतमवन]. aBoa's age viz. the reign of Harsa was an age koown for a great impetus to Art and Literature But much of the literature growing was not original (p उत्पादका न वह्न क्वय शरभा इव।- हपं Int v 51 Considerable plagiarism was prevalant (cp. Intv 6) But a lot of good literature was also groning- There were different styles present in different regions (cp हर्ष. Int. v 7) The criteria for literary ercellence according to Bara are नद अर्थ , अग्राम्या जाति , अक्रिप्ट लेप, स्फुट रस and विक्टाक्षर. बन्ध (p हपं Int v8) Bhavabhūti, who came soon after Bana had similar Views (op यत्प्रौढ वमुदारता च वचमा यच्चार्यतो गौरवम् -M.MI.) Both prose and poetry were widely cultivated, but in Bipas days To was particulary popular. Bapa's ideas about good re are reflected in the phrase, "उत्कृष्ट विगयमिव विविषवण. प्रेणीप्रतिपयमानाभिनवार्थ सञ्चयम्।" He refers to qualities of good क्या 11 का Intv8 Importance of रम and ध्वनि nas emphasized by Bana [cp हर्ष Int v 8, का Int_v 8. and : मृदुवाध्यमिव अन य- चिन्तिताभिप्रायवेदकम्-K.p १८७ ] Bana has also referred to arti. ficial poetic devices like वोक्ति, परच्युतक, मात्राच्युतक, विन्दुमती, प्रहेलिका, गूढचतुषंगार and प्रदान He refers to the following types of literature • पा, आख्यापिका, आम्यान, नाटक, मुभापित and काव्य There was a lot of floating literature existing in his days. In हपंचरित [Cr हर्ष PP १९८-२००], in Skandaguptas speech to Harga there 15 reference to several stories, hisiorical or legendary. The sources of many of these stones annot be traced, but many of thesearcreferred toin कौटिन्य' अर्थशास्त्र, कामन्दकीय नीतिशास्त्र and apa Bapa has referred to many of his predecesors or their works in his introduction to Hargacants Bapa has also referred 10 भापारवि, वर्गकवि and प्राकृतकृत् amongst this contemporaries There were min) Prairits current then (cp 209THTITS ·13+ referred to at Kp Por] The old Dravida was singing a song which va, in his own vernacular I cp. reference to affert's FTT- HTCFTC mofta ferita Kp 227] “Be-ides the above-mentioned literature there was tremendous growth of the technical religious and spiritral sides as well Thus we find mention of FTATUT,Grammar, Logic, Law,Politics, Metre, Music, science of horses and elephants etc! Bana has probably referred to काशिकावृति ०५ पाणिनिसूत्रs, to वाक्यपदीय of भत हरि and to न्याय, a commentary on काशिकावृत्ति etc through दलेप at हर्षचरित pp ८६,-८७, though scholars are not agreed on this point “The scripts in different parts of the country were quite different from each other and the knowledge of those scripts was considered as essential for garning versalility (cp Kp 806 where people in Jout ferait are said to be fra fefart, and K P 846 where Candrapida is said to have attained proficiency in all scripts ( hafafig)] Of notc arç (1) a reference to fa&fas at & p 300 and to manuscripts of books at P 378 Along with the growth of literature grew a number of other professions like af (scribe), art (reader ), 724 (Narrator), afiz (bard ) etc Cuvilaod Mihtary Administration - We do not get much information about civil administration Yet we can be certain that the population was distributed between cities and villages The usual cxtent of a village was an area tilled by a thousind ploughs [op है P २०३ "मीरमहस्रममितसीम्ना ग्रामाणाम् ] The headman of a village was called 3731 TOT (being in charge of ter or the place where account books were kept) He was assisted by a number of TFS or accountants and clerks [cp & P "K75TTFUTTT*T "] The central office of the management and accounts was in the capital city, where the king personally super- Vised the work Clerks of the court had records about varied details apropos villages and cities The administration of justice was in the hands of fra in villages, and in the hands of judges in cities Taxes generally were low, people were prosperous and contented There were many was gas and Harga very assiduously attended to the welfare of the state Gifts were made in land or cash to worthy persons in recognition of some notahleach avement in some field of eftvitv There was २०३ ·135 not much litigation, though suits about robberies, offences, Honey-Transactions etc. were occasionally there. But on the whole, "civil sus tiere comparatively very few and cumipal even fener still $ The whole country was divided into a number of smaller states Accourding to Hien Tsang there were 72 such states [cp Vaidia pp 48-57) They were brought under one sover. eignty by Harga The important prosince mentioned by Bana are Fatwa 7 and 1975, sfere ruled bis ancestral kingdom, the E country to the north on the lower slopes of AS, Kanavy where oanf, the husband of Rajyazri, suled, as the ruler of which killed af and inspirisored Trazit,& Gauda country (central Bergal) there ruled 9157, who treacherously killed 7554 a. The provinces already brought under control by 4177911, हप's father were the पदेश, सिन्धुदेश, गरि, गा चार, लाट and मालव The king of the sought alliance with Harsa after the latter started his conquest The different local chiefs nete generally at war amongst one another, though not and then 3 sovereign tuier Jike Harsa brought a political unity to the contry (viz forthern India ) but after the sovereign poser became teah, thore would be disintegration again Harça cstablished his cosereigot; over the Northen India afier a continuous Warfare for thirtyfive yea's as per the account of Hiuen Tsang and his only defeat came at the hands of the Caluya king Pulakesin II (p V Smith Pp 313-4) The system of monarchy was in vogue, and a king had all powers concentrated in his hands He was supposed to have disine portions in his maie-up The usual timetable of the kiog would be to finish early his morning constitutionals, go to the Assembly, grant interviers to persons waiting for bin, discuss matters of stats, then to retire to the inner apartments at the mid day conch There a ling took some exertise, then bath, worship und card Alter food be would be bete! god na fex cases z preſumed cigar ( cp fra fors7 -K p.) In the afternoon the king would again go to the assembly and setire once again in the evening to th- nT apartments (At Kp 119 "Ti पचार ·136 we get a good description of an ideal king's functions At K p 7 we get a description of kingly pastimes of king Sūdraka The following pastimes are crumerated (1) music (10 which he used to play on the मृदडग), (1) मगया (11) काव्यप्रव घरचना (iv) शास्त्रा लापा (v) आख्यानक आख्यायिका-इतिहास-पुराण-आकणन (1) आलेख्य- विनोद (vii) वीणावादन (Vill) मुनिजनचरणशुश्रूषा (1) अक्षरच्युतक) मात्राच्युतक, विदुमती, गुढचतुथ पाद प्रहेलिका etc The royal premises (Tigre) consited of the palace the harem the assembly hall and other state offices There were seven sections (897FITUfu) beyond which was situated the royal residence There were a number of mansions pleasure parks and pleasure. mountains armouries and stables for horses and elephants within the royal premises Camels are also mentioned in Harşacarita There were different gates at d fferent places with doorkeepers keeping a vigilant eye on the ingress and egress of people Hjuen Tsang mentions that there were four divisions of the army but according to C V Vaidya only three were there viz Elephants Horses and Fooisold ers Chariots were not in use in the march of armies as a branch of the army Chariots seem to be used only on ceremonial purposes on occassions Harsa had a very large army The state administration was run by the king with the help of a number of ministers headed by a chief minister (e & शुक्नास). In Kadambari we find a reference to hereditary ministers [op का p 7 'अनेकबुलयमागतं अमात्य परिवत ] There was also a commander in-chief There was generally benevolent monarchy as the ideal though not constitutional monarchy' of the later times * Two ceremonies of military significance have been referred to in the Hargacarıta (1)_T1777 ( cp 64 px ) and (2) gafant (cpap 4C) The first is to be performed by the king before going to the battle field It consisted of waiving light in general in front of the army In particular it was performed in the case of horses at the begin ning of the TTG, season The second was ·137 the taking of ceremonial bath by the king on 9977 dayaccompi. nied by royal insignia * In the early part of Uc. VII of the Harcacinta, se mie a verv ordate description of the royal army on march, but there are many realistic touches too tile the casual utterances of vanous persons in the carch We find that peple on the way were sometimes complaining of loot apd harassment, though generally. They greeted the king with obeisance and presents. The TS of India are enumerated by Bāpa la both at- चरित and कादम्बरी CP, “ आ... उदयाचलात, आ. सुबेलात, मा. अम्तु- गिरे, आ- गन्धमादनात "-हर्ष PP. 335-6 "आ रादुदयनाम्म,-आ सेनुसन्मात्या मन्दरानलात्... आ गन्यमादनात का. pp; 54-55. In one passage from हर्षचरित Pp, 343-7 (प्रमाद- निमाम) wherean Skandagupta advises to , e get a number of references to old. legerds, many of which may te bistorical So also 10 K, P, 331 there are some persons ifquired about by Vilasanat, which persons may be historical, or may as well be son historical,specially as yarati is a 29 and not agents T. Religious conditions.--There itas complete religious tolerance in Bara's days. Vanous nyal sects lived side by side peacefully. The main rival religions of the day were Brahmanism, Buddhism and Jalousm.or these the Jast, particularly the fayans sect thercof, docs cot appear to bavc much popularity in northern India. The sight of a naled Jad ronk was regarded as ominous (P. HC.. F10 ffaftigFIEHT ACT-2 p. 254-5). The other two religions were founishing Hirdes seemed to look at Buddhism with fatness and tolerance. P'7197 ...777 ( 428 9 ). A person could charge his faith without much persecution for f77, origically a student of 79 recension of accepted Buddhism while he was still young And cven when he was a Buddhist, be was waited upon by followers of venous schools like the $2!125, Bhagan2tas, Jz25, Pawānikas, Wamasa£25.08. 28 io quest of truth, " in the gddy wbirlport of opposing doctrines". Bāņa, himself an orthodos Brabmin weiter does not gloss over the Buddhist leanings of his patron's family. But as already said above ·138 religious tolerance was by and large the order of the day and hence Brahmanism, Buddhism and Jainism, as also several other minorisms, though differing in cardinal philosophical doctrines to a fair extent, were amicably co-existing And this religious tolerance in public was an echo of the religious tolerance practised by the Royal House for these were days, when I TRY TUT# Sas a truism Thus, while geoafers Harga's remote ancestor was a devout worshipper of Siva ( cp & pp 800-) and bad a great regard for the Saiva 7914, प्रभाकरवर्घन, as also his two immediate predecessors were परमादित्य भक्त प्रभारवर्धन every day worshipped the sun with red flowsrs He had celebrated many and elaborate sacrifices, showing his love of Vedic religion 1794787, Harga's elder brother, was theta, and so also rarit, his sister had developed Buddhist leanings When vunit was about to commit suicide in the Vindhya forest we find her companions invoking Buddha in their distress ( cp भगवन् भक्तजने सञ्चरिणि सुगत सुप्तोऽसि हp 431) Harsa was a T417€4T (cp the Madhuban Copperplate E I IV 67, (Banskhera Copperplate E I IV 208) The Sonpat scal of Haraa has an emblem of Nandi. Harşa started on his expedition after worshipping Sva (विरचय परमया भनत्या भगवतो नीललोहितस्यार्याम् ह p 350) The head accountant of the village where Harga encampred on the first day presented him with a golden seal with the crest of a bull Harni, though thus very much devoted to Siva, and also to his family deisy Aditya, was definitely inclined to Buddhism and has expressed his intention to don the red robes of Buddhism with bis sister, after completing his avoued task of conquest (cp इय तु ग्रहीप्रति मयंष सम समाप्तहत्येन पपायाणि- Hp 450) But Harga was impartial in his liberality and at his quinquenial assemblies, wcalth was distibuted to followers of all religious denominations of the day But the royal interest in Buddhism in Harga s days had made that religion an altraction for some leamed Brahmins escn to espouse (op 7 PP 108 99 gafafa' giving some information about facrifita) Alt this data show that betren Dahmi and Dadant u teretan Urroitt of one deity or another, thiete did not exist any wide full as a ·139 person brought up 10 different evironment may feel as existing, “There were certain root-ideas, certain habits of thoughts and modes of life which were common to all" Hiuen Tsang dwells at great length on the condition of religion in the times of gu He mentions that towards the end of his career Harga became a very devout Duddhist and once in every five years he held a great assembly on the sand of the river when he emptied his treasury to give away all in charity to the needy (BRW. W. Vol 1 pp, 214-5) We hope that the student of difta till not fail to read the curious incidents and anecdetes that the Chinese traveller relates concerniog Hassa. The main national religion of Bana's days, however, was the Hindu or Brahmanic religion And Bana's works show how it was prospering well and how it was based on its वर्णाश्रमव्यवस्था. Bana was naturally cry proud of the Brahmapic religion bimself, and he has shown his full acquaintance with both of its sacramental and popular aspects, as bas been shown in this book it various places, in discussions about the society of the day, about Baņa's learning or about Bana’s religion But Baņa shows also a fair acquaintance with almost all the other faiths in the field, prominent among which were Buddhism, Jainism and Saivism Baga has referred to both the fathers ( or areas) and स्वताम्बरs (or श्वेतपट्ट) The 73 arc separately mentioned, but re wonder wliether they were a separate sect or Jaibas as Dr Potdar believes The Digambaras were not much respected as noted elsewhere We have a reference to मयूरपिच्छवाहि क्षपण at K. p 31 The cat aspect of Jainism was admired cp " जिनघणव जीवानुकर्मिना'-KP 106 Queenविलामवतीepproaches a सिद्धादेग नग्नलपणक to get a boon for पुत्रप्राप्ति, though these naked monks were generally abhorred A mopk's uncleanliness was looked at with disgust and contempt Buddba has beeh mentioned as a deity अपलोक्तेिश्वर, a afatity, has been referred to ( CP PGR, 30) Buddhists seem to be worshipping some deit es of theirs Bana rcfers to Buddha as Jina, and mentions the three resorts of Buddhism The Buddhist Jatakas and the famous 777 of a seem to be widely ·140 read and recogized books of Buddhism Brahmin writers criti. cised Buddhist philosophy severely, but respected the personality of Buddha Perhaps there was a scct of Buddhists who wore white garments: instead of red (cp F. 38&atusfiffi') Siva followers were numerous e g Harsa. Bapa, Sarasvati, Mahas'veta,S'ūdraka, puspabhūti Bhairavācārya are all Sıva devotees. Siva temples abounded, Candika worship seems to be popular in Andhra Bhairavacırya's description is typical of a 1a 99 (cp. H. pp 80-8) A S'aiva text 141746 seems to be referred to at Kp xe. We have description of a Candika temple at K pp ४१७-२६, and of महानवमीमह a festival in honour of Candika at ह.p २३२. “The class of ascetics and mendicants had largely increased on account of the growth of various minor sects Somc of them were respected even in the royal palace, Kings were generally generous and religious by nature and hence they always welcomed the visit of such people. Thus it is described that asceties of all sects, Buddha, Ārhata, Pasupata. Brahmacırın, were to be come across in the palace of Harga (PFO) In the mansion of शुकनास too a similar gathering is referred 10 (K.PP87)" Asceticism was not restricted to men only, nuns were also quite common « Besides these religious sects, the old Aryan religion of sacrifices "was also in vogue to some extent " Bāna is proud to have come from a family which was continuously observing the tradition of sacrifice The Ramayana, the Mahabharata and the Purānas had attained a position of holiness and recitations of these texts in public temples and private households seems to to popular Mahabbarata, Ramayana and Putānas are many times alluded to by Bina The reader gafez is said to have entertained Baņa to a recitation of वायुपुराण, पौराणिs are said to have surrounded the bereaved Harga to console him when his father died The महाभारत was very popular specially amongst women Queen Vilasavati in Kadambari heard the recitation of Mahabharata Baga's reference to Puranas and Paut.nilas shows how western scholars arc wtors in assigning a very late date to the Puranas ·141 Idolatry was quite common In Kadamban se get a fine description of the temple of the Mahakala of Ujjayini and of Sua with four heads. We get descriptions of Candika: temples in both of Bana's works We find also a reference to Ganapatı with one tusk. So also se get references to worship of Brafımā und Kartikey a, both of whom do not recerve much worship these days. Aditya and many other derties were also worshipped. There were temples of sanous duties and many bad royal grants to support them. धर्मशालाs, प्रपाः, स्तूप and स्तम्मs were there all over the country. Beliefs ard Saperstitions - Social beliefs and superstitions always make an interesting reading, and shon how we have not much changed through centuries in these matters Belief ra omens was common and widespread in Bāna's days. Some of the ill-omens are throbbing of left eye of men and right *eye of women; general tremor of body and gloominess of dissposition, the movements and cries of certain bırds and animals (eg. going of deer on one's left, the long and werd cry of a cow, howling of female jackals etc) “Various prenomena ju the atmosphere and on earth are understood as indicative of evil omen. The shower of dust, earth-quake, appearance of comets, redness of sky, stormy wad etc. are described as portending evil. Thc sight of certain persons was considered as inauspicious Thus ad sees, coming in front of him, a zaled J2ica 2.cetic indicative of future evil. The sights of an under anxious circumstances was also considered as icdicative of calamity" Duane fas our #35 sought in times of distress Various danties were propitiated Worship and sacred recitals were resorted to Some auspicious things were a pitcher full of water, fire with flames ILing IT etc Belief in astrolors, paimity aud physiological marks rus Current Dreams, particulariv at early dann rere believed to be indicatie of some comag events Observarce of Yoris and TuS was current. (e & razi's observacces for gif at k PP 64-65, also compuc Parvati's vows for 2112.31. Lord Siva as ·142 जरद her husband cp पार्वतीपरिणय pp 25-7) At times even magic remedies were tried e 8. The द्रविड used स्त्रीवशीकरणचूर्ण (cp. K. P 227 गृहीत चूर्ण) Philosophy and Ethics :-Bāņa seems to be philosophically a beltever in Unity in Trinity' (cp का Intr v. 1), a Vedantin (though not a मायावादिन् of the शाडकर View), and at the same time a special devotee of god Siva (see ह Intr v 1, का Intr.v 1 पार्वती• v. 1 and also the section on Bana's religion elsewhere in this book ) An associate of Harça as he was he knew Buddhist philosophy well and knew both the earlier and later schools of Buddism Viz सर्वास्तित्ववाद and शून्यवाद ! बौद्धनैव सर्वास्तित्ववाद- शूरेण का है १०६ and बौद्धबुद्धिमिव निगलम्वनाम्-- २६५ ). For Bapa's regard for Buddhism cp भगवन् . वचसाम्-ह. pp 428-9 and " मम. आरोपयिष्यति"-ह P 430 The philosophy of KTHICT had a great hold on people then, and Bana has referred to terms like अधिकरण (cp वाक्याबिदामधि- करण-ह ७९) and भावना ( मीमासया इव भावना का p २६४). Bana has referred with pride to his family traditions of learning. Bana has also mentioned वैशेपिकड, साख्या, पाशुपतs, भागवत, ईश्वर- कारणिकs, मस्करिन्, ब्रह्मचारिन्ऽ, पौराणिकs, धमशास्त्रिन्ऽ, वैयाकरणs, कारन्यमिन्ऽ ( Alchemists ),पाञ्चरात्रs, वेदान्तिन्ड, मौमासकs, the follow• ers of the systems of न्याय ( or ईश्वरकारण), वैशेषिक (or काणादs), साख्य ( or कपिलs), वेदान्त ( or औपनिषदा), मीमासा ( or सप्ततन्तुs). There were also acthists (cp "लोकायतिव अधर्मरुचि...K P.150). For reference to different philosophers and philosophies cp Hp. 413' वीतराग-p 414 आवेद्यमानम्". Also cp KP 208 where we get reference to पाशुपतपरिवाजिक, सतपटव्रतवाहिनी, श्वेतपटव्यञ्जनाs, other तापसीs, and also to deities like त्र्यम्बक, अम्बिका,कार्तिकेय, विष्ट- रश्रवस्, जिन, आर्य विलोकितेश्वर, अहंत, विरिञ्चि, नारद-दुहित (?) At Kp95 Sukanasa is waited upon (by)' शाक्यद्विजैश्च". Relief in transmigration was deeprooted Bana seems to believe in the social order based on argalozi cxisting in his time His ideal village is असतीर्ण वर्णव्यवहारस्थिति Asceticism was respected and Karma doctrine has brought a ·143 fatalistic approach at large. Moral responsibility was emphasized and so was duty Baņa's reformist leanings are seen in his spirited arguments against ist Bana has given some practical advice c. g in शुकनासोपदेश or कपिञ्जल's address to पुण्डरीक In this chapter, the author is specially indebted to Dr Potdar's work unspecified quotations in this chapter arc from him, those page references that are printed in Devanagari figures in this chapter are from Ns Edns ) ·1441 CHAPTER IX KATHA & AKHYAYIKA "The distinction between Akhyayıkā and Kathāl is presented to us in a puzzling confusion in the writers on poetics, explaining and i justifying in large measure the refusal of Dandin in his Kavyadarsa to have anything to do with the distinction." -Keith Classical Sk. Lit?p 172. Ancient Sanskrit Rhetoricians have divided Sanskrit Kavya in three broad-though hy no means scientific-divisions Viz गद्य, पद्य and f9e1 The गद्य is generally divided into कथा and आख्यायिका. Katyayana is the first author to mention 'आख्यायिका' specifically, Patañjalı gives three illustrations of 3764fFTS (viz वासवदत्ता. सुमनोत्तरा & भमरथी ) while commenting on Katyayana's vartika. Agnipurāna deals with the nature of and 31641fat as follows - कर्तृवशप्रशसा स्याद्यत्र गद्येन विस्तरात् । कन्याहरणसग्रामविप्रलम्भविपत्तय ॥ भवन्ति यत्र दीप्ताश्च रीतिवृत्तिप्रवृत्तय ! उच्छ्वासश्च परिच्छेदो यत्र सा चूणि. कोत्तरा॥ वक्त्र चापरवक्त्र वा यत्र सास्यायिका मता॥ श्लोक. स्ववश सक्षेपारकविर्यत्र प्रशसति । मुख्यार्थम्यावताराय भवेद्यत्र कथान्तरम् ॥ परिच्छेदो न यत्र स्याद्भवेद्वा लम्बक क्वचित् । सा कथा.. ॥ (Adh 337,5113-17). Actually Agnipnrana gives five varieties of गद्यकाव्य z आख्यायिका, कथा, खण्डकथा, परिक्था and कथानिका But the last three are only minor sub-varieties of $95. Bhamaha defines कथा and आस्यापिका almost similarly:- 'प्रकृतानाकुलश्रव्यशब्दार्थपदवृत्तिना । गद्येन युक्तोदात्तार्था सोच्छ्वासाऽऽस्यायिका मता ॥ वृत्तमाख्यायते तस्या नायकेन रवचेष्टितम् | वक्त्र चापरवक्त्र च फाले भाव्यर्थशसि च ॥ क्वेरभिप्रायकृतरडक्नं (.1 वथान ) कश्चिदडिकता | कन्याहरणसग्रामविप्रलम्भोदयान्विता । न वक्त्रापरस्त्राभ्या युक्ता नोच्छ्वासवत्यपि।। सस्कृत सस्कृता चेष्टा क्याऽपरशभाक्तथा । अन्य स्वचरित तस्या नायकेन तु मोच्यते । स्वगुणाविति कुर्यादभिजात क्थ जन ॥ ( I. 25-29). " Putting together the characterstics of these two classes of prose works as given by the Agnipurāṇa and Bhamaha, an ancient rhetorician, we gather that (1) in an 37€41947 there is a detailed ·145 11 culogy of the poet's family in prose, while 10 a 91 the poet briefly praises his family in Serse (2) In an Et such topics as the kidnapping of a girl, battles separation of the hero are described, inaक्थाt is not so (3) In an fut it is thc hero sho relates his own deeds, in a Katha the story is told by others and not by the hero (4) An 31691797 is divided into sections called gigtas and contains stanzas in the ce and the al metres, which are suggestive of future events a at may not be divided into scctions and if it is, they are called ras (5) an Tifft is distinguished by the possession of certain catchwords which the poet in geniously puts in, 10 ay it is not so With slight variations* Dandin in his Kalyadars'a potes these characterı tics of the Katha and the Ākhyayıka, criticises the two fold distinctions of Gadya, shows that the characteristics mentiored are not exclusive, por have writers followed these uniformly, and comes to the conclusion that both the Katha and Akhyayıka are but tno names of the same species of prose composition (cp Teresi I 23 30 गद्यमाख्यायिका कया। * The distinctions between 247 and Tent given by Kane, after Dandın are as follows "(1) In an gift It 15 the hero bimself who tells the whole story, while in the story is told either by the hero or by some one else (2) An aran is divided into sections named Jours and contains verses in the 27 and 2793994 metres abile in a Fatt is not so (3)}In a 7 such topics as the kidnapping of a girl, batiles, separation, the rise of the sun and the moon arc described, in an Akhyayika 11 is not so (4) A Katha is distinguished by possessing certain catchvords which the author intentionally puts 10' We shall find that there is some difference in these items and the points given by us after अग्निपुराण ann भामह But about points 3 and 4 from Mm Kane s summary from Dandin, sc wonder hether Alm. Lane has not erted 22 summarising Pria Karmarkar makes the following additional points after Dandin (1) Ar uses the 19f (2) Also a pur is written either in Sanskrit or in Prakrit (cp क्या हि सर्वभाषाभि सस्कृतन च वध्यत। भूवभाषामयी प्राहुरदभुताथा बृहत्कयाम् - काव्यादर्भ I ·146 इति तस्य प्रभेदी द्वौ तयोराख्यायिका किल|| नायकेनैव वाच्यान्या नायवेनेतरेण चा। स्वगुणाविप्रियादोपो नात्र भूतार्थशसिन || अपि त्वनियमो दृष्टस्तत्राप्य- भ्यरदीरणात 1 अन्यो वक्ता स्वय वेति कीदृग्वा भेदलक्षणम् !! वक्त्र चापरवस्त्र च सोच्छ्वासत्व च भेदकम | चिन्हमास्यायिकायाश्चेत, प्रमझगेन कयास्वपि । आर्यादिवत्प्रवेश कि न वा यात्रापवनत्रयो । भेदश्च दुष्टो लम्भा दिरुच्छ्वासो वास्तु किं तत । तत्क्थास्यायिके ये का जाति सज्ञाद्वयाडिकता अत्रैवान्तर्भविष्यन्ति शेषाश्चारयानजातय || कन्याहरणसग्रामविप्रलम्भोदयादय । सर्गबन्धसमा एव नेते वैशेपिका गुणा || कविभावकृत चिन्हमन्यत्रापि न दुप्यति मुखमिष्टार्थससिद्धय कि हि न स्यात्कृतात्मनाम् || ). Dandin's OPITHon Is of a very great signifcance Because firstly he was himself a famous गद्यकवि. And secondly he must have had before him many more examples of pets and texts than we have and must have found that there are not sufficient distinctions between the two varieties His Dayakumaracarita agrees strictly with neither of the stereotyped difinations of कथा and आरयायिका. But in spite of Daņdın's criticism, the orthodox division was accepted in succeeding centuries by rhetoricians like Rudrata, Anandavardhana, Abhinavagupta and others, though they too do not agree fully as regards the details of these two varieties Bana has referred to these two classes of literature amongst others He has paid a compliment in his Hargacarita to previous erreuiff- कार. Bina has mentioned as peculiarities of streeft two factors viz division into 3e3at, and the occurrence of aanmetre, He himself calls Harsacarita an आख्यायिका So also he calls कादम्बरी as a qथा. The author of अलडकारमग्रह added a new distinction viz that 316Tifat shall be based on historical facts and ca on a fictitious plot (गद्य तु कथित द्वेधा क्थेत्यास्यायिकेति च | पथा कल्पितवृत्तान्ता, सत्यार्थास्यायिका मता 11) Amirakosa too definestथा and आस्यायिका as “आस्थायि कोपरब्धार्था' (historical narrative), 'प्रबन्ध- कल्पना कथा' (romantic narrative) According to this criterion Dasa Is a Kathā This new principle seems to be added after Bant's works were known Rudra in his Kivyalamkara has defined the Katha and khayiki (cp पासार-16 20 २०) forming his definitions appireitly on the models of the Kadimbari and the Hacacut, the two standard specimens of these kinds of prose ·147 compositions Anandarvardhana refers to Katha and Albyayika in his Dhvanyalola when he lays down certain restrictions on the use of long compounds He says that long compounds sliould not occur 10 depiction of pathus and the love of separated lovers p आस्यायिकाया तु भूम्ना मध्यमममादी समामे एव सदसटने। गद्यस्य विकनिब- न्याधयेण च्छायावत्वात् । तन च तस्य प्रकृप्यमाणत्वात् । कथाया दिकटबन्धप्रा- चु पि गद्यस्य रसव-बोनपौचित्यमनुमतव्यम् 1 गद्यबन्धे पि अतिदीर्घममारा- रचना न विप्रलम्नश्रृद्धारकरणपोरास्नायिकायामपि साभत !" (cp Dhyan ).loka Niruuayasagara edo pp 143-144) (Earlier Dandia had Tecognised profusion of compounds as the very life of prosc: ओज समानभूयस्त्वमेतद् गद्यम्य जीवितम् 1- Kavya I 80) Abhinavagupta distinguishes between these two classes of compositions by saying that while the thbyavik z is possessed of sections called उच्छ्वासs and of stanzar in दाना and जपरवक्ता metres, the Katha Is free from such characteristics (cp जाख्यायिकोच्छवासादिना बकना- परवक्तादिना च युक्ना। फया तद्विरहिता।" लोचन p 14) Vidyanatha in his प्रतापरुद्रयशीभूगण (ep 96 B S S ) characterises the Akhyayıkā 10 similar fashion The most modern definitions of the Katha and Ākhyayıla are those given by Visvanatha ( 15th cent A D ) in his Sahityadarpana VI His definitions echo the earlier ones According to him a Katha contains a fine plot in prose with here and there a stray stanza in the आर्या, वक्त्रा or अपरवकका metres, in the beginning thcro is a salutation in verse and a mention is made of the conduct of the wicked etc An ākhyayıka is similar to a Katha but 10 te have in addition an account of the poct's family and sometimes of other poets The divisions of the narrative are styled as 6/791TS (which word curiously is never in vogue'), which contain in the beginning stanzas in the आर्या, वक्त्रा and अपरवक्ता metres that are suggestie of future events" For Visvanatha's defisition cp व्याया सरा वरतु गयेरेव विनिमितम् । वचिदन भवेदाया क्वचिद्वक्त्रा- पर्वका || आदी पद्यैर्न मस्कार सलादेवत्तकीर्तनम् । आख्यायिका कयावत्स्यात्क- ववंशानुकीर्तना। अम्बामन्यकवीना च वृत्त पद्य क्वचिपचिन् । कयाशाना व्यवच्छेप आश्वाम इति दध्यते । आविस्तापदकामा इदना यन केनचित् अन्याादसेनाश्वासमुझे भाव्यथ सुननम् "" - साहित्यदर्पण VI ॥

·148 CHAPTER X (A) The Sanskrit Prose Romance "If as I have been accustomed in these lectures to say, •Poetry is the expression, in beautiful form and melodious language, of the best thoughts and noblest emotions, which the spectacle of 1.fc awalers in the finest souls', it is clear that this may be effected by prose as trucly as by verse, if only the language be rhythmical and bequtiful - Prof Shairp: 'Aspects of Poetry In Sanskrit Lilcriture Verse has always been the more popular vehicle of expression than prosa All the same Sanskrit Prose contains ? vast n ount of Literature Sanshot narrativ prose begins in the bralımanıcal legends in the Yajurveda and the various Brihniinas Its tradition continued through the prose portions of Mahabharata This early narrative prose was essentially simple and colloquial The current of narrative Sanskrit Prose gradually then branched in two main streams (1) The Fable literature ard (11) The Sanskrit Prose Romance, with which we are directly concerned here Sanskrit Salutya, astra has never equated Kavya style with Verse-form Poetry mav be written in prose, in verse or in a mixture of the two From the earliest times Sarskrit Rhetoricians have drawn 1 clear distinction between the cssential and the nonessential or variable atributes of poetry, and the literary form of expression has been made variable Sanskrit Kavya is divided into (1) दृश्य & श्रव्य or (1) गद्य, पद्य & मिश्न Of these latter, Prose is represented in Sanskrit Literature by comparatively few works Sanskrit Liteature is extremely poor in prose, and it has about half a dozen good works in this branch They are दशकुमारचरित, हप चरित, कादम्बरी, वासवदत्ता, तिलकमइजरी, गद्यचिन्तामणि and वीरनारायणचरित Besides thcse Bana mentions a TY by भट्टारहरिष द्र and वनपाल in his तिलकमञ्जरी (Intro st 23, 36) nentiors तरडगवती and भैलोपसुदरी (Prose was main.y used as a vehicle for bhasys and suct works ·149 When we speak of Sansint Prose Romance, he immediatly think of the famous four'IZ (1) Dasalumaracarnta of Dandin (1) l'an datla of Subandhu, (ul) Harsicarila and () Kalar. bari, both of Banabbatta Dut obviously they had their predeccssors, thoug1 thair works have not come down to us The narratise literature started from the fountainhead of the Vedic legends, the two national Epics-the Ramayana and the Mahabharata, the Brhatkatha and the Puranas Though the नाs and मारवायिका 10 the technical sense are products of a later age, 16417) आख्यायिकाs, इतिहास- etc. have been referred to by carly anthors It would be sorthwhile to suney such earlier references to these literary types, because they rould shox hox the narrative literature in Sanskrit was ucfolding itself and hor the forms 1 and 3 ft emarged out in due COLE- The earleist author to refer to बयान जानाविका, इतितमः and पुराTS IS कात्यायन ( Cp hrs वातित 'लुवारमाविशन्यो बलम् ' on अविय हन अन्ये 'पा ४,३, ८७,, and the वातिक 'लास्यानारयायिकतिहासमुन्यश्च ' on पा ४, २, ६०) Paterijali, while commenting on the abovementioned वातिक 'वाम्पाविवाभ्या वहुल्य' gives the names of threc भारवाचिका (1) वास वदत्ता (not Subandhus obviously) (1) सुमनोत्तरा and (m) भैमरथी। cp 'अधिकृप वृत अन्य बहुत उग्दन वासवदना सुमनोनरा च | न च भवति । भमरथी। At another place पतञ्जलि speaks of one who knous or studies the आस्थायिता, वागवदत्ता or गुमनोतरा - वासयदत्तिर, मामनातरिक- Kelhorn sedn of महाभाप्य Vol II p 284 Gunadhya's बहल्या was a very cminent work in पंगाची, and it 15 a source of much of latcı narrative and fable literature Jalbapa refers to चारमनी of वररचि माd शूदक्क्या of रामिग्मोमिल धनपाल refers to तरहगवनी by पापित्त Bana has himself referred to भट्टारत्रिचन्द्रस्य गदबघ Dardio (6th cent AD) refers to the distinction between क्या and आख्यायिका, discusses it and finally disapfroics of it as b ing typerentical as both are different pames for the same class of composition (op Kalyadars. I 23-30) Dan din u be sways thout sa ac77 should exubia postel of Wedo not know what kinds of Works thos दासवदत्त', मुमना- तरा and iमरपी are, for up till not ther nam- only are lnown .

·150 'क्यासु compounds (cp तद्गुरुणा लयना न वाहुल्यालपत्यमिधः । उच्चावचप्रकार तद् दृश्यमास्यायिकादिषु ||-काव्यादर्श 181). Subindhu seems to indicate literary prose current in his days - which has had some particular poetic canons to observa cp सकदिकाध्यवन्ध इवावदनु. f-19ZUT P 134 (Hall ) ( wherein he votes against the use of padding words like a, fe etc ), and Sataizai दधानापर सलविवचनमिव-पासवदता p 184 Hall! ( where he refers to the division of a work in 3-567143 and the use of 79 and verses in 77 metre, and where he seems to have the prefer type in mind) Bana often alludes to the two classes of composition viz क्या and आस्यायिका among others cp 'कायनाटकास्या- नाख्यायिका स्वास्मानादिस्यिानिणं '- para 4 of दादम्बरी नाटकेषु आख्यायिकानु काव्यपु'-para 71 of कादम्बरी; ' उच्छ्वासान्ने प्य- खिनात येपा वो मरम्वनी । क्यमास्यायिकानाग न ते वन्द्या. कवीश्वरा ॥" (हर्षचरित Intro v 10 wherein he pays a tribute to the आख्यायिका- Arts preceding him and refers to two peculiarities of the Arcat type 12 उच्छवामsand वन metre verses), 'करोम्याख्यायिकाम्नीची fora asaTH! (cio Intro v 19 wherein he clearly calls his fra as afiepifaT); In F 7717 Intro v 8, 9 and 20 clearly indicate that $176 was intended as a 71, verse 20 of these specifically says so. ( for aa . faguarat ) Thus when Buna wrote one steps and one for, he was not striking a new path, but he had a certain amount of such literature before him, and critics were already laying down canons governing these two types. Just as we have discussed the deselopment of Sanskrit Prose Romance in pre Baga days just now, it would be interesting to see how far the literary ornate prose style which finds mature expression in Bana's works had developed in pre-Bana centuries, and how the simple prose of the Epic or pre-classical period got its richness of poetic sentiments, devices and figures And in this survey, we feel it an honour to find the way, under the gunding light shed by that doyen of alamkarikas Mm. P. V Kane, who informs hon some scholars believe that Bana wrote before “Sapskrit Theloricians had done their best to degrade the sublime art of poetry to a pedaotic enucciation of set similes and metaphors".

·151 (Vide Dr Peterson's Introduction p 43) Mim Kape has shown how this contention is to a great extent fallacious For we can casıly demonstrate that long before B-ra the science of Rhetoric had made great progress Here are some important land marks therein -(1) In an inscription of ददामन ( 150 A D ) [Archacological survey, Westem India vol II (about Kathiawad) p 1281 we find prose which contains long compounds, alliterations ( अनुप्रासs) and other figures In this very inscruption, we find a reference to some fundamental literary norms in the phrase “ स्पृटर घुमधुरचित्रकान्तशब्दममयोदारालतगणपद्य" (prosc and poetry, ornate, and decorated by poctic conventions and perspicuous, short, sweet, striking and charming words) (11) In an inscription of समहगप्त (4th cent A D )(Dr Fleet's Corpus Inscriptronum Indicarum vol III p 9) c have a prosc that almost vies with that of Bana cp 'कृपणदीनानाथातुरजनोद्धरणममरदीक्षायुपगतमनम समि- विग्रवतो रोवानुग्रहस्य धनदवरुणेन्द्रान्तममम्य स्वभुजबलावि जितानेकनरपतिविभवप्रत्यपणनित्यव्यापृताययतपस्य निशितविदग्चमतिगा- •पर्व ललिन वोडिनविदापतिगुस्तुम्बुमनारदादविद्वज्जनोपजीव्यमानाने काव्यनियाभि प्रतिष्टितकविगजम दस्य' &c (H) The Mandisor inscription of 437 A D. composed by 45taff shows the poet s attempt to rival in diction and imagery with great masters of classical Sanskrit like Kalidasa and Bhar bhut specialk the former cpपर पनाकान्यव- लासनाथान्यत्यर्थमुदलान्यधिकाटनानि । तडिल नाचित्रमिता-कू तुल्योरमानानि गृहाणि यत्र । ' or 'गमाननाथ-वनीदरभाकगशवहिनप्रतापनुभगे जल्लीन मीने। चद्रारम्यंतलचन्दननावृन्नहारोमोगरहिते हिमदिग्यप।।" चतु समुद्रान्तविलोलमेखला मुमेहकैलामवृहपयाराम वनान्तवालपुष्प हामिनी कुमारगुप्त पृथिवी प्रशामनि ॥ or 'स्मरवागत जन्वत्ल्भाडा- नाविपुलकान्तपीनाररतनजयनालिगनिमनितहिहिमपान !!" (This last verse, an 3141, contains one single compound ! (1) Bharat (circa 550 AD) has devoted one entire canto XV of his Kualarjuniya to attempt various गदाहुकारक चित्र, Hariety of Deinings etc (1)Hordantheth Cent. A.Dgresafarty detailed breatment of rhetoric, and clearly says that he is working on the ground lard down by the पदाचार्य cp • किं तु व ज विकल्पाना पूर्वाचार्य प्रकल्पितम तव परिमम्पनिममस्म परिश्रम !!'-काव्यादा 11 2. or ·152 तम It was Dayein nho asserted " ओज ममामयस्त्वमेतद् गधस्य जीवि- 1'- I SO And later writers have generally followed his dictum (M) Bhatt who comes from the 6th or 7th Cent A. D has devoted four is of his afgqia for illustrating subjects of rhetorical nature, and has cremplified more than turty figures of specch (VI) In goes &TTHI WC mect a number of allusions to Rhetoric Subandhu has borsted of प्रत्यारोपср " मरम्यगोदत्तवर प्रगादपचके गुपना गुजनंवरन्यु । प्राय. thing4974 afara coafare[17477 ll'. Ilc also refers to FIN 174, Jie and siis op " qui TiONTIT Tigt 1907TTIT -- praat 126 (Hall ) (1113) Bina has men. tioned the figures of speech fifa (-191777), rhett and out in the introductory verses to pogfrit, and the figures 377T, 571, fing and stiff in the introductory sorscs to hudanburi. Thus Bica nas preceded by considerable de clopment of Rhetonic, and there had developed already a literary prose having the usual stylistic features of literary prosc lile fino words alliterations, cpithets and compounds Also compare the remarks of Prof. A A Macdonell in his History of Sanin Literature ( 321): “Besides the epigraphic evidence of the Gupta period, we have iwo important literary prose inscriptions of consider hic length, one from Girnar and the other from Nasik, both brlonging to the 2nd century AD) Thay show that csen ti on tcrc eristed a prose havn style, which in Eeneral character and in many dctus resembled that of the classical tales and romancer. Tor they not only cmploy long ard frequent compounds but also the omaments of alliteration and various hinds or sim'c and metaphor, their use of retical figures is however, much less fretent ard chaborata, ocasionally not going beyourd il e simplicity or throulager * Rhatericists fli from curly days hoc d'rinn and discussed the distinctin kuluen 1 r snd 17 1 T at RC2103-17 Chop i All the cerceptoshon that 1 rute Retrarcelasa tau ton of its un It ish rol Have toon steren's neatly c'ass totally tl er thuis met thehem per 311315€ 84174 phansr 1118 d limith mpulse 1rx fleet or legendary (746* fils an Udara era ·153 Vikrama. The inscriptional literature also suggests a gradual growth of Sanskrit Prose style But hen Te cone so the famous four', nc fod a considerable orbateness of style Vigour of style and tong compounds became not the sine qua non of Sanskat Prose Romance cp 11 समासभूयस्त्वमेनद्गद्यस्य जीवितम । Description gets the upper hand with narrative naturally going in the background The thread of the narrative is generally slender and haltıng and it is almost suffocated under long descriplions full of compounds, Puns, literary tricks, various alamkaras and the like All the same charming descriptions, poetical thoughts, pithy sayings and gracefully simple prose passages are found interspersed in those elaborate composttions Dandin's Dazakumaracarita or the narrative of ten Kumāras' is the simplest of the four great Romances in its style an is a very popular work The story centres round Prince Rajavahana and hus nine associates, who meet after a separation in Ujjayini and relate the accounts of experiences of each in their sojours. The Work is known as a 'dhutzkhyāna The various experiences of the prince and the sisters' sons run the entire gamut of life, from prieces to paupers, from patıvratas to prostitutes, and they present a picture of society, which is very live, though full of the wondrous and the supernatural too! Da dia s style us on the hole Vaidasbhi His padalalyta ' is famous His skill as a narrative author is considerable and he creates subtle humour of character and situation He uses Sleya freely but is never pedan. tic about it His style is graceful, simple and vigorous The Vasasadatta of Subandhu narrates the story of a maiden Yasayadatta (who is different for the Vasasadatta of the Udayana legend Subadhu is a specialist in Vakroktu and slega He calls himself 'प्रत्यभरइसमयप्रदपदिन्यामवंदग्ध्यनिधि The framework of the story is slender and the gorgeous discription in its manifold claboration is everything The maiden s beauty, the hero's heroism and the charming description of the spring the forest and the mountain are Yery Vidly painted The interest of the story is almost lost in its artificiality of style which often becomes seari some and puzzling to the reader It is witten 10 perfect Gaudi ·156 (B) The Historical Karya “स्टवापते संकुचित या यन यस्कोतिपात्र रघुराजपुत्र । स मर्व एवादिवर प्रभाव न कोनीया क्वय रिती ॥ -विह लणस्य It is an agcold complaint that Indians as a whole have lacked historical consciousness in their early I terature And naturally enough Historical K vya in Sanskrit is represented by just a few works the most outstanding being Kalhanas gait Because of the general lack of his orical perspective we have the odd experience of eking out little bits of historical facts from the phenominally voluminous Sanskrit literature in the long vista of Sanskrit (and also Prakrit) Irterature the following have some historical s gnificance (1) Stray Vedic references to historical matters (2) Epics and पुराण) (3) The Various अनुक्रमणोs of the वेदs (4) The different sca tered piecemeal data available in different classical Sanskrit works (5) Buddhistic and Jain works (which unfortunately lack as much historical sense as their Hindu counterparts) (6 The Indian inscriptions are the most valuable and most important branch of Indian historical literature Now we shall deal with the more important of the Historical Kavyas (1) The Hargacarita of Banabhatta —see above Chap V (2) The Gauda, abo of Vakpatiraja - This Prakrit work of early 8th cent A D has a lot of historical braring and throws much light on the society of the day 13) The नवसाहसारवचरित of पद्मगुप्त (or परिमल) (1005 A D) - This is a poetic work of 18 cantos which has for its theme the history of king 776 5 of Malwa and his winning of Princess Sasıprabha The author of th s histof cal too was 1 protege of the kings of Dhraa Vakpatıraja and Srodhuraja who inspired fum to compose it (45) The drama कंगसुदरी and the historical काव्य विक्रमाइक dafta Bilhaņa ( 11th cent AD) has two works of historical significance (1) the semi historical drama karnasundanı and (11) The famous historical havya Vikraman kadevacarita he describes the marriage of a Calukya prince with a v dyndhara In कणसुदरी ·156 (B) The Historical Katya. " लदकापते सकुचित यशो यन यत्कोतिपात्र रघुराजपुत्र | म सर्व एवादियवे प्रभाव न कोपनीया ववय क्षितीन्द्र ।। -बिह लणस्य. It is an ageold complaint that Indians as a whole have lacked historical consciousness in their eirly literature And naturally enough Historical Kvya in Sanskrit is represented by just a few works, the most outstanding being Kalhana's afruit. Because of the general lack of historical perspective, we have the odd experience of eking out little bits of historical facts from the phenomipally voluminous Sanskrit literature in the long vista of Sanskrit (and also Prakrit) literature the following have some historical significance (1) Stray Vedic references to historical matters (2) Epics and पुराण (3) The Various अनुत्रमणोs of the वेदs (4) The different sca red piecemeal data available in different classical Sanskrit works (5) Buddhistic and Jain works (which unfortunately lack as much historical sense as their Hindu counterparts) (6) Tne Indian inscriptions are the most valuable and most important branch of Indian historical literature Now we shall deal with the more important of the Historical Kvyas (1) The Hargacarıta of Banabhatta -see above Chap V. (2) The Gaudavaho of Vahpatıraja .--This Prakrit work of early 8th cent A D has a lot of historical bearing and throws much light on the society of the day (3) The नवसाहसास्कचरित of पद्मगुप्त (or परिमल) (1005 A. D) - This is a poetic work of 18 cantos, which has for its theme the history of king Targ go of Malwa and his winning of Princess Saz'ıprabhā. The author of this historical tag was a protege of the kings of Dhraa, Vakpatıraja and Sindhuraja, who inspired him to compose it (4-5) The drama कर्ग सुन्दरी and the Fistorical काव्य विक्रमाजका aufTa --Bilhapa ( 11th cent A D ) has two works of historical significance (1) the semi-historical dramı Karnasundari and (1) The famous historical Kavya Vikraniankadevacarita In कर्णसुन्दरी he describes the marriage of a Calukya priace with a Vidyadhara ·158 into royal favour and he lias written a Kūvya named after one in honour of that king But his fame fests mainly and appropriae tely on his tattut Kalhava had taken his task of historian sculously and he had studied all the historical works of his time like the Puranas Harşacariti, works of Bilhana inscriptions, grants, traditions etc He had seen places of historical significance, eramined coins and thus tried to get all the possible preparation as a historian And he has given a vivid description of the historical and social facts of Kashmir, He opines that the people of Kashmir are beautiful but fckie minded, the army undisciplined and nervy, but the princcs were courageous and spirited The officers were noted for corruption and highhandedness Kalhana exccls even Bilhaņa or Buna in characterisation. But Kalhana hus limited himself to Kashmir's history and his work does not deal with outside maliers to any appreciable extent Further he wrote history to convey the futility of rulerslup and empires He has tried to give the htstory of Kashmir from earliest times to the 12th century AD The first three तरडग mainly deal with the गोलन्द (or गोनदयर) In the 4th is described the कर्कोट वश in the 5th उत्पल वश, in the 6th लोहरवश, in7th the account is brought to zu's assassination and in the 8th from 3063 S 27541 That a period of forty years is covered, until the contemporary days of king Jayasunha In the earlier portion we find that mythology has got mixed up with history and so the account is not reliable completely from a historical angle The more contemporary period in naturally treated with a more certain touch Other miscelleneous works under historical $144 which have some historical significance are the following—1178f of 1971, राजावलि of धीवर, आजमजुश्रीकल्प ra Buddhist work) सोमपाल बिलास ofजल्हण, रामपालचरित ' पृथ्वीराजविजय of unknowl of सोमेश्वरदत्त, जगहूचरित of दकर्णof शम्न, रधुनाथाभ्युदय F*7975 ·159 Appendix A Alamharas and Sabhasıtas ig Banabhatta's Works [ We gre below a list of selected references to passages in Banas works-हरचरित and कादम्बरी—to illustrate Bana's use of the different figures of sp-ech And then we gilca sclcct collection of Bana s subhasitas ] (Part I) Alamlaras in Banabhatta's Works 1 उपमा-(1) ह Intro s 16 (1) सापतने तनीयसि निगा- नि बामनिने नभस्वति --है P 22 (m) The teeth of Bhairavacaryas cmissary are • अलाबुबी विकट है P 165 'बौनेव जीवा- नुवम्पिना'-का p 51 (1) में उपयाति'-का (1) p 287 2. शिलष्टोपमा-1) ह Intro 1 4 (1) ह utro 1 [2 (us) otro 13 (1) intro 14 (1) ह intro ! 17 (11) ह Intro120 (11) 'मास्व मध्यनायक - उदवहती -है p 12 (vi) चपर कृतकर ' का p_5_1s) प्रेताविपनगरीव विविधनुनुमा च। (Therer double साम्य herein- का pp 19-20 ‘मये च जनस्य -का (उ)p 252 3 स्पर-1) ह intro | 1 (1) ह Intro 1 19 (1) ह Intro v 21 (iv) • एष प्रवाह मुबानाम-का p4 4 लिटरपर-(1) 'स्यय पिन्टिना -का (उ)p 287 5 उत्प्रेक्षा-(1) ह Intro 1 2 (u) ह Intro 13 (1) 'निभर्सनताहन समृद्मासमाना ~ pp 11-12 (1)“समात. पोलस्थरों दधाना' ह p 12 (1) 'निर्मोक्मुनि कृतयुगस्य -ह p 30 (1) हारमिव दहस्य अम्बरश्रिया p 30 (11) • अति चिर रातरम्मी -का p5 (111 'आभरण रह्यमानम'-का p9 (ix) उमद पमनाम् p ll (४) 'अनियूर पहाम'-का p 11 (1) 'सबतरच अभवत ---का p 83 (ru) 'उचित बपश्यन्' -का p 183 (xm)"पिनिय पथानम का (न) p 340 6 लेप -(1) ह Intro 16 (1) गव पनि प्रजात्रमणि'- है P 163 (1) दने वाप-PP 332-3 (1) 47 सम्भू तानि'-ह p 419 ·160 7 विरोधभास-(1) ' सनिहित स्निग्धतारका च '-ह. p 42 (1) 'यत्र च प्रमदा '-ह Pp 160-1 (1) अपरिमित अद्राक्षीत'-का. pp 9-12 (11) 'अपरिमित पवित्रा'-या P 20 (1) 'अभिनव, यौवन राजसेवानभिनम् -का p 31 (1) 'वनचरोऽपि वामलोचन ' -का p 37 (1) ' महाद्वार विदेश'-p 92 (m) 'तोयराशि क्लुपीकरोति' का p 105 (17) का (उ) para 276 8 स्वभावोक्ति – (1) शयनोपजपि शिशृजने हे p 132 vv 5-6-ह pp 152-3. 9 सहोक्ति-(1) का (उ) para 276 10 व्यतिरेक --(1) · नानव वासुदेवम् '-या p 5 11 निदर्शना-(1) 'म खलु आरीपयति'का p 155 12 परिसरया -(1) 'अस्मिश्च राजनि विचारा '-ह p 27 (1) ' यस्मिन्च राजनि आसन् '-या p6 (1) 'यन च .अधोगति - वा pirn 37 (1) येपा च धर्माय '–पा (3)288. 13 दीपर-(1)' तथा धारयति'-पा (उ) P 253 14 मालादीपक "अपि वुमुमध वा '-का (3)p 290 15 अपह नति-1) अप तस्या (where we have almost १ रा देहमहार or अपह नतिs & व्यानोनितs) 16 अनुप्रास-(1) ' गोचोदश्चदुध . पटचरणपत्रे -ह p 22 (1) 'स्वगत्तुग तासाम् '-ह P 29 (m) भगवति.. भक्तिरभूत ' है p 164 (IN) सदाफर पोदगमा हp 144 (v)' पाम . धर्मस्प'-या p 56 (11) या pin 131 (Part II) Subhasitas in Dapabhatta's Works (1) दिया हि धिया पनि तय गनिनि भगत सतोपा। (2) निसर्गविराधिनी भय पर पावस्यारिव धर्मोपयोरेषत्र वृत्ति -हp 18 (3) क्षमा हि मूग गमाम ।- p 10 11) निवारणा प निरारमिनियति मनग्विनो.पि मानगमगाउनादातमी/-8p 23 (5) गतो हि प्रियवरता बलविया p!! (6) उसमा म पिपतनना जापयन नीवियर गरिमारि मनाम - ।। (7) . नल पारियो महताम् - 1. (8) गहिसानीय गतानपरिrifr - पपटमभूत- - वा p 190 . हp 18 ·161 लोगनि खलु भवन्मदिवेक्निा मनादिह p. 85. (9) उपदिशन्ति हि विनरगनुरूपतित्यपादनेन वात्रा दिनापि भत्र्याना स्वामिन - ह. p. 134. (10) निसर्गस्वैरिणी स्वरुच्यनुरोधिनी च मदनि हि महा मति -ह. p. 16. (11) च पनपन्ति रिहदयमदृष्टमति उन शील्मवादा - p.165-6. (12) प्रतनुगुणमायाणि कुमुनानीद हि भवन्ति मता मनासि-ह p. 175 (13) घनोममा मायवल रतेव मनम्विना ! P 176. (14) न वीर्य निवनति न दानि । ह. p. 187. (15 जदूरव्यापिनः पन्चेतनामलनाना मनोरयाः।-ह. p. 191. (16) मातापि प्राप्य तुले लघुप्रनिरनति- मायाति - p. 191. (17) प्रयुपकारप्रवेशानु भवन्ति घोरामा हृदया- दम्भाः।-हp 191, (18) •क्तनादुरोपविधेयानि तु भवन्ति देदवाना मनाति ।-ह-p- 202- (19) लोरे हि लोहेम्मः कटिनवरा खलु स्नेह्मया वन्धनपाया, यदाकृष्टान्तिपञ्चो प्येदमाचरन्ति ।-ह. p. 251. 120) न हपत्ययभाना दशमस्टकुर्वन्ति नवादमा -ह. p. 267. (21) प्रजामिस्तु बन्धुमन्ती राजान , न जातिनि ह p. 267. (22) दाम स्वर न भवति न तु भावय पप्रियं वचनमरतिष्ठिर इवाभिमानी बन ।-ह.p-271. (23) टु सदन्याला च तिरमनला चाप्रान्ता च निस्सयोग व भवति ।-ह.p 285. (24) 7 च रिर शोकः सममिभवति त कापुम्पमाचते गाविद । नियो हि विषय मुचाम । ह307. (25) प्रतापमहादा हि सुत्त्ववन्तः।-ह. p.312. (26) जडेनि ज्वरन्ति तारिवान्दिन - p. 328. (27) अतन्दगियो हि मवन्त्यदिदग्घाना रिय- p 353 (28) मंत्री च प्राय: कार्यव्यक्षिणी सोगीमृताम् । ह. 384. (29) देवस्य हि पशासि सचिचीपतो दहिरहमभूतानि घनानि-ह. p 384. (30) प्रायद जनम्य पनपति मुदपिदृष्टो धमाश्वानम्-ह p.408 (81) अभिगमनीपारच नपा- सदस्य ह. 1.408. (32) वस्य न प्रतीक्ष्यो मुनिभाद: ह. p. 408. (33) भगदती च वैद्यपि धर्मगत्पिी गरिमापमापादयति प्रव-या, कि पुनन मारमनोनुपि विपि जनेह Pp 408-9 (33) स्लोह खतपननपामग: सोनम अभिजातानाम् ।-ह. p. 417. (34) लडकारो हि परमार्यद ममवता प्रथयानिमद, रत्नादिवस्तु गिलानारः।-ह. p. 418. (35) महदिनपुदिना न विधाम्यन्ति मजन वादशि दृग-- p 419. (36) विमिव हि टावरमक- रानाम् 1-का. p. 33 (37) प्रायनाकारणनित्राचविराणि च सदा भवन्ति मता चैतानिका. p. 37 (38) पुयानि हि नाममहान्यपि महा- मनीनाम् । किं पुनर्दर्शनानि का p 43. (39) अनायपरिपालन हि वर्मोम- ·160 यत्रच वामलोचन - . 7 विरोधभास -(1) ' सनिहित स्निग्घतारखा च ' हे p 42 (1) प्रमदा '-ह Pp 160-1 (l) • अपरिमित अद्राक्षीत् -का. pp 9-12 (iv) 'अपरिमित पवित्रा' वा p 20 (५) ' अभिनव, यौवन राजसेवानभिज्ञम् -का p 31 (1) 'वनचरोऽपि -का p 37 (vii) ' महाद्वार विवेश '--p 92 (vin) 'तोयराशि कलुपीकरोति'-का p 105 (ix) का (3) para 276 8 स्वभावोक्ति -(1) शयनोपजुपि शिशृजने~-ह p 132 (1) vv 5-6-ह Pp 152-3. 9 सहोक्ति –(1) का (उ) para 276 10 व्यतिरेक --(1) ' नाम्नव वासुदेवम्' '-का p 5 11 निदशना -(1) स खलु आरोपयति'-का p 155 12 परिसख्या -(1) · अस्मिश्च राजनि विचारा -ह p 27 (1) ' यस्मि'च राजनि आसन् - का P 6 (1) 'यत्र च अधोगति - का para 37 (1v) येषा च धर्माय -का (3) p 288 13 दीपक -(1) ' तथा धारयति'-का (उ)p 253 14 मालादीपक (1) ' अपि कुसुमघवा'-का (3) p 290 15 अपह नुति --(1) अथ तस्या कपटमभूत - (where we have almost a स देहसडकर or अपह नतिs & व्याजोक्तिs). 16 अनुप्रास (1) 'मकोचोदश्चदुच्च पटचरणचके -ह p 22 (1) 'त्वगत्तुडग तारकाम् ' हे p 29 (1) भगवति . भक्तिरभूत् ' -- हp 164 (iv) 'सदाफल कोद गमा-हp 144 (v)'धाम धर्मस्य'-का p 56 (vi) का para 131 (Part II) Subhasitas in Banabhatta's Works (1) विशुद्धया हि धिया पश्यन्ति कृतबुद्धम सर्वानर्थान असत सतो वा। ह p 18 (2) निसगविरोधिनी चेय पय पावकयोरिव धम क्रोधयोरेका वत्ति हैं (3) क्षमा हि मूल सवैतपसाम । ह p 18 (4) निष्कारणाच निकारकणिकापि कलुपयति मनस्विनोऽपि मानसमसदशजनादापत ती|-ह P 23 (5) सतां हि प्रिय वदता कुलविद्या। है p 41 (6) उत्तमाना च घिरतनता जनयत्यन् जीवियपि जन क्यि मात्रमपि म दाक्षम - p 41 (7) अक्षीण खलु दाक्षिण्यकोशो महताम |-ह p 41 (8) सलिलानीव गतानुगतिकानि -वा P 190 ·रोगनि सलु नवन्त्यविवेकिना मनाति ह p. 85. (9) उपदिगन्ति हि विनयमनुस्पप्रतिपत्त्युपपादनन वाचा विनापि भतंव्याना स्वामिन | ह. p. 134. (10) निसग स्वैरिणी स्वरुच्यनुरोधिनी च भवति हि महता मति | ह. p. 164. (II) ८ पनयन्ति हि हृदय मदृष्टमपि जन शील्मवादा !-ह p 165 6. (12) प्रननुगुणग्राहयाणि कुसुमानीव हि भति मता मनासि !-ह P 175 (13) (14) भुजे वीर्य (15) यदरव्यापिन पगुचेतसामलसाना मायातिहर 191 (16) सप वणिरापि प्राप्य तुरेव रघुप्रकृतिरन्नति- (17) प्रयुपवाट प्रदेशामु भवति धीराणा हृदया- (18} भक्तजनानुरोधविधेयानि तु भवन्ति देदवाना घनोमणा म्लायत्यर र तेव मनस्विता हp 176 मनासि ।-ह p 202 (19) लोरे हि सोहेश्य टिनतरा पल स्नेह्मपा बन्धनपागा, यदावृष्टाम्तिय-चोग्यदमाचरन्ति ।-है p 251. (20) न हवरुपपुप्यभाजा यदामरटर्वति मवादृया - p 267 (21) प्रजाभिस्तु तु श्रावयत्यप्रिय वचनगरतिकरमितर इवाभिजातो जन -₹p 271 (23) दुसदधाना च भूतिरमडनला चाप्रशम्ता च निरुपयाप च भवति। हp 285. (24) य च पित शोक समभिभवति तापुरपमापन शाम्यविद । स्त्रियो p 312 (26) जले पि ज्वलति तारिताम्नेदिन हp 328 (27) अतत्वदशियो हि भवन्त्यविदग्धाना रिया-P 353 सचिचीपतो बहिरडगभूतानि धनानि - P 3436) प्रायगरच बनस्य सर्वस्यह. 1.408 (32) वरपन श्रीको भाषp 408. जनयति मुहृदपिदृष्टो भृशमाश्वासम्-ह P ५७० ) अभिगमनीयाश्च गुणाः सौजन्य अभिजातानाम् ।-ह P 417 (3) परमार्य प्रभवना 161 निवसति न वाचि। हp 187 मनोरथा' 1-ह p. 191. वष्टम्भा ।-ह p 191 वन्धुमन्ती राजान , न ज्ञातिभि ।-ह P 267 हि विषय शुचाम ।-ह P 307 प्राय कार्यन्यपेक्षिणी क्षोणीभूताम् । (33) भगवती च वैधेपि धर्मगृहिणी मरलमनोमु पि विपि बने।-हFp 4089 (22) वाम स्वय न भवतिन (25) प्रतापसहारा हि सत्त्ववन्त -ह. (28) मैत्री च (29) देवस्य हि यशासि प्रिया सर सयमनपान मभिपुर्यविना प्रथपातिय , रत्नादिपरतु शिलाभारः ।- 2 न विधामन्ति सज्जने स्वामिदा-१P 42 सानाम् I या P 33 (37) al भवन्ति मता चैनामिका p 37 (38) मनीनाम् । नि पुनशनात या p 43 - दुष्करमर- ·160 . H 7 विरोधभास-(1) 'सनिहित स्निग्धतारका च'-ह p 42 (1) 'यत्रच प्रमदा '-ह pp 160-1 (1) 'अपरिमित अद्राक्षीत :- pp 9-12 (11) अपरिमित पवित्रा'-वा p 20 (1) ' अभिनव यौवन राजसेवानभिनम्' -का p 31 (1) 'वनचरोऽपि वामलोचन --का p 37 (1) महाद्वार विवग -p 92 (111) 'तोयराति बलुपीकरोति'का p 105 (1) वा (उ) parn 276 8 स्वभावोक्ति -(1) शयनोपजुपि शिशृजन है p 132 vv 5-6-ह pp 152-3 9 सहोक्ति --11) का (3) para 276 10 घ्यतिरेक -(1) 'नाम्नव वासुदेवम् ' का p 5 11 निदाना-(1) स खलु आरीपयति'का p 155 12 परिसल्या-(1) 'अस्मिश्च राजनि विचारा -हp 27 (७) ' यस्मि च राजनि आसन - या p6 (11) 'यत्र च .अधोगति - या pirn 37 (11) • येपा च धर्माय –वा (उ) p 288 13 दीपक -(1)' तथा धारयति -का (उ)p 253 14 मालादोपक - (1) अपि बुमुमघवा'-का (उ)p 290 15 अपह नतिः -1) 'अय तस्या क्पटमभूत'-या (where we hame almost a स देमद्वार or अपह नुतिs & व्याजोषितs) 16 अनुप्रास-(1) 'सोचोदश्चदुच्च पटचरणपत्रे'-ह P 22 (1) 'स्वगत्तुद्धा तासाम '-हे p 29 (1) भगवति . भपिनाभूत' (1) सदाफर योद्गमा - -ह p 11 (v)' थाम . धर्मस्य'- p 56 (11) का 1 131 (Part II) Subhigitas In Ranabhaita's Works (1) विशुनपा हि धिया पनि गाम मनिर्यान् अमन गतो वा हp 18 (2) निमगविरोपिनी घर पय पावायोरिव धमत्रोपयोरेस्त्र वृत्ति -हp 18 (3) धमानि गनगाम ।-10 ) निपारणाम निगारपशिपिपपयति मनम्किापि मानममम गजनानी-- 23 (5) मना प्रियवाना विचा1-7pl (6) उसमा पिता अनयापन नादि निमामिमम -१ (7) 10 ना शामिप्यो मालाम् !- 41 (8) गहिलनीय गतानुगशिरान p 190 हैp 164 ·161 लोलानि खलु भवन्त्यविवेकिना मनासि! ह p. 85. (9) उपदिशन्ति हि विनयमनुरूपप्रतिपत्त्युपपादनेन वाचा विनापि भतंव्याना स्वामिन । ह. p. 134. (10) निसर्गस्वरिणी स्वरुच्यनुरोधिनी च भवति हि महता मति' | ह. p. 164. (11) ३ पनपन्ति हि हदयमदृष्टमणि जन शीरमवादा -हे p 165 6. (12) प्रतनुगुणग्राहयाणि कुसुमानीद हि भवन्ति सता मनासि | ह p. 175 (13) घनोमणा म्लायत्यल स्तेव मनरिवता | ह p 176. (14) भुजे वीर्य निवसति न वाचि । ह. p. 187. (15) अदरच्यापिनः फ्लाचेतसामलसाना मनोरथाः।-ह. p. 191. (16) सपत्कणिकापि प्राप्य तुलेब लघुप्रकृतिस्नति- मायाति ।-ह p. 191. (17) प्रयुपकारदप्प्रवेशामु भवन्ति धीराणा हृदया- वष्टम्भा ।-ह p 191 (18) भक्तजनानुरोप विधेयानि तु भवन्ति देवताना मनासि ।-ह: p. 202. (19) लोरे हि लोहेम्य' कठिनतरा सलु स्नेहमया बन्धनपाशा', यदाप्टास्तिर्यच्चो 'येदमाचरन्ति ।-ह. p. 251. (20) न हवल्पपृप्यभाजा दशमर कुर्वन्ति भवादृशा |-ह p. 267. (21) प्रजाभिस्तु बधमन्तो रागान , न जातिभि -ह p. 267. (22) काम स्वय न भवनि न तु श्रावयत्यप्रिय वचनमरतिक्रमितर इवाभिजातो जन ।-ह. p:271. (23) दुखदग्धाना च भूतिरमडगला चाप्रगम्ता च निरपयोगा च भवति ।-ह p 285. (24) य च किक शोक. समभिभवति त कापुरपमाचक्षते शापविदः । स्त्रियो हि विषय शुचाम ।-ह P 307. (25) प्रतापसहाया हि सत्त्ववन्तः।-ह. p 312. (26) जलेऽपि प्वरन्ति ताडितास्तेजस्विन-ह p 328. (27) अतत्त्वसिन्यो हि भवत्यविदग्पाना पिय ! ह P 353 (28) मैत्रीच प्रायः कार्यव्यक्षिणी क्षोणीमृताम् ।-ह. 384. (29) देवस्य हि यशासि सचि चीपतो बहिरहगभूतानि धनानि -ह. p 384. (30) प्रायगदच जनस्य जनयति सुहृदपिदृष्टो भृदामाश्वासम्-ह p. 408. (31) अभिगमनीयाश्च गुणाः सर्वस्य ह. 3.408 (32) क्स्य म प्रतीक्ष्यो मुनिभाव -ह. p. 408. (33) भगवती चे बंधेपि धर्मगृहिणी गरिमाणमापादयति प्रवन्या, किं पुनः सक्लमनोमुपि विदुपि जने । ह pp. 408 9 (33) अलोह खल सयमनपाग, सौजन्यं यभिजातानाम् ।-ह. p. 417. (34) अल्कारो हि परमार्थत प्रभवता प्रथयातिराय', रत्नादिवस्तु गिलाभारः।-ह. p. 418. (35) महभिपुण्य विना' न विधाम्यन्ति सज्जने त्वादुशि दृश-है p 419. (36) किमिव हि दुष्करमक- एणानाम् 1-41. p. 33. (37) प्रायेणाकारणमित्राप्यनिकरुणााणि च सदा भवन्ति सता चैतामि !-का. p. 37 (38) पुष्यानि हि नामग्रगान्यपि महा- मनीनाम् । कि पुनदर्शनानि | का p 43. (39) मनायपरिपालन हि घोऽम्म- ·160 - 7. विरोधमास -(i) - सनिहित.. स्निग्यतारका च'-ह. p. 42 (i) 'यत्र च...प्रमदाः'-ह. pp. 160-1 (11) 'अपरिमित... अद्राशीत '- pp. 9-12 (iv) अपरिमित .. पवित्रा'-वा. p. 20 (1)' अभिनव, यौवन .. राजसेवानभिज्ञम् -पा.p 31 (vi) 'वनचरोऽपि.. पामलोचन. --का. p. 37 (1) ' महाद्वार..विवेग'-p. 92 (viii) 'सोयराशि क्लुपीपरोति'-या. p. 105 (1४) या. (उ) para 276 8. स्वभायोक्ति -(1) रायनोपजुषि.. शिशृजन है. p. 132 vw.5-6-ह. pp. 152-3. 9. सहोक्ति –(1) का (उ) para 276 10. व्यतिरेक:---(1) 'नाम्नव .. वासुदेवम् 'का. p 5. 11. निदर्शना -(1) “ग खलु .. आरीपयति'-का.p 155. 12 परिसख्या-11) अस्मिश्च राजनि... विचाराः '-ह p. 27 (1) ' पस्मिन्च राजनि • आसन् '- था. p. 6 (1) 'यत्र च .. अघोगतिः- पा para 37 (iv) 'येपा च .. धर्माय '-या (3) p. 288. 13. दीपक -(1) ' तया धारयति'-का. (उ) p. 253. 14. मालादीपक (1) ।' अपि. कुमुमधन्वा '-का (उ) p. 290. 15. अपह, नति -1) · अय तस्या .. कपटमभूत - वा. p. 190 (where we have almost a सन्देहसबर or अपह नुतिs & व्याजोक्तिs). 16. अनुप्रास –(1) 'सकोचोदश्चदुच्च . षट्चरणपके '--ह. p. 22 (i) 'त्वगत्तुग . तारकाम् '–ह p 29 (ii) भगवति...भक्तिरभूत' -ह p. 164 (1v) — सदाफल . कोद्गमाः-ह. p. 144 (v) 'धाम ... धर्मस्य'-का.p 56 (vi) का. yara 131. (Part II) Subhasitas in Banabhatta's Works (1) विशुद्धया हि धिया पश्यन्ति कृतवुद्धप सर्वांनाच असत सतो वा। (2) निसर्गविरोधिनी चेय पय पावकयोरिव धर्म कोधयोरेकत्र वृत्ति. -ह. p 18 (3) क्षमा हि मूल सवैतपसाम । ह p 18 (4) निष्कारणा च निकारकणिकापि कलुपयति मनस्विनोऽपि गानसगसदशजनादागत-ती|-ह. p 23. (5) सता हि प्रियवदता कुलविद्या। ह p 41. (6) उत्तमाना च चिरतनता जनयत्यनुजीविन्यपि जने क्यि मात्रमपि मन्दाक्षम् | ह p 41. खलु दाक्षिण्य कोशो महताम् |-ह p. 41. (8) सलिलानीव गतानुगतिकानि ह. p 18 (7) अक्षीण ·161 लोलानि तलु भवन्त्यविवेक्निा मनाहि p. 85 (9) उपदिगन्ति हि विनयमनुस्पप्रतिपत्त्युपपादनन वाचा विनापि भतव्याना स्वामिन | ह. p. 134. (10) निसर्गस्वरिणी स्वरुच्यनुरोपिनी च भवति हि महता मति। ह p. 16. (11) उपनयन्ति हि हृदयमदृष्टमपि जन शोल्मवादा - p 1656 (12) प्रतनुगुण प्राहयाणि कुसुमानीव हि भवन्ति सता मनामिह p 175 (13) घनोमगा ग्लापत्यल रसेव मनस्विता । हp 176 (14) भुजे बीयं निवसति न वाचि । ह p. 187. (15) अद्रव्यापिन. पलाचेतसामल्साना मनोरया -ह. p. 191. (16) सपकणिकापि प्राप्य तुलेद लघुप्रकृतिरनति- मायाति ह p. 191. (17) प्रत्युपकारटुप्प्रवेशासु भवन्ति धीराणा हदया- वाष्टम्भा ।-P 191 (18) :क्तजनानुरोधविधेयानि तु भवन्ति देवताना मनाति ।-ह p. 202 (19) लोरे हि लोहेभ्यः कठिनतरा सलु स्नेहमया बन्धनपाशा, यदाष्टान्तियंञ्चो प्येदमाचरन्ति !-ह. p. 251. (20) न हयापपुप्य माजा दशमन्दति भवाया ह p. 267. (21) प्रजाभिस्तु बन्धुमन्ती राजान, न जातिनि -ह p 267. (22) काम स्वय न भवति न तु यावर यप्रिय दचनमरतिकरमितर इवाभिजातो जन ।-ह-p-271. (23) दुखदधाना च भूतिरमडगला चाप्रान्ता च निरपयोग च भवनि । हp 285. (24) य च स्ति दोक समभिभवति त कपुरपमाचक्षते शास्त्रविद । स्नियो हि विपय सुचाम -ह p 307. (25) प्रतापमहापा हि सत्त्ववन्त ।-ह. p. 312. (26) जलेऽपि ज्वलन्ति ताडितारतेजरिवन - P 328. (27) अतत्त्वदगिन्यो हि भवन्त्यविदग्धाना घिय 1-ह 353 (28) मंत्री न प्रायः कार्यव्यपेक्षिणी क्षोणीभूताम् ।-ह 384. (29) देवस्य हि यशासि सचिचोपतो बहिरडगभूतानि धनानि l-ह p 384. (30) प्रायशदव जनस्प जनपति मुहृदपिदृष्टो मृशमारवासम्-ह p. 408 (31) अभिगमनीयाश्च गुणाः सदस्य -ह. 1.408 (32) कस्य न प्रतीक्ष्यो मनिभाव |-ह P 408. (33) भगवती च वैद्यपि धर्मगृहिली गरिमाणमापादपति प्रवऱ्या, किं पुनः सकलगनोमुपि दिदुपि जने ।-ह Pp 4089 (33) अलोह खलु सयमनपाश सौजन्यं यमिजातानाम् ।-ह. p 417 (34) अकारो हि परमार्थत प्रभवता यया प, रत्नादिवस्तु गिराभार: 1-ह- p. 418. (35) महद्भिपुष्य विना" न दि ग्राम्यन्ति सज्जने (वाशि दृा- p 419. (36) किमिव हि दुपरमर- रणानाम् -वा p 33 (37) प्रायेगातारणमित्राप्यनिकरुणाणि च सदा भवन्ति सता चेतानि -का p. 37 (38) पुण्यानि हि नामग्रगान्यपि महा- मुनीनाम् । किं पुनदर्शनानि | का p 43. (39) अनायपरिपालन हि धर्मोऽम्म- ·द्विधानाम् !-41. p.G. (40) जन्मातराहि पमं पर पनपनि पुरुषस्यह. जन्मनि नहि पाप वमन्यथा मनिपाला !-TI. p. 62. (41) पर हिदपतपयःपा. p. 62. (12) अगोपाला महामनिया भवति ।-I7. p.62. (43) धर्मपरायणमा गमीपगमारिन्य माणगापती भन्निा पा. p. 63. (11) आयेदपम्ति हि प्ररसामनमानदमनपातीनि गुमानि मिमि- तानि -1. p.65. (15) मायापपान प्रायो निशायगानगमपदृष्टा मन्ति स्वप्नाः |-TI. P. 65. (46) राग्योन्य जाप्रपादो परिषद् विषद गंपत्मम- दमनुमनातीनि !-मा. p. 73. (17) नापपुण्यभाना मवादशास्त्रिभुवन विस्मय- हेलय पुत्र प्रतित्र-7 96. (18) पल प निमगंस एवामानुभवम- रत्नालोगोईमप्रदीप्रमानेपनिगल तमो पौवाप्रभवम् ।-पा. p. 102 (49) गर्भधारयर भिनवयौवनस्यमा हिमपायमानुक्तिस्व पनि महनीय सत्यतथं परम्परा|-वा. p. 102-3. (50) गुरुपदेशश नाम पुष्पाणामगिल- मलप्रक्षालनाममजल स्नानम -बा. p 103. (51) राज्यवियविकारतन्द्राप्रदा राग्परदमी: ।-पा. p. 101. (52) साम्प्रतापो हि राजा लोरयवि शिलादेशो भवति ।-m.p. 110. (53) माग्मानाना हि दोषागा नियनमन- भवितव्यं पलमात्मनवा-या. p. 121. (54) नास्ति गन्दमाध्य नाम तप- साम् ।-4.p.131. (55) जनयति हि प्रभप्रमादर वोऽपि प्रागल्भ्यमधीरप्रते।- का. p. 134. (56) स्वल्पाप्येवदेशावस्थाने बालकला परिपयमुत्पादयति ।- पा. p. 134. (57) अणुरप्युपचारपरिग्रह प्रणयमारोपयति ।-बा. p. 134. (58) अहो दुनिवारता व्यगनोपनिपाताना यदीदृशीमप्यानिमनभिभवनीयामा- स्मीयां कुर्वन्ति ।-पा. p. 135. (59) सथा न न पचन स्पान्ति पारीरधर्मा णमुपतापा ।-का. p. 135 (60) बलवती हि द्वन्द्वाना प्रवृत्ति. 1-का. p.135 (61) न हयल्पीयसा शोसारणेन क्षेत्रीषियन्त एवविधा मूर्तय. का. p 135 (62) न हि क्षुद्रनिर्घातपाताभिहता चलति वमुघा P. 135. (63) वालो हि गुणारच दुनिवारतामारोपयन्ति मदनस्य सर्वथा।-वा. p. 142. (65) अदूरकोपा हि मुनिजनप्रतिः ।-41. p. 142. (65) प्राणपरित्यागेनापि रस- णीयाः सुहृदसव इति क्ययामि!-वा. p 152. (66) सुसमुपदिश्यते परस्पा- का. p. 156. (67) सततमतिगहितकृत्येनापि रक्षणीयान्मन्यन्ते सुहृदमून्सा. घवः । का. p. 158. (68) आशया हि किमिव हि न पियते |-का p.171 (69) अचिन्त्यो हि महात्मना प्रभाव । वहप्रकाराश्च मसारवनय । चित्र च देवम् । आश्चर्यातिशययुक्ताश्च तप सिद्धयः । अनेकविधाश्च यमणा दावतय. 1- का. p. 175 (70) प्रभवति हि भगवान् विधि बलवती च नियति । -या.

·163 आत्मेच्छया न शक्यमुच्छ्वसितुमपि । अतिपिशुनानि चास्यकान्तनिठुरस्य दैवहत- कस्य विलसितानि । न धमन्ते दीर्घकालमव्याजरमणीय प्रेम । प्रायेण च निसर्गत एवानायतस्वभावभगुराणि सुखानि, आयतस्वभावानि च दुखानि ! तथा हि कथमप्येयस्मिजन्मनि समागमो जन्मान्तरसहस्नाणि च विरह प्राणिताम् ।.... थापतन्ति हि ससारपथमतिगहनमवतीर्णानामेते वृत्तान्ता । धीरा हि तरन्त्यापदम्।- का p. 175. (71) दुखितमपि जन रमयन्ति सज्जनसमागमा. |- का.p.181 (72) स्नेहलवोऽपि वारिणेव यौवनमदेन दूर विस्तार्यते -का. p 199. (73) न हयतःपरमपर कप्टतर किञ्चिदपि पीडाकारण यद्गुणेषु वर्तमानो दोपेषु सम्भा. व्यत इतरजनेनापि । कि पुनगुरुजनेन । यो गुणी गुण रेवाराधनीयः |-का (3) p. 287. (74) गुरवो हि दैवत वालानाम् |-का. (उ) p. 291. (75) यथ- वागिपो गुरुजनवितीर्णा वरतामापद्यन्ते तयं वामोशाः शापताम् ।-का. (उ) p. 291. (76) स्वयमारोपितेपु तरपु यावदुत्पद्यते स्नेहः । किं पुनरगससम्भवेप्व- पत्येषु !-का. (उ) p 291. (77) राजा कालस्य कारणम् ।-का. (1) p. 29+. (78) तपसो हि सम्यकृतस्य नास्त्यसाध्य नाम किञ्चित् ।-का. (उ) p 322 (79) भृत्या अगि त एव ये सपतविपत्ती सविशेष सेवन्ते ।- का. (उ) p. 329. (80) विधिर्नामापर. कोल्प्यत्रास्ते ।-का, (उ) p. 334. (81) सर्वाभिवान्छितप्राप्तिस्तु महतः पुण्यराशेः फलम् । का. (उ) p. 334. (82) सुहृदस्तु स्वय दुखिता अपि निधानीकृत्यात्मदु स्त्र सुहृदु सापनोदनायव पतन्ते |-का. (उ) p. 336. (83) श्रुती च पठचत एतद्यादृशा_ जायते तादृगेव भवतीति का. (उ) p. 347. Appendix B ENCOMIA TO BĀNA BY ANCIENTS (1) श्रीहर्प इत्यनितिपु पार्थिवेषु नाम्नव केवलमजायत वस्तुतस्तु। श्रीहर्ष एव निजससदि येन राज्ञा सपूजित. कनककोटिशतेन धाण || वाणस्य हर्षचरिते निशितामुदीक्ष्य शक्ति न केन कवितामुमद त्यजन्ति । मान्य न कस्य च क्वैरिह कालिदास- वाचा रसेग रसितस्य भवत्यपृष्यम् ।।

·165 (11) युक्त कादम्बरी धु-वा क्वयो मौनमाथिता । याणध्वनावघ्यायो भवतीति स्मृतिर्यत ॥ --सोमेश्वरदेवकृती कोतिको मुद्याम् १.१५ (12) राहपंचरिताख्याद्भुतकादम्बरीक्था । वाणस्य वाण्यनार्येव स्वच्छन्दा ममति क्षिती || (v 1 सहर्षचरिता शश्वकृत०)-राजशेखरस्य (See JBBRAS vol XVII pt. I p 59) (13) कादम्बरीसहोदर्या सुधया वै बुधे हदि । हास्यायिक्या ख्याति घाणोधिरिव लब्धवान् ।। वस्यापि (14) शश्वदाणद्वितीयेन नमदाकारधारिणा । धनुपेव गुणाढयेन नि शेपो रज्जितो जन ॥ -निविक्रमकृते नलचम्पूप्रन्ये ११४ (15) देवलोऽपि स्कुरवाण कराति विमदान्क्वीन् । कि पुन- नरप्तसवानपुलिन्य (न्द') कृतसनिधि || --धनपालकृताया तिलक मर्याम् दलो २६ (16) सुबन्धुर्वाणभट्टश्च कविराज इति त्रय । वोक्तिमार्ग निपुणाश्चतुर्थों विद्यते न वा ॥ -राघवपाण्डवीये १.४१ (17) यस्याश्चौरश्चिकुरनिकर कर्णपूरो मयूरो भासो हास कविकुलगुरु कालिदासो विलास | हो हो हृदयवसति पञ्चत्राणस्तु वाण केपा नपा कथय कविताकामिनी कौतुकाय ॥ -जयदेवकृते प्रसनराघवे (18) प्रतिकविभेदनबाण. कवितातरुगहनविहरणमयूर । राहदयलोससुबन्धुर्जयति श्रीभट्टवाणकविरान || --वीरनारायणचरिते (19) सचित्रवर्णविच्छित्तिहारिणोरवनीपति । श्रीहप इव सघट्ट चक्रे वाणमयूरयो if -नबसाहसाडके (20) शब्दार्थयो समो गुम्फ पाञ्चाली रीतिरिष्यते । शीलाभट्टारिकावाचि चाणोविनषु च सा यदि | (v I PETANIEGTO 10 C, OHT wat in d) -सरस्वतीकण्ठामरण ·(21) दण्डीत्युपस्थिते सद्य कवीना कम्पता मन । प्रविष्ट व तर वाण कण्ठ वाग व रुध्यते ॥ -वस्यापि (22) मेण्ठ स्वद्विरदाधिरोहिणि वा याते सुवधी विध ! शानो हन्त च भारवी विघटिते वाण विषादस्पृा ॥ ---श्रीकण्ठचरिते (23) In the Pascatantra of Durgasimha composed in Kannada 10 the 11th century A D it is said that Bana was styled #f77afat by हप Vide Zeitschrift fur Indologie und Iranistic for 1928 p 255 et p 257 Appencit C A Select Bibliography 1) Harşacanta edited by A A Fuhrer, with commentary of Sankara ( Bombay Sanskrit Series 1909 ) 2) Hargacarita edited by K B Parab with the commentary of Sankara (Nirnayasagara Press Bombay 1892 Sth edn 1925 ) 3) Harçacanta ed ted by P V Kane (without comm but with Introduction Notes etc } Bombay 1918 4) Hargacarita with the comm Marmavabodhini of Srimnganatha published by Surna ? Kunjan Pslai Kerala University 1958 5) Hargacarita ( ed Isvaracandtra Vidyasagara Calcutia) 6) Haracarita (with Jivabandatika) 7) Harşacarita with Balabodhını a Sanskrit comm by S D Gajendragadkar and edited by Prop A B Gajendragadkar 8) Hargacarita ( Caukhamba edition) ed Acarya Jagannatha Pathak 1958 9) Harşacarita Translation into English by E B Cowell and TW Thomas London 1907 10) Kadambari ed Dr P Peterson Bombay Sanskrit Series 1883 11) Kadambari (Purvabhaga only) ed P V Kane Bombay 1911 1920 1921 12) hidambar) (Purvabhaga pp 175 of Petersons cdition ) cd PV Kane 1935 ·167 13) Kadambari ( Purabhaga Fp 76-150 of Peterson's edition) PY hane 1936 14) Kadambari ed K P Parab with comm of Bhanucandra and Sıddbacandra (Nirnayasagara Press Bombay 1180 7th edn revised by V L. Panyikar 1928) 15) Kādamhart (Purvabliaga ) ed M R Kale vol (Two vols sol containing Text Introduction & Notes another vol contaning English Transalation) 16) Kadambart (Purvablaga pp 124-175 of Peterson s edition) ed Prin RD karmarkar 1939 17) Kadambari ( with Jivananditika) 18) Kadambari Porvardha ) by Hardasa Siddhantavagis'a *19) hadambart English Translation with occasional omnissions C M Riddings London 1896 20) Kadambari (Uttarabhunga ) English Transla ion by Nerurlar 21) Kadambari Hindi Translation by Retsvaranath 22) Panatipannaya ( Nismayasa para Edition) 23) Contemporary Life as revealed in the works of Bana by DKR Potdar 24) Early History of India V Smith 25) Mediaeval History of Jodia C y ya dya 26) Stanislas Julicas Memoi15 I 247 265 I A VII 196 202 (for liucn Tsang s account) cp Also ad abstract of Julen s two works appeared in J RAS sol XVII pp 106-137 27) Essay on Bapa by Panduranga-astri Parakht 28) Essay on Bana by Vishnushastri Chiplunkar 29) Beal s Buddhistic Records of the Western World 30) Harga and his Tumns C V Vaidya 31) Harsacarita A monograph oa 1hc history of India 10 the first helf of the 7th cent by KM Pannikar 32) पादम्बरी एक सास्कृतिक अध्ययन Dr Vasudevasharan Agrawal 33) हाचरित एक मास्कृति अध्ययन Dr Vasıdet staran Agrawal ·168 1 34) History of Classical Sanskrit Literature by M Kranama, cariar (Madras 1937) 35) A short History of Sanskrit Literature py H R Aggarwal, Lahore 36) संस्कृत साहित्याचा सोपपत्तिक इतिहास by Dr V V Karambelkar (Pocna 1954) 37) A Úistory of Sanskrit Literature Classical Period' volli by Dasgupta and De ( Calcutta 1947) *"38) A History of Sanskrit Literature by A B Keith (Oxford 1928) 39) A History of Sanskrit Literature by A A Macdon (London 1913) 0 40) Kadambari of Bana Vertaline van pet Sanskrit 1 Nederlands, van het Uttarabhaga in van Gedeelten het P bhāga met inleiding aantekeningenen Lexicograpisch App by D AA Marja Scharpc (Diss NV de Vlaamsche, Leuv. 1937) (Dutch) pp 1-108 which also contains Dutch Translation of work with indices and concordances (Useful for a recent summary of all reies questions regarding Bina and Irs works, as well as for a full bibligraphy) 41) · The Kadambari' vol 1 (Text) ed Dr P L Vaidya, Poona 1935 ( follows Dr. Peterson's pagination) it