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·WORLD CONQUEST
IN
INSTALMENTS
J. V. STALIN
WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY
SITA RAM GOEL
PUBLISHERS
Society for Defence of Freedom in Asia,
12, Chowringhee Squaro
CALCUTTA

·Publisher,
Samir K. Das
Secretary (TV'ést Bengal)
Society For Defenco of Freçdom in Asia
12, Chowringloo Square,
Calcutta,
Printers
V. D. Sharma
Ratnahar Prees
11-1, Syed Salloz Lano
Calcutta.

·INTRODUCTION 5 The Communist Party Line at any time, anywhere, on any suc, national, international or local, is always an pression for curiosity, controversy and confilion on the pint of non-communists, be they conservative, liberals, AOCnzis, radicale or leftists in general. For sheer sudden- 23rxy of its twists and turns. ritualistic hair-splitting about dcriations, rc!-entrenm and confessions of error, purges of teadership and rank and file, ro-reading of the objective situation and renaming of friends, chem.es, allics and nutrals, and complete terersal of policies advocated vehemently a few days before-one finds ro parnllel in political Instory To take a few examples from the rent Communist Parts of the Soviet U'nun {Bolshersh), one just does not hnnw how to fit logically towelber the Yew Economic Policy of early twenties with the forced collectimisation of Timult use up lour years, Inta-Fascist crusade and the 122-544x Pact, koulutus of the Cominternet reorga. maiatza of the l'ominform, raising and pulling down of Marshal Tita, uten talle world revolution and peaceful txistence of Put-War II Jers, Sear: home, a glance at the 30 years history of the Communist Party of India sescals the same amazing wealth of rentrasdictions, llostality towards the Congress ist er torni 101 L'nitei Frunt in the lurtres, Imperia *** war from 1939 to June 1911 and People's mar there. After surget nr: Iripetiskem in India from 1919 tu talls ?{{aryl anti-impatizfast hyntetis latrt on; denun. rutma rif Xrfajt Sabhu Baz anl isa tiroophout war lars eru! stref is in that nanir est 1915, cupport of ·Pakistan and Muslim League from 1942 to 1917 and admission of mistakes in 1948, all out support for Nehru 800n after independence and cleclaration of war on lus Gorernment in 1048, open insurrection under Ranadiro and Parliamentarism under Gopalan. Readings from the Communist press and topical pamphlets hardly canfy the confusion except to the faithful and the fellow-traveller who remain perpetually convinced The Communists either talk in a technical jargon not easily understanılable to the nerols, literato poltical reader or shor e splendid forgetfulness of what they said previously on the same issues The liuman mind, however, wants a brudging up of these logical gaps. The non-communust is tempted to lose temper and patience, become cynical, feel outraged and declare that the Rods are either & band of lunatics or a pack of impogsible scoundreis. Or feel parental, kind and superior and 5&y that the communists are young, inexperien«c«i impatient, restless dealists who very often cannot see that tiro and two make four Or start believing that all this tight-rope-dancing is the result of personal whims of the Despot in Moscow who controls these world-wide puppet-shows. But those, who have themselves been communists out of conviction or have made a serious study of communist classics, cannot share these superficial opinions about the Communist Party Line. They know that the leaders of world-communism are don i-right serious, Bane and practs. cal people with a well-knut uleulogy which they remarie as irrefutable science, and that the communist policy at any time is tho result of a binecte effort on their port to apply that "science" to the worll around us. The preming contradict'ons, illogic, tsista, turns and every other frature of the Communist Party Luc wouli lcroine clear if we once understand this "bucnce", ·The communists define their ideology as Varaisni. Leninism Stalinisins or Marxism-Leninism as expounded and practised by Stalin. Jany socialists and leftists, oxing allegience to Marxism-Leninism would assert that Stalinen IS A UTOSE Perversion of the real communist creed, It is a highly controversial and complicated 180€ whick will gerls serer be decided. Both Stalin anıl kis opponents can prove tneir case by direct quotations from the Masters in whom a revolutionary passjon and not logic Brems to have incen the strong point. But the fact remains that what we are face to face with in the Stalinist version of Varxism-Leninism This version is being practised orer vast areas of Europe and Asia by powerful communist governments and communist parties It is 20 use feeling betrayau), crying "Thief" and "usurper". We have got to understand calmly and coolis what Stalın is altuag at and nhat road he intends to follok, before we can decide for oureires box far we are in agreement or conflict with the conlond the path of Strln. There is no better way than going to Stalin's ON sritings which are very clear and {Teriso on every issue he considers important. We trunkan ne hope that most of the folloners of Stalin opl} agree with us that Stalin's FOUNDATIOYS OF LEX333$2 the most important document amidst * wealth of mistings, speeches and intervicws credited to the lasing Vaster. It is a cries of nine lectures, beeiles * small introductory chapter, originally delivered at Srenllor trissersity an't fitst publishel in Prarda oring April a Mar 1921. Thirse lectures hare been given pride of plaer in all editions of Stalin's magnum opus PRORLEYS OP LESINISJI 19 well as in the collected *cirks of Balin, jitezzared by the Slarz-Engels Institute. We are reprintang in the following pages Chapter Yas. 111 1'11, hearlime THEORY and STRATEGY AND TACTICS xhich *c con des to be the corner-stones of ·the edifice raised in these lectures. Our text has becri taken from "PROBLEMS OF LENINISAL" published by: Foreign Languages Publishing House, Moscow, in 1947. Unfortunately we have not been able to get an edition of this book later than 1917 from any of the bookshops selling Joscow publications in Calcutta. But a comparison of the text in the 1947 edition of the complete book with the text in a separate pamphlet contaming these lectures and published by the same House in Joscow in 1950 rereals no change, which, incidentally, is a rery frequent phenomenon in Communist publications The date of Moscow publications has siguificance because they do not retain that which is thought redundant or outmuced, csen though it was originally a part of the basic ideology. 13 Stalin gave a summary of his entire thought in ins answer to Question No. 12 put by the First American Labour Delegation which met hom in Moscow on September 9, 1927. The question was "Can you outline briefly the characteristics of the society of the future which Communism is trying to creato?" Stalın stated. The general characteristics of communist society are given in the works of Marx, Engels and Lenin. Brely, the anatomy of Cominunist society may be described as follows It is & societyø 311 which. (a) there will be no private ownership of the instrumeats and means of production but social, collective oirnership, (b) there will be no classes or state, but workers in industry and agriculture managing their cunnomte affairs as a free association of working people, (c) national economy, organized according to plan, will be based on the highest technique in both industry and agriculture;

·(1) iprxfacts *ill le distributed amerilios to the principle of the old French Communiste: 'from each according to his abilities, to each according to his dreals'; (e) science and art will enjoy conclitions conifacire to their hiçbest developgent; 1) the individual, freed from bread and batter carts, anl of the recessity of cringia ta the powers that be sll become really free etc., etc. Mearly *e are still remote from such a society. 1 "With regard to the international conditions necessary for the complete triumph of communist society. these wil derelop and grox in proportion esterolatistuts crises and revelationary outbreaks of the working class 13 capitalist countries Tom. It must not be resgined that the working-class in occ country, or in sereral countries, wil march towards Socialism, and still more to Communism, And that the capitalsts of other countries will sit 2211 with folder arms and look on th indifference, Stilline must it be imagined that the forking slay in capitalist countries till agree to be mere swetsten of the tictorious litrelopment of Socis. 12 in vrect another country As a matter of f122, the capitalsts will do all in theit power to chi soch sountries. Ha a fastter of fact, etery important step taken towanis Socialist, and still more towards Communism, in ady country will inevitably le accommod by the watetrsinable eports of the working che in capitalist countries ta achtest the discestership and Sxislism in those cines Thus, in the further prazred of develope mint of twistintional ration to world contres ki bo forned L. Sxili centre, attracting to itsel! 07.04ris genuing tocardi Sxiclini, ond the milieu, elrezing in itself all the CIA- Inics sriniz'in? tried pislim. The foll!

·( m ). the edifice raised in these lecturcs. Our text has beeri taken from "PROBLEJS OF LEXINISZ" published by Foreign Languages Publishing House, Joscow, in 1947. Unfortunately ac have not been able to get an cdition of this book later than 1917 from any of the bookshops selling Joscou publications in Calcutta. But a comparison of the text in the 1947 edition of the complete book with the text in a separate pamphlet containing these lectures and published by the sume Horse in Moscow in 1950 reveals no change, which, incidentally, is a very frequent phenomenon in Conmunist publications The date of Dioscow publications has significance because they do not retain that which is thought redundant or outmoded, cren though it was originally a part of the base ideology Stalin gave sunimary of bus entire thought in fuis answer to Question No. put by the First American Labour Delegation which met him in Moscou on September 0, 1927. The question was "Can you outline brely tho characteristics of the society of the future which Communisni is trying to create!" Stalın stated • Tho general characteristic of communist society are given in the works of Jars, Engels and Lenin. Briefly, the anatomy of Communust society may be described as follons It is a society in 118ich, (a) there will be no private ownership of the instruments and means of production but social, collective ownership, (b) there will be no classes or state, but workers in industry and agri culture menaging their cconomic affairs as a free association of working people, (c) Dalionai cronomy, organized according to plan, will be based on the highest technique in both industry and Agriculture, ·(d) iproducts will lie listributed according to the principle of the old French Communists: 'from each according to his abilities, to each according to kig nicedio'; e) science and art will enjoy ron}i. tions conducive to their highest levelopment; in the individual, (reed from breall and butter srres, and of the Deressity of cringing to the *powers that be sill become really free etc., et. Clearly se are still remote from such a society. "ith regard to the international conditions necessary for the complete triumph of communist sorrety, these will deselop and good in proportion as revolutionary crises and revolutionary outbreaks of the working class to capitalist countries grow. It must not be imagined that the workiag-class 17 one country, or in Ecveral countries, will march totards Socialism, and still more to Cormanism, and that the capitalists of other countries will sit still with folded arms and look on Tith indifference. « less must st be imagined that the working class in capitalist countries will agree to be mere spectators of the victorious development of Socia. lsun in one or another country. As a matter of fact, the capitalists ml do all in their power to crush such countries. As a matter of fact, esery important step taken towards Socialism, and still moro towards Communist, in any country will inentally be accompanied by the unrestrainable cfforts of the rorking class in capitalist countries to achieve the dictatorship and Socialism in those countries Thus, in the furtier progress of derelopment of the international solution to rorld certits will be formed the Sxialist nie, strading to jsel all the countries guarilating towards Socialism, and the capital centre, alirecting to itself at the course tries grarılalıng forords capitalis. The figke ·Elsewhere also Stalin defines the role of the dictatorship of the proletariat in the proletarian revolution in very unmiatakablo terms. He states: “The question of proletarian dictatorship is above all e question of the main content of the proletarian revolution. The proletarian rerolntian, its movement, its sweep and its acluovement rcquire filesh and blood only through tho dictatorship of the proletariat. The dictatorship of the proletanat is the instrument of the proletarian rerch lution, 148 organ, most emporloni mainstay,* brought into being for the purpose of, firstly crushing the resistance of the overthrown exploiters and consolidating the achievements of the proletarian revolution, anul secondly, carrying the prolom tarian revolution to its completion entrying the revolution to complete victory of Soualism Stalin alco quotes Leren to support hery 01951 teas of the inevitable advent of the communist society after dicta. torship of the proletariat kas lieen nstablished "The pronoms fexdatin of this revolutumary force fictators up of the proletariat-Our adition) the guarantee of sts saluhty and its Boca Nm the fact that the proletariat represents and surritos out a higher type of Motal organisation of lahour compared with capitalism T}138 t the kerne This is the kource of the trength awth penranta of the neuitable complete triumph of dimm. nism" In this context the THEORY of proletarian rouluttor and STRATEGY AND TICTIOY fuis acueuing titre derin • Our talseged. 1 Problems of Leasiem, page 33, Mos Ou, 1347 Thid, page 135 o ·Larskép of the proletariat assume fuller meaning. In scriptaral language Stalin would say, "Sert thou first the dictatorship of the pralstariat and all else will be added unto thee", There are popular notions that Stalin's Communism is an ideology of certain economic, political and social endis, namely, Equality, Liberty, ſecurity and so on. We are afraid that cxcept for the solitary sassage quoted above there is no support for this antion in Stalin's own writingy. Acrording to Stalin, Communism is a body of stratrgy and lactice for establishing the dictatorship of the proletarial on an international scale, a methodology for engineering the proleta. rian resolution and ushering in the sorialist economy which in due course as supposed to derrlop into the fullfidyed Communist rately The question would naturally arise regardwg the nature, scope and content of this dictatorship of the proletariat which is the corner stone of Stalinism, "the mainstay of the proleterian resolution." Stalın devotes & long chapter to elaboration of this problem in bis FOUNDATIOXS OE LEXTRI$31. For & brief definition, ke quotes Lenin who described the dictatorship of the proletariat as The rule-unreincted by law and based on force of the proletariat over the bourgeoisie, a rule enjoying the sympathy and support of the labouring and exploited massee. "? It should be made clear that "the sympathy and support of the labouring and exploited masses" are not Recessary on the eve of establishing the dictatorship of the Dar italics-d. ? Problems of Lennism, page 43, Vigroy 1947, ·Elsewhere also Stalin defines the rolo of the dictatorship of the proletariat in the proletarian revolution in very unmistakable terms. He states: «Tho question of proletarian dictatorship is above all a question of the main content of the proletarian revolution The proletarian rerolution, its morement, its sheep and its achievement Acquire firsh and blood only through the dictatorship of the proletariat. The dictatorship of the proletariat in the instrument of the proletarian relo. lution, its organ, its most important mainglay,* brought into being for the purpose of, firstly crushing the resistance of the overthrown explosters and consolidating the achievements of the proletarian revolution, and secondly, carrying the prolo. tarian revolution to its completion carrying the revolution to cuniplete victors of Socialist ** Stalın also quotes Lenin to support line oun thesis of the inevitable arivent of the communist societs after dictatorklup of the proletariat du been establishes! "The cronome funclatron of this 11 solutionary force (le tatsslup of t}re pruktariat-uur adition) the guaranter of its salulit anil itu succT84 14 1 the fact that the proletarint rrprestuty and carries out a higher type of Noral vruaniention of labour comparert wsth raptakım Thiy 8 the essene This is the source of the strength and the guarantee of the inesitable complete triumph of (nmm«. nisin" In this context the THEORY of proletarian rysolutum and STRATEGY AND TACTICS for achieving the distes • Our itstissed. 1. Problems of Leniais, page 39, 10:20W, 1047. Tbid, page 135 ·lorship of the profitarial assume fuller meaning. In scriptural language Stalin nquld say, "Seel thou first the dictatorskip of the proletariat and all else rill be added tinto thre". There are popular notions that Stalin's Communism ja an ideology of certain economic, politiral and social ends, namely, Equality, Liberty, Security and so on. We are afraid tkat csrept for the solitary passage quoted above there is no support for this notion in Stalin's own writings According to Stalin, Communism in a body of strategy and factors for establishing the dictatorxhip of the proletarint on an international scale, a methodology for engineering the prolrla. rinn rerolulton ad tekening in the socialist cconomy which in due course t& supposed to develop into the fullfrdgrd contuftast soctely. VI The question woull naturally arise segarding the nature, scope and content of this dictatorship of the proletariat which is the corner stone of Stalinism, the mainstay of the proletarian rerolntion." Stalin devotes a long chapter to elaboration of this problem in his FOUNDATIOYS OF LEXIXTS31. For a brief definition, he quotes Lenin who described the dictatorship of the proletariat as: The rulemunrestricted by Save and based on forces of the proletariat over the bourgeoisie, a rule enjoying the sympathy and support of the labowing and exploited masses,' It should be made clear that "the sympathy and fupport of the labouring and exploited reasses" are not necessary on the ere of establishm; the dictatorship of the Our Ifaliced, 1. Problems of Lepinam, page 43, Wiscor 1943.

·proletariat, but are expected to arise after the crent. Lenin, whom Stalin quotes, was perfectly clear on this point and stated. s*The class whuch took political power into its hand did so knowing that it took poner alone. That is a part of the concept of the thetatoralup of the proletariat This concept has meaning only when the single class known that st alone is taking power in its hands and does not decerve itself or others with take about popular Government clected by all, sanctified by the whole people There 19 an amplification of the same point u another statement of Lenin quoted by Stala "Let the majority of the population while private property still exists It, while the rule and yoke of raputal -1}} casts, first opraw them elves in favour of the parts of the proletariat, and only then can and shell the latter take pouer--80 say the petty.boury 014 she sucra's xhu call thraseltes Socialists but are en reality the yarnstort of the Lourgeoisie hat this rugplutimary pruelttarint first over-throu the bourgroine, break the he of capital and math thr burgeon Atata 27. bine, then the seturks proletaruit will lar: alle rapidly to gain the sympath: anit support of the majority of the tohny nonproletarian masken in ratifying their needs at the expense of the exploitere It might be imagined by some priple that the statorslup of the proletariat in a short-lised and transitori e3601 In the ncature of things it cannot tanpur }. Ibid. page 133 . Ibid, page 13 ·phenomenon because the dictatorship has to build Socialisn! on 4 Korld acale whicl eanot be possible in a short time. We have, liquerer, Stalin's pen definite conception regar ding the time-scale of the dictatorahip of the proletariat. According to him: "The dictatoship of the proletariat, the truns. ition from capítalíam tc Communism nust not lic regarded as a fleeting period of 'Super-resolutio. uary' arts and decrees but as an entire historical eru rapisle touch cirit wire and erlernal conflicls, aith persistent organisational work and econonic construction, with adiances and retreats, victory and defeala. This historical era is nieded not only to create thic cconomical and cultural pre-requisites for the conaplete rictory of Socialism but also to enable the proletariat, first, to educate itself and become atunc fed as a force capable of governing the country, and, secondly, to re-elucate and remodel the petty. bourgeois strata along such lines as well assure the organisation of socialist production." In his support, Stalın quotes Lenin who said "The dictatorship of the proletariat is a most determined and most suthless Wer saged by the new class against a more poteerful enemy, the boatgeoista whose regustace 13 increased ken fout by its overthrow, Tae dictatorship of the proletasios is a feraistent trugglemtlandy and blackless, riolent and peaceful, milalary and economic educalional and administratiro-against the fores and traditions of the old society," Also Slarz who said "You 1151 have to go through fifteen, twenty, fifty years of civil ráp3 and international conflicts, Dar itulares. 1. Prablemi of Lepinus, pag. 41, LIGESOE, 1847. Iordpage 41 ·not only to change existing conditions but also to change yourselves and to make yourselves capabl of welding political power." It should also be clearly understood that according to Stalin the dictatorship of the proletariat must be establi. shed on an international scale if complete victory of Socialism is to be achiever! There has been a confusion regar. ding Stalin's attitude to revolution outside, Russia, cver since his controversy kith Trotsky about “Permnnent Rerolution" It is supposed that while Trotsky adrocated spread of the revolution abroail, Stalın acted as a conser. vative and raised the slogan of Socialism in one country.” Lately, Stalin has been talking about "peareful co-existe. nce of capitalism and Communism', which mistraris quite a few political innocenta Readers will find ample proof on the two chapters from Stalın mcluded in this pamphlet that Nalın stands for world proletarian rcrolution and internatonal dictalorship of the proletariat We shall gise here a fen more shreut quotatıons on the su hject In hus introductor ferture to FOLXDATIONS OF LEXINISM, he say Mei "Some say that Leninism 19 the application of Morxism to the pecular conditions of the situation in Russia This definition contains i trticle truth, but not the whole truth by AD Leni, invleryd applier Jiarrism to Russsari ste tions, and applied it in a masterly 191 In af Leninism were only the applicats1 vf Maranto the peculiar situation in Russia it would be a purely national and only nntrional, a purely Playan and only Russian, phenomenon 117 knoro, bourrer, 1 Ibid, page 11 ·that Leninism is not merely a Rustian, bui en internation! phenomenon tooled in the whole of international derelopment."'*} He goes further in bis OCTOBER RETOLUTION AND TACTICS OF RUSSIAN COMISIUXISTS, and explains that the slogan of "Socialism in one country" is not a contradictory, but a complementary and instrumental aspect of the world-revolution; "The victory of Socialism in one country is not & self-sufficient task. The revolution which has been victorious in one country moat regard itself not as a self-sudictent entity, but as an aidh, a means for hastening the victory of the proletariat in all countries For the victory of the revo lution in obe country, in the present case Russia, 19 not only the product of the uneren development and progressive decay of imperialism, it is at the same time the beginning of and the ground work fut sorld Resolution." In set another statement, in the same article, he repenta the same argument more pointedly. “IVe see that the first country to break away, the first victorious country, 18 alreads being suppo rted by the workers and the labouring makes in general of other countries Without this support it could not hold out Undoubtedly, this support will increase and grow. But there can also le no doubt that the tery derelopment of told rerolution, the tery process of the breaking away from imperia. lism of a number of new countries will be more mpid and more thorough, the more thoroughly • Our italics-d. 2, Problems of Leninsun, page 13 Hoce 3x, 1947, : Ibid. pag. 33 ·Socialism fortifies itself in the first tictorious country, the faster this country is transformed into a vase for the further unfolding of the scorld rerolution, into a lerer for the further disintegration of imperialism*'*1 According to Stalin, thereforc. own "The world significance of the October Rero. Intion lies not only in that it constitutes a great start made hy one country in causing a break in the system of imperialismi and that it is the first centre of Socialism in an ocean of imperialist countries, but also 133 that it con vitutes the first stage of the world rerolution and a mighty base for als further development.** Stalin also quotes Lenin in kis support "The victorious proletariat hating expropriated the capitalists and organised sts Socialist production, noukl stand up against trio rest of the work, the capitalist worki, attracting to its cause the oppressect classes of other countries, raising revolts in those countru, and in the pront of nocexuty roming out even with armed forer again the explating classes and their taler *? That Stalın does not believe iu "peareful co-axtanum' is clear from a statement of Inn hwh he quetry in 14 writings. Lenin hasi maul "We are fumg not merels in a state, but system of statru and the freelanom of the Master Republic side ly nude with imperialit mira foxx iz long time it unthinkable Onr or the other mun trumpikin Our italicswed 1. Problems of Leanism pago : 2. Ibid. page, 123. 123 3 Ibu, pa ·( 191 ) - the end. And before that end superrenes a series of frightful collisions between the Sorint Republic and the Bourgeoie states !! l in ritable. That means that if the ruling class, the proletariat, wants to hold sway it must proro its capacity to do so by military organisation also."} This goal of korld proletarian revolution was completely 8nt faithfully accepted by the Communist International, founded by Lenin in 1919. The Comintern adopted ite THESES AND STATUTES at the Second World Congress held in Moscost from July 17 to August 7, 1920. The first Statute reads as follows: The new International Association of Workers is established for the purpose of organising common activity of the forkers of variops countries who are striving towards a single am the orerthroup of capalısm, the establishment of the distalorship of the proletariat and of the International Societ Republic for the complete abolition of classes and the realisation of Socialism this first slep to Communist Society" It must le remembered that Stalın has maintainert the Comintern with its original THESES AND STATUTES, all througb these years Tactically suppressed in 1913 to please his "Imperialist alius" aganst Hitler, Stalın regurrected the Comintern as Cominform in 1947. Stalin hes remained true to the you, he took on the death of lenin in January, 1924, in spite of all that bis adversaries of the Fourth International might say. Facing the Second All Union Congress of Soviets, he said "Departing from us, Comrade Leon adjured us to consolidate and extend the Union of Ropublics. • Out it licked i Ibid, page 160.

·MC Ton to you, Comrade Lenin, that this behest too te will fulll with credit,""} This speech ended with the following words... "Departing from us, Comrade Lenin adjured us to remain faithful to the principles of the Communust International. Te rom to you, Comrade Lenin, that we will not spare our lives to strengthen and extend the union of the working people of the whole worldThe Communist International." There should be no doubt left that the slogan of "peace. ful co-existence" is what the communists ralt "partial blogan," a slogan advanced in the period of "bb of the revolutionary morement when the Party folloss Tactics of Retreat. We, now, come to the human agenry through which the Dictatorship of the Proletariat malls functions so, the kind of people who seld pourt in the name of the proletariat. Stalin's unequivocal trply isotke Communist Party. Hc defines the Party as ""the instrunirni of the dictatorship of the proleta. rial," because the proletariat #ede the Party no only to achar the dictatorship 1/mide ti still mere to maintain the dirtatorshus to consulat and erpand if in ones to achires the complete 390ry Socialım." • Oor italica. 1 Lenu, Selected Tork lol I, Part 1 page 1. Hora, 1959. • Tbid, page, Problems of Leviso, Page 67.95, Moscow, 1917, ·Alter describing the other pass organisations of the Proletariat es, trade unions, the sofiets, the co-operatiro societies, the youth leagues etc., as 'levers' and 'transmi. ssion belts' of the dictatorship of the proletariat, he makes the point very clear indecet: "The highest expression of the leading role of the party, here, in the Soviet Union, in the land of dictatorskip of the proletariat, far example, is the fact that nof a single political or organisational quesition is decided by our Soviet and other maus organisations without guiding directions from the Party In this sense tl could be said that the dicta. tarskip of the proletarial is in casence the dictatorship of its ranguard, the dictatorship of the party as the main guiding furce of the proletariat."*? In hig anstrer to the First question of the First Aantrimn Labour Delegation also be made the same assertion. According to Stalin, Lenin's specific contribu. tions to tbe question of the Party of the proletariat were: “2) That the Party is a higher from of class Organisation of the proletariat compared with other forms of proletarian organisation (labour unions, co-operative societies, the organisation of State) whose work, it is the Party's function to generalise and to direct, "%) that the dictatorsbip of the proletariat can be realised only through the Party, the directing force of the dictatorship; "el that the dictatorship of the proletariat can be complele only if it w led by one party, the Cornmu. mist Party, which does not and most not skare power with any other party." >> Ous Labra-ed 1 Ibid, pigo 140. 2. Lena; Splerted works, yol I, Part 1, page 52 53, Moscow 1959) ·Now, as the task is no less than establishment of an international dictatorship of the proletariat, the Communist Party, too, bas necessarily to be an international organisation, A reference to the THESES AND STATUTES of the Communist International would bear out tho logical inference. We reproducı below the relerent Statutos.. The nex International Association of Workers is called The Communist International. “3) All parties and organisatione comprising the Communist Internacional bear the name of the Communist Party of the given country (section of the International).* “4) The World Congres of all parties and organisations which from part of the Communist International is the supresne organ of the International. The Worlel Congress as a rule convenes not less than once a year. The World Congress confirms the programs of the various parties com prising the Communist International The World Congress discusse4 and detales the more important questions of programme and tacties which connected with the Betsvity of the Communist International The number of decisive votce nt the World Congress for every party and organisation is deccled upon by a special regulation of the Congress. are "5) The World Congress clect an Executat Committec of the communist International bus Scrves as the learling organ of the 3 min International in the intervals beturen the serie tion of the World Congress and 15 fpuponible sonda to the World Congress. • Oar italicsed.

·«) The Executive Committee makes the trecestary appeals on behalf of the Communist Intema. tional and issues instructions obligatory to all the parties and organisations which form part of the Communist International. The Executire tommi. ttee of the Communist International enjoys the right to demand from the affiliated parties the exclusion of groups of members who are guilty of the infringement of international proletarian descipline, as well as the exclusion from the Communist International of such partipy gults of the infringe ment of the regulations of the Ilorld Congress. These parties retain the right of appealing to the World Congress in the crent of necessity the Execu. tary Committee organises in rarious countries of terknical and auxılary Parcar completely subordi. nated to the Executire Commiltee* The representa tives of the Executive Committee shall carry out their political tasks in closest contact with the Central Comituuttee of the Communist Party of the given country." We can, bereiose, safely rondude that the goal of Stalinism is dictatorship of the proletariat on an international scale, exercised by the Communist Internationgi. Befors se discu98 the means which the Communista are durected to employ and the road which Stalin has mapped out for them, we shall touch upon the character of the Communist Party Who are the Communists? A statistical esqwry in the class origins of the Commun Dista, past and present, posld reveal 10 anykoly that the overwhelming majority of them come from classes other than the working class, such as, the capitalists, landlords and the petty-bourgeoisie, Why these people call themselves the parts of the proletarsat, is sa intriguing question, • Dat ilalies

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·(IT) parties in several countries, big and small. If tell you them that Nazism also had a theory of history and also rose to power greater than the communists have yet attained, they lose their temper and call you a Fascist! But we can say, that a group of people, coming mostly from the educated, propertiedi classes, start believing that History wants to travel in a particular direction; that unaided she might go astray, that she needs the help of a Political Party to lead her to her longed for destination; that she not only appoints & special group of people to play that role of guides and helpers but also reveals to them her inmost secret seekings, and, lastly, that the appointees ere they themselrex and the sccret is the theory and practice of proletarian revolution already known to them as a result of their own philosophical, economic and historical contem plations. One comes back where one started from. But Buch is the nature of all dogtaas held by fanatics, religious or otherwise. In fact, the Communists are a band of selfchosen people with a mission to lead the human herd into the Promised Land, the Millennium, the Satyayuga. Stalin said so much whilo opening his speech on the death of Lenin on January 26, 1921- "Comrades, Ye Communists, are people of a special mould me are made of a special stuff. Wo are those who forto the army of the great proletarin strategist, the army of Comrade Lenin. There is nothing hugher than the honour of belonging to this arty. There is nothing hagher than the title of member of the Party whose founder and leader was Comrade Lenin. It 19 not given to everyone to be member of such a Party."'*1 Therc it 191 One may keep rondering how this docttine is in any way different from the Nazi doctrine of the Xordic Race! • Our italict-ed. 1 l.eris, Selected Works, Vol. I Part I rage ?, 305co7, 1959, iy ·( xxir ) workers' parties ought to have counteracted these prejudicos, defending the historical interests of tho proletariat, which demanded of the proletarian parties a declaration of war against war." Is this kleologs, this philosophy of history, this theory of a proletarian revolution establishing a dictatorship of the proletariat and achicring & Socialist world-economy on the way to the Communist Society is it & creation of the proletarian class ont of their own experience, aspirations and know ledged So far as we knon Stalin has not discussed this point anywhere in bus vtitinge or speeches etc. But Lenin was very ative and clear on the issue and wo hope Stalin soukl not dispute Lenin's authority. Lenin wrote "The history of all countries shows that the working class exclusively by its own efforts, is able to develop only trade union consciousness, ie, i! may realize the necessity for combining in unions, for fighting against the employers and for striting to compel the government to pass necrosary labour legis. lation etc The theory of Sorialsem, howeier, grow out of the philosophral, historical, and economic theories that were plaborated by the educated represe. ntaters of the proprietard classes, the intellectuals, Arcordıng to their noxial status the founders of modern sotentific xxralism, Jars and Engris, them Brk ex belonged to the bourgeoir inlellsgendusch **** Now, the l'ummunistu soard their theory of "scientific socialium" as an exart 1995ght into the inner workings of History herself, and asked fur proof they assert that ita correctness has been borne out in practice. By practice, of course, they mean the rige to power of Communist Our italscs- ed. 1, Lenin Selected Works, Vol. 1, Part I. pagat 333.34, Joscow IDS:

·parties in seseral countries, big and small. If you tell then that Xazien also had a theory of history and also rose to power greater than the communists have yet attained, they lose their temper and call you a Fascist! But we can say, that a group of people, coming mostly from the educated, propertied classes, start believing that History wants to travel in & particular direction; that upsided she might go astray, that the needs the help of a Poutical Party to lead her to her longed-for destination; that she not only appoints a special group of people to play that role of guides and belpers but also reveals to them her incost secret prekings; and, lastly, that the appointees ere they themselges and the secret is the theory and practice of proletarian revolution already known to them as a result of their own philosophical, economic and historical contem, plations. One comes back where one started from. Bot guch is the nature of all dogmas held by fanatics, religious or ot&crwise In fact, the Communists are a band of self. chosen people with a twisgon to lead the human herd into the Promised Land, the Stillennitim, the Satyayuga. Stalin said so much while opening his speech on the death of Lenid on January 28, 1921 "Comrades, The Communiste, are people of a special mould. We are made of a épocial eluff". Wo are those who form the array of the great proletarin strategist, the army of Comrade Lenin. There is nothing higher than the honour of belonging to this army, There 13 nothing higher than the title of member of the Party whose founder and leader wa9 Comrade Lean It 13 pot given to ererFone to be member of such a Pasty,"*! There it is! One may keep wondering hos this doct. rine is in any way different from the Vazi doctrine of the Nordic Race! Our italicu Lesio, Selected Works, Vol. I Pezt I page 21, Blossow, 183, If ·1 Forkers' parties ought to have counteracted these prejudicis, defending the historical interests of the proletariat, whick demander of the proletarian partics a declaration of war against war. Is this ilcologs, this plulosophy of history, this theory of a proletarian resolution establishing a dictatorship of the proletariat and achieving a Socialist orld-economy on the way to the Communist Society--13 it n creation of the proletarinn class out of their own experience, aspirations and knowledge So far as we know Stalın has not discussed this point anywhere in his writings or speeches etc. But Lenin was very positive clear on the issue and we hope Stalin would not dispute Lenin's authoritr. Lenin wrote • The history of all countries shows that the working clark excluqvely by s4 oun efforts, is able ro develop only trade union conxciousnesa, ie. ? may realise the necessity for combining in unions, for fighting against the employers and for striming to compel the government to prese necessary labour legit. latron ete The theory of Sorialxm, Aouerer, greto out of the philuophoral. Autorical, and economic theory that rent laborated by the educard represe. nilatstrs of the propriud classe, the intellectuals, Irronding to their o'sat etalus the forunders of madern cuentific Rintalum, Jarz and Enrolt, thum rolex kelonged to the limour intellsgrntsso *** You, the munintu rozarif their theory of tientifie socialem as an exait insight into the user werkings of llistory herself, and asked fise proof they havent that its correctness has been born wat in practice By practice, of course, they meas the ti to poser of Communit . Qur italics - od #tenus Selerle Works, Vol 1, Part I. peget -33 31. Moscor $93 ·The Party must be strong by reason of its solidarity and iron discipline", should "preclude all factionalism and dírision of authority" and abould "derelop and be come strong by purging itself of opportunists and reformists, Social-imperialists and social-chaurinists, social patriots and Social-pacifists", mka grow inside the Party Lecause the proletariat is not an isolated class" and "is constantly replenished by the indux of peasants, pettye bourgeoisis and intellectuels", who "penetrate the party and introduce into it the spirit of hesistency and opportu. násra, the spirit of demoralisation and uncertainty and who, "principally constitute the source of factionaliew and disintegration, the source of disorganisation and disruption of the party from within." Althougа, the road to Socialism and Compuuniam is straight via the dictatorship of the proletariat, the Party may wander away due to opportunist elements inside. Stalin gives & warning and puts up danger signposts, bath on the Right" and the "Left of the revolutionary road. The road bas two sections... this side of the dictatorship, and beyond the dictatorship. The dangers lurk on both of them Stalin outlined the Right danger before the Moscow Control Commission of the CP.8.0. (B) in October, 1928.. "Under capitalist condtion, the Right deviation in Communism is a tendency, an inclination, not yet formulated, it is true, and perhaps not yet consciously realised, but berertheless, a tendency on the part of a section of the communists to de part from the resolutionary line of Marxism in the direction of Social-Democraer. It means the streng. thening and consolidation of capitalism iq the worlong class. Hence, a victory of the Right dipistion in the Commatist Parties in capitalist countries would add to the conditions necessary for thc preservation of capitalisp. • Ous itd.

·( IXTI) y The readers would understand from the chapter "TIE- ORY" included in this pamphlet that 'objectire conditions' for the proletarinn revolution not exist in the whole world, According to Lenin the world has been ripe for proletarian revolution crer since 1900-03 when "Capitalism has been transformed into Imperialism." History is reads to deliver the dictatorship of the proletariat and the Socialist Socioty, immediately. What History needs is a competent midwife to help her in this supreme and final crisis of maternity. That midwife is the Communist International. Stalin writes :- "In the pre-revolutionary period, in tho period of more or less peaccful development, the parties of the Second International were the predominant force in tho working class movement and parlia. mentary forms of strugglo wero regarded ns tho principal forms. "But matters haro changed radically with the dawn of tho ner period The new period is ono of the open class collisions, of revolutionary action by the proletariat, of proletarinn rcrolution, a periol when forces are being directly musterel for the overthrow of imperialigin and the scizure of power by the proletariat. "Hience the necessity for a noir party. A militant party, a resolutionary party, ono Lold enough to lead the proletarians in the struggle for power, suliciently camerienced to find its bearings amilet the compler conditions of a revolutionary situation, and sufficiently flexible to starr clear of all Rub. merged rocks in the path to its font, without much a party it is uscirks to even think of oferthrowing imperialism and achicring the dictatorship of the proletariat": Problems cf Leninim, pago 81, 304C0p, 1047.

·• Party compand; as political or ethical imperatives, In their thinking, the Party tells them just what History inrites ker to do. The proletarian revolution is not a social or pobtical or humanitarian slogan, but only an "historical inevitability" which yt is their "scientific sponsibility" to help materialise. Logically, of course, thus combination of freesill and determinism, contingency ani necessity, choice and inevitability, human effort and Fate, has been found ab impossible task by ali rational thinkers. But the Compaunists revel in contradictions « fiecle, in their thinking, are basic to the structure of our cosmog dosa to human society, and which, instead of trying to explain or interpret or abolish, we should help esolve into a final harmony through cataclysmie conflicts. This Vytique is caued dialectics in contrast to mere *bourgeois" metaphysics wallowing in the inud of Aristotelian Law of Difference. I Stalin's opiruon, the historical necessity as well as inevitabıhty for proletarian revolution arises on account of the rise of Imperialism. But by "Imperialisus" he mostly does not can het ve commonly understami, 712, the conquest of foreign countries end enslavement w foreign populations etc. Stalis writes "Lepin called imperialism 'moribund capitalien'. riy Because imperialism carries the contradictions of capitalista to their last bounds, to the extreme limit, beyond which revolution beging," The three principal contradictions of Capitalism are: 1) beturen labour and capital in every country: 2) between one industrially advanced couptry and another and 3) bren een industrially adranced and backward countries, The first contradiction leads to civil strife inside every muntry, the second leads to wars bettrecht Adyapeed 1. Ibid, puza 15.

·"Undr the conditions of Soriet derrlopment, when capitalism has already been orcrthronn, but its roots inve not yet been torn up, the Right deriation in the Communist movement signifies a tendency, an suclination, not yet formulatexi, it is true, anıt perhaps not yet filly realisert, but nevertheless a tendency on the part of r section of the communsta to depart from the general line of our party towards bourgeois ideology. Hence a victory of the Right deviation in our Party adds to the ronditions necessary for the restoration of capita. lism an our untre. He charts out the "Left atiger 13 sagle statement, equalls metuulous Where does the danger of the "Left' (Trotskyste) dentrou ( ur Parts lic! In the fact that st overestimates the strength of our enemies, the strength of capitalism, it sees only the possibility of restoring (aputalis), but ennnnot see the poxsılılty of baking socialism hs the efforts of our country. it unes nay to deajmir and 14 obliged to console itself with pattle about the Thermida rianism of our Party Hence the adventurism in the pokey of "Left' deviation. Hence its taurerhuman leaps in the sphere of policy. There is no doubt that the trumph of the "Left' deviation in our Party would lead to the working class beag Beparated from the rest of the working class minum*, and, consequently, to thic tefeat of the proletariat and to conditions facilitating the restoration of capitalism. Yox, uc hard to surveys the road which the Party must trcad ton and work? dictatorship of the Communist International. The communista, of course, da 306 tegnet] 1.2. Problems of Lerina, poet59, & 33, occow, 1917.

·Pasty commands as political or ethical imperatives. In their thinking, the Party tells them just what History igrites her to do. The proletarian revolution is not a social or political or humanitarian slogan, but only an "historical inevitability" which it is their "scientific responsibility to help materialise. Logically, of course, this combination of frecvill and determinism, contingency and necessity, choice and ineritability, human effort and Fate, has been found an impossible task by all rational thinkers. But the Communists revel in contradictions which, in their thinking, are basic to the structure of our cornos daxt to human society, and which, instearl of tegang to explain or interpret or abolish, we should help erolre into a final harmony through cataclysmic conficts. This Mytique is called dialectics in contrast to mere "bourgeois" metaphysics wallowing in the mud of Aristote lan Law of Difference. In Stalin's opinion, the liistorical necessity as well as Wevitalnlity for proletarian revolution arises on account of the rise of Imperialism. But by ''Imperialism" be mostly does not mean what are commonly understand, viz., the conquest of foreign countries and enslavement of foreign populations etc. Stalin writes "Lenin called imperialisza 'moribund capitalism'. #hy? Because imperial1972 carries the contradictions of capitalism to their last bounds, to the extreme limit, beyond which revolution begins " The three principal contradictions of Capitalısı are: 1) hets een labour and capital in every country; 2) between one industrially adranced country and another and 3) between industrials adsanced and backward countries, The first contradiction leads to civil strife inside every country; the second leads to wars between adranced 1. tbid, peg: 15.

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·xi) temporary, raceilatıng, unstable, unreliable and conditional. Those who fail to understand this, fail to understand eren a particle of Marxism, or of scientific modern socialism in general." In the first place, the communists beliese that they annot rise to power by parliamentory or peaceful means, that a violent revolution is inevitable, is in the nature of things. Stalin 8855 "There and by whom has it ever been prored that the parliamentary struggle is the principal form of struggle of the proletariat! Does not the history of all revolutionary movements shor that the parlamentary struggle us only a school for and an aid in organising the estra-parlamentary struggle of the proletariat, that under Capitalism the fundamental problems of the prorkiog clasa marement are solved by force, by the direct struggle of the proletarian toks&CA, their general attike, their insurrection?"2 It 29 recorded history also that communists have not attained power by parlamentary means in any of the countries they now orcupy. The classical example is the Russian Constituent Assembly which was summoned by the Bolsheviks after seizure of power in October 1917 and dissolved by force on the first day of ite raceting, because, out of the total 36,000,000 votes cast, the Boleberiks had obtained only 9,000,000 and found themselsh outnumbered bg Socialists and Liberala. In China and East European countries too, communists have seized power by military and conspiratorial methodla, as we shall digcasa in a later section. It is therefore, dificult to say wbether this tota] rejection of parlamentary methods is a theoretical format. lation or a dognatic rationalisation of destrust aroused by a specific experience in Rassian history. 1. Legin: Selected Works, Vol. II Pet II pags 396, Moscow, 1951, ;. Problems of Leasis, Page 3, Voscow, 1947, ·( IIX) nations and the third to strifo between backtrand ani advanced countnes. Thr tark of the Communist is to tale adıninge of the these.fuld strife and consolidate their power in one country oflit another. pracemcal and by mager. remaining concione alırove that tine is on their side and that history muld randıml these faith Yox, essentually, thus therry vf rerolution is a theory of achuering power bo trhzing aral and national conflicts vrluch east, which, as a matter of fact, hare alinis ciisted and will continue to cint, in or human world. Stala thinks that capitalisme the root cause of all these conflicts, which will disappear as Bix»? As cazutalism is al»olished... lighly controversial thesis, respective of whether capitalisas desirable er not. We recommend SCR Swarups RUSSILS PERIALISM for a detailed study of this questun But the fact remains that these conflicts can be utilized and a party convinced of its righteous mission and indifferent to the purity of nurins, must exploit them for bulding its own power. This ss tho whole day behind cabration of STRATEGY AND TACTICS of proletarian rerolution which in roulty as the old Jechiavellian recipe of divate and conquer forcy, and fraud dressed up m Maraist verbrage Lenin sud so when talking about the method of moto lution: The more powerful enemy can be tanquished only by crerting the utmost effort, and without fail, mast thoronghly, mrefully, attenurely and skilfully using crers, even the smallest raft' amning the chemies, of csery antagonum of interest among the bourgeoise of PTY country and Amongst the various groups of types of luxurgeous within the various countries, and also by taking Radvantage of etery, errn the smallest, opportunity of gaining a nass ally, eren though this all be ·(mi) temporary, raccilating, unstable, uoreliable and conditional. Those who fail to understand this, fail to understand eren & particle of Marxista, or of scientific modern socialism in general."! In the first place, the communists believe that they cannot rise to power by parliamentary or peaceful moans, that a violent resolution is inevitable, is in the nature of things. Stalin says: There and by whom has it crer been provel that the parliamentary struggle is the principal form of struggle of the proletariat! Does not the history of sl resolutionary morements show that the parliamentary struggle is only a school for and an aid in organising the extrt-parliamentary struggle of the proletariat, that under Capitalism the fundamental problems of the working class movement are solved by force, by the direct struggle of the proletarian masses, their general strike, their insurrection?"2 It is recorded history also that communists have not attained power by parliamentary means in any of the countries they now occupy. The classical example is the Russian Constituent Assembly which was summoned by the Bolsheviks after seizure of power in October 1917 and dissolved by force on the first day of its meeting, because, out of the total 36,000,000 votes cast, the Bolsheviks had obtained only 9,000,000 and found themselves ontnumbered by Socialuts and Liberals. In China and East European countries too, communists have seized power by military and conspiratorial methods, as we shall discuss in a later section. It 13 therefore, difficult to say wbether this total rejection of parliamentary methods is a theoretical fortaulation of a dogmatic rationalisation of distrast aroused by a specific experience in Russian history. 2. Lesin: Belected Works, Vol. II Pert II pago 398, Moscow, 1951, • Problems of LADİDEZ, Page 23, Loscow, 1947, ·( xxx ) Secondly, in Communist ethical thinking, the means to lc adopted for bringing about the proletarian rerolution should be judged only from the point of ricx of expedicacy Bail from no other point of view at all. Lenin told the Third All-Russian Congress of the Young Coramunist Lengne in 1920 as follows -- "e repudiate all morality taken apart from human sourty and classes. We say that it is a deception, n fraul, a heforging of the minds of tho workers anel pensants in the interests of the fundlords and camtahsts "We say that our morality is entirely subordinated to the interests of the class struggle of the proletariat. Our morality is derived from the interests of the class struggle of the prolotariat,"? That is why Lenin coull advise the Communists "to resort to various strategema, artifices, illegal methods, lo eragions and subterfuges, only $0 che lo get into the trade unions, to remain in them, and to Commune work when them at all carry on costa "2 The Communist STRATEGY AND TACTICS should, therefore, bo viewed in this larger perspective of a basic belief in the necessity of violence and a completely amoral and instrumental Bttitude towards the means to be employed. Vhat does the revolution meant Stalin gives the defi. nition in his reply to Comrade Van-sky "Lenin says that 'the main question of every revolution is tho qu stion of state pouer". In the hands of which class of which classes i$ poner concentrated, which class or which classes alust be 1. Lania: Selected Worke, Val II, Part II, pago, 483 (Boscoe 1931) 2. Ibid, page 379. Our italica-ed, ·(xxxii) orerthrown, which class or which classes must take power-such is the main question of every rero. lution," So the main question of the proletarian rerolution is seizure of state power by the proletarjat which in Stalinist context means the Communist Party, which is just another name for a band of professional rerolutionaries who have mastered the art of divide-and-conquer. That is this art? The Communist reply is class analysis, class characteri. sation and class tror, The communists analyse every society in terras of classes it may contain and charactarise every class exactly in terras of its role and ultimate fate in the communist revolution. Each class is to be used against the other and liquidated when its utility is orer and it attempts to share power with the Comnunists after the common enemy has heen arerthrown. Now, all societies are generally constiintel by all or sereral of the following classes: 1) Landlords or Feudal Elements - Capitalists or the B:: Bourgeoisie 3) Gddle Classes or the Petty-brurgeoisie 4) Peasantry-Rich, Jlıddle and Poor. 5) Urban Working Class or the Proletariat. Super-imposed upon tliis social structure may be s class of foreign rulers in societies reduced to a colonial status. The communists must oust all these classes from power, subilue and relace them to a single clasg--the more king class #bich rull bull Socialism under communist dictatorship. And this task has been beatly divided by hem into wages, each with its own comprehensive strategs. 1. Problerpa of Leninista, page 178, Hoscow, 1947 • Oor italice ·( II ) Secondly, in Communist ethical thinking, the means to be adopted for bringing about the proletarian revolution should be judged only from the point of riem of expediency and from no other point of view at all. Lenin told the Third All-Russian Congress of the Young Cotzmunist League in 1920 as follows: **ffe repudiate alt morolts taken apart from human society and classes. Te say that it is a decoption, a fraud, a befogging of the minds of the workers and peasants in the interests of the Janillords and capitalssts. "We say that our morality is entirely subordi. nated to the interests of the class struggle of the proletariat. Our morality is derived from the interests of the class struggle of the proletariat." That is why Lenin could ad rise the Communists.... sto resort to various strategems, artifices, illegal methods, to elusions and rubterfuges, only sa a to get into the trade unions, to remain in ther, and to carry on Communis tcork that them at all costs,"2 The Communist STRATEGY AND TACTICS should, thercfore, be viewed in this larger perspective of a basio belief in the necessity of violence and a completely amoral and instrumental attitude towards the meant to be employed. What does the rerolution mean? Stalin gives the defi. nition in his reply to Comrade Van-sky “Lenin says that 'the main question of every rerolution is the qu stion of state power'. In the hands of which class or which classes is poner concentrated, which class or which classes must be 1. Lenis: Salected Forks, Pal II, Part II, page, 483 (Boscow 1931) . Ibid, page 378. Our itahes-ed, ·' irܫܕܰ ) the greatest common measure of grievances and then multiply that factor by, what I call, exaggeration. When you exaggerate the 8.c m. becomes 1.c.m. That is the arithmetical strategy of the communists, ......It is built on the formula laid down in the scriptures of the Communist Party. It is the rusalt of a long research into human psychology. Find out the least comon measure, and multiply it and make it the common policy for crerybody. When this is atrived at the small fish 1s eaten by the big fish. Then comes the Police Raj greater than any Polico Raj, Dr. Nag (Communist merober-our addition) has described." Here it is relevant to clarify a very great confusioni which is very widely preralent, namely, that the commu. nists are friends of the middle-classes and the peasantry, Nothing is further from the truth as revealed in Stalin's writings, all of which discuss these classes with brutal frankne83. In basic communist thinking, these two classes are greater and more dificult enemies than the capitalists and landlords who are only a bandful and whose elimination leares big estates and giant factories ready for 'socialist reconstruction in the shape of large scale industry and collectifisel Ryticulture. The middle classes and the peosantry, on the other hand, are 'addicted' to small scale production and small agricultural holdings and because of their numerical strength are bound to offer bitter and stiff resistance to the eventual socialisation and collectivisation under communut tuctatorship. Referring to small producers Legin wrote in his left. my Communism do Infantile Disorder.- "They encircle the proletariat on crery side with a petty-bourgeois atmosphere, which permeates and corrupts the proletariat and causes constant relaped among the proletariat into peity-bourgeois ·(xir ) At cach stage the communists, first, choose the main enemy against whom the main blow is to be diretected. The main enemy is always the class which controls state power at the particular time. Next thing they do is to organise a "United" or "Popular" or "National" front of all those classes who are hostile to the main enemy", irrespective of the difference in objectives after the "raan enemy" has been overcome And lastly, they paralyse or neutraliso the "vaccilatıng class" i.e., the class which cannot choose decisively between the “main enemy" and the communist "Limited Front". The whole plan of this rerolution 19 concerred dynamically, so that allies at one stage become enemies at another, till the Communist Party emerges as the sole survisor and establishes its dictatorship. It is essential, however, that the communists retain leadership of tho 'unted front' at every stage The implications of this strategy are. 1) Concealment of the ultimate communist aims from the "tomporary albos'' in the "United Front", 2) Derising of a common or "minimum programme acceptable to the "temporary allies' and as a plank for mobilising the broad masses against the main enemy" 3) Adrancing slogans which the spaccating class' can nerther support not oppose for fear of being identified rith one side or the other Shri Rajagopalacharı, the present Chief Minister of Madras State summarised the essence of Communist stran tegy into a simple arithmetical formula, in his speech to the Bfadras Legislative Assembly on July 3, 1932. He sakta as reported in Hindu of 4th July. "I know how smooth and oily the Communste are and how they get into every party on the basis of a g.c.m. and then convert that g.e.m. into an 1.c,m, by multiplication. They take possession of ·(kur) absolutely correct. Thy is the peasantry described 29 the last rapitalist class? Because of the two main classes of which our society is composed, peasantry is a class whose economy is based on private property and smal commodity production, Because the peasentry as long as it remains & peasentry carrying on small commodity production, will breed capitalists in its ranks, and cannot help breeding them constantly and continuously. This is of decisire importance in the question of our Marxian attitude to the problem of the alliance between the working class and the peasantry."" What is then the quality of this alliance between ibe Communists and the x asantry? We hare Lenn's classic enunciation in 218 ATTITUDE OF SOCIAL-DEMO. CRACY TOWARD PEASAXT MOVENEXT. "At first re support the peasantry in general against the landlords, support it to the end and by all means, including confiscation and then (or rathcr nat 'then' but at the same time) we support the proletariat against the peasantry in general. To try 07 to calculate that the combination of forces will be within the peasantry on the 'DOTTON of the revolation (the democratic rerolation) is sbeer utopia. Without descending to adventurism or going against our scientific conscience, wtbout striving for cheap popularity, we only one thing. We shall put every effort into assunting the entire peasantry to make the democratic tcrolution, in order thereby to make it easier for us, the Party of the Proletariat, to pass on as quekly as possible, to the new and higher taski the Socialist Revolution, Fehold forth no promi. ses of barmony equalisation or socialisation as a and do say 1 Ibid, paso 233 sloscos, 1347 ·spinelessness, disunity, individualism, and alternate moods of exaltation and dejection. 11 thousand times casier to tanguish the centralised big lourgcoiste than to ranquish the millions and millions of snall owners, yet they by their ordinary, ereryday, imperceptible, illusire, demoralising activity achiete tery results tcich the bourgeousre need and thich tend to restore the bourgeoisie *1 Stalin supports hum m 3325 lecture THE RIGHT DANGER IN THE C.PSL. (B) - "Are there any factors in our Soviet Country mich make the restoration of capitalism possible? Yes, there are. That, Comrades, may appear strange, but it is a fact. We have orerthrown capitalsm, we have established the dictatorshup of the proletarsat, we are developing our Socialist industry at rand pace and are linking the peasant economy with it. But te bare not yet torn up the roots of capitalism where aro these roots implanted! They are implanted in the system of commodity production in small production in the towns and particularly in the rural districts. As Lenin sin, the strength of capitalismi lies in the strength of small production. For unfortunately small production is still rery very tridespread and small production engenders capitalism and the bourgeoisie, continuously, daily, hourly, spontanoously and on a mass scale " Stalin describes the peasantry more specifically in the samo lecture. *Lenin said that the peasantry is the fast capitalist class. Is the thesis correct: l'es, it is Lenia: Salocled Works, Vol. II, Port II, page 387, Moscow, 1951. 2. Probleros ol Lcainis, page 30, Sioscor, 1917. Our italice-rd.

·absolutely correct. Why is the peasantry described 23 the last rapitalist class! Because of the two main classes of which our society is composed, the peasantry is a class n hose econoray 18 based on private property and small commodity production. Because the peasentry as long as it remains a peasentry carrying on smali commodity production, will breed capitalists in its ranks, and cannot help breeding them constantly and continuously. This is of decisive importance in the question of our Varxian attitude to the problem of the alliance between the working class and the peasantry," What is then the quality of this alliance between the Communists and the peasantry? We hare Lenin's classic enunciation in his ATTITUDE OF SOCIAL-DEMO. CRACY TOWARD PEASANT MOVENEXT: "At first we support the peasantry in general agarost the landlords, support it to the end and by all means, including confiscation essd thes for rather nat teen' but at the same time) we support the proletariat against the peasantry in general. To try now to calculate what the combination of forces will be within the peasantry on the 'morrow of the rerolution (the democratic revolution) is sheer utopia. Without descending to adventurism or going against our scientific conscience, ritgout strising for cheap popularity, we can and do Bay only one thing. We shall put every effort into 235isting the entire pezeantry to make the demo. cratic merolution, in order thereby to male it easier for us, the Party of the Proletariat, to pass on as quickly as possible, to the em and higher task the Socialist Resolation, e bold forth no promi. ses of barzzony equalisatica or 'socialisation as a Toid, page 933 Hoteow. 1317 ·tesult of tho victory of the present peasant uprising on the contrary we 'promise' & new struggle, new inequality, & neu revolution towards which we aro striving" With greater frankness Stalin wrote to Comrade Pokrovsky who was obriously confused by conflicting slogans, Stalı stated "Reading your letter one might think that it nas not ne who used the peasantry in the service of the proletarian revolution, but, on the contrary, that it was the 'peasantry as a whole, including the kulaks, who used the Bolsheviks in their hervice The Bolsheviks' affairs vould be in a bad way if they so easily enter the "service" of non-proletarian classes.""> To return to strategy, the same pattern is followed by the Communists on the international plane The countries where Communists have achieved ctatorship form the "proletarian" vanguard in the task of international revolution. The main enemy 18 the strongest non-Communist nation at the time Xon-Cominunist nations who are opposed to the main enemy form the Commusest "United Front" or "Grand Allance' while other nations, ravided in their hostihty or loyalty to the ranguard and the main cnemy" hare to he neutralised or paralysed The STATUTES of the Communist International state very frankly "In order to overthrou the international bour geosic and to create an international Societ Republic as a transition stage to the complet. abolition of the State, the cornmunst Internettional will use all means at its disposal, including force of arms" 1. Lenin Selected forks, l'ol. I, page 41%, Josion 1947 9 Problems of Leminism, pgge 198, Moscow, 1917 ·Here we must clear up another confusion, namely, that the communists stand for national independence and solf. determination of people, especially in countries under foreign domination. It is the same type of confusion as we discussed abore in respect of peasantry and the middle classes. An appeal to Stalin's writings would provide us with the correct communist attitude. In his lecture on THE NATIOXAL PROBLEJI, he says: "Formerly, the national problem tras regarded from a reformist point of view, as an independent problem having no connection with the general problemos of the rule of capital, of the averthrow of imperialism, of the proletarian revolution. Leninism has proved, and the imperialist war and the resolution in Russia have confirmed, that the national problem can be solved only in connection with and on the basis of the proletarian revolution, and the road to victory of the revolution in the West Lies through the revolutionary alliance with thir liberation morement of the colonies and depen. dent countries against imperialism, The national problem is a part of the general problem of the dictatorship of the proletaryat "The question presents itself as follows: -Are the resolutionary possibilities latent in the revolutionary liberation morement of the oppressed countries already ethagated or not; and if not, is there any hope, any ground to expect that these possibilities can be utilized for the proletanan revolution, and the colonial countries can be transformed from a reserve of the imperialist bourgeoisie into a reserre of the revolutionary proletariat, into An ally of the latter, Dansakcen!

·(XIII) "Leninism replies to this question in the affic. mative ... ... Hence the necessity for the proletarint to support-resolutely and actirely to support ---the national liberation movement of the oppressod and dependent peoples. "This does not mean of course, that the proletnrint must support every national morcment, everywhere and always, in every single concrete case. It means that support must be given to such national movements as tend to weaken, to overthrow imperialism, and not to strengthen and preserve it. Cascs occur when the national more. ments in certain oppressed countries come into con. flict with the interests of the development of the prole. tarian movement. In such cases support is, of course, entirely out of the question," The THESES of the Communist International reflect Stalin's basic thinking on national and colonial questions. THESIS no, 7 states- "There are to be found in the dependent coun. tries two distinct morements which everyday grow farther apart from each other. Thero is the bourgcols-democratic nationalist movement, with a programme of political independence under tho bourgeois order, and the other is the mass action of the poor and ignorant peasants and sufferers from all sorts of exploitation The former endca. vour to control th: latter, and often succeed to a certain extent but the Communist International must struggle against such control and help to desclop class consciousness in the working masses of the colonies,"...... The proletarian parties must carry on vigorous and systematic propaganda of Our italics -ed 1. Problems of Leninjm, pages 67.6, Moscos, 1947, ·the Soviet idea and organise the peasant's and worker's boriets as soon as possible. These soriets will work in close co-operation with the soriet republies in the advanced capitahst countries for the ultimate orerthrow of the capitalist order through-out the world.” Such, in concrete shape, is the Communist strategy for peace-meal world conquest VI You re come to a consideration of Communist tactics, which are a sabordinate part of strategy, but on the correct application of which in day to day struggle depends the success of the strategy at each stage. The main outline has beca discussed in the Chapter 'STRATEGY & TAC- TICS' included įn this pamphlet. We shall here examine this question somewhat more specifically, The Communists have an uncompromising singleness of Bun but they combine with it a great flexibility of approach. The preparation for the proletarian resolution must not stop for A single moment, whaterer be the 'objectire situation. The ideal situation for the Communista, of course, is the time when the discontent against governmental anthority breaks out into strikes and demonstrations. If the communists can manage to-get the leadership in uch a situation, they come out with insurrectionary slogans But, at the same time, a mass morement led by non-communists is regarded by communists with great Buspicion and distrust and unless they can find some Toothold on it, they do their utmost to ridicule, dagcredit and frustrate the movement. To ensure their Icadership in times of revolutionary Crisis, therclur, they hare deteloped tactics of evasion and ป ·(III) preserve it. “Leninismı replies to this question in the affir. mative ... ... Hence the necessity for the proleteriat to support-Tesolutely and actirely to support the national liberation movement of the oppressxl and dependent peoplas. "This does not mean of course, that the proletrriat must support every national movement, overywhere and always, in erery single concrete cake. It means that support must be giren to such national movements as tend to wcaken, to overthrow imperialism, and not to strengthen and Cases occur when the national molements in cerlain oppressed countries come into con. flict with the intereets of the development of the proletarian morement In such cases support 18, of course, entirely out of the question,'**? The THESES of the Communust International reflect Stalin's basic thinking on national and colonial questions. THESIS no. 7 states - "There are to be found in the dependent coun. tries two distinct movements wluch ereryday gror farther apart from cach other. Thero 19 tho bourgeois-democratic nationalist movement, a programme of political independence under tho bourgeois order, and the other 19 the mass action of the poor and ignorant peasants and sufferers from all sorts of exploitation The former endeayour to control th, latter, and often succeed to re certain extent but the Communist International muust struggle against such control and help ta develop class consciousness in the working masseg of the colonies,"...... The proletarian parties must carry on rigorous and systematic propaganda of 6 Our stalics-d. 1. Problems of Lonssira, pages 61.89 Voecot, 1347.

·Xxxù) Iti. The International of Red Relicf, which had a puri. ber of secondary societies. IX. The Anti-Imperialist and Anti-colonial Lcague which later cooperated with the Anti-Fascist League. X. The International of Socialist Lawyers whose task Has to defend communist, in the courts as well as to introduce morements convenient to the commupists into the legislation of non-communist coun. tries, XI The International of Free-thinkers aiming at the centralisation of the atheist movement of the world, XII, The International of Sailors and Stevedors which founded "Sailor's Clubs” in all the larger ports of the world. XIII. The International of Friends of the U.S.S.R. under which Friends of the Soviet Union Societies were formed in all non-communist countries. XIV. The International of Red Revolutionary triters used for communist propaganda in literature and publicity. Under the Cominform most of these have reappeared with changed names. The International Trade Union has become World Trade Union Federation, International Federation of Communist Yonth has been reincarnated as the World Federation of Democratic Federation. There are many more such as International association of Democratic Lawyers, International Conference for Protection of Children, World Congress' for the Defence of Peace which directs various Progressive Writers' and Artists' Associations and Partisans of Peace and so on. The old Friends of the Soviet l'aion Societies have all along been intact and have bren supplemented by many otber Societies for Friendship with bem comoonist countrics fucb as Chins and East Europcad satellites, ·infiltration. They go to the people of all classes, not as communists, but as relief orkers, trade unionists, protoctors of children, champions of women, defenders of ciril rights, lovers of progressive art, prerenters of cruelty to animals, educationists, dramatists, literary critics, sports. men and as humanitarian and philanthropic associations, organisations and societies to spread their personal indaence and plant the Party Line rs far as others rould take it. They have formed a host of seemingly non-political organisations wluch work hand in hand with the Communist International. The Comint included the following bain sections - 1. The International Trade Union or the Profintern, des. igned to infiltrate and control trade union morement in all countries It had three offices a) the TERRITORIAL dealing with trade unions, coun. try by country, b) PROFESSIOYAL, supervising syndicates of similar professions, and c) the CLAN. DESTINE, entrusted with transmitting of strike order and financial help etc. II. International of Co-operatires IIF. The Red Sports International or the Sportintern. IV. The International of Red Combatants, which attem. pted to organise ex-servicemen anel reservists for Rction aiming at B) spread of anti-militarism in non-communist countries, b) forgiation of Red Guards. V. The Women's Communist International. VI. International Federation of Communist Youth shoze aim was to make ercry child & communist”. VII. The International of Educational Employees with the object of disseminating communist propnganda amongst teachers and professors, ·( IP ) acateness in the class struggle the period has arrived, then it has become absolutely necessary for every Communist Party to combine systema, tically all legal and illegal work, legal and Mega organisation." Further, condition No. 3 for admission to the Comintern Teads The class struggle in almost every country of Europe and America is entering the phase of civil war. Under such conditions the Communists can haro no confidence in bourgeois laws. They should create everywhere a parallel illrgal apparolus, which at the decisite moment should be of assistance to the party to do its duty towards the reuolution. In every country where, in consequence of martial law or of other exceptional laws, the Communists are unable to carry on their rock legalls, & combination of legal and illegal work is absolutely necessary." These instructions and conditions led to organisation of communist groups more or less parallel to open Communist Partır. Annals of every Communist Party in the world go to prore that suppression of the legal party does not scriousiy affect the communist movement, unless some way is found to destroy the illegal apparatus, as the Nazis did in Germany. Official Soriet sources admit the existence of sccret communist groups, According to Report of the Delegation of the Communist Party of Soviet Union (Bolshevik) to the 18th Congress of the Comintern in March, 1030, "there are thousands of Coromanists working with great derotion and sacrica in conditions of compul. BOTS secrecy who are not to be found in any statisties. In times of peace, the Cortgonists follos tactics of retreat such sctylutionary parliamentarism Bod • Duritatci-ed at ·All these organisations work on one fundamental principle laid down by the famous German Communist, Klara Zetkin, in 1923 **These Organisations must not carry placards with the words 'Communist organisation visiblo from afar by their red letters. On the contrary they should appear on the outside as neutral organsations. It is indispensable that their committees should mclude representatives of all types of opinion. What is, however, essential is that the Communist Party should surreptitiously, gire to each organisation its aims and its programme." That is why the name “Communust":9 being dropped and forda "Progressive" and "Democratic" used more and more in its place. In an article in the Cominform Journal, For a Lusting Peace For & People's Democracy' dated August 24, 1951 emphasis iras lad on.- "the need to wage a tireless struggle in the trade unions the need for Communists to carry on daily work in the other mass organisations: Youth, Women's and Peasants' organisations, cooperatives, in the associations of er-servicemen of the resistance movement, in sports and clubs, tenants' associations, cultural societies, etc." These communist "Fronts” give rise to the numerous fellow-travellers" of the communists, who are mostly dupes or downright bars. In order to assist the work of infiltration and to remain prepared for tho day when the Party 19 suppressed, guito a largo part of communist activities in non-communust countries are carried on secretly and illegally and the Communist International gires specific direction in this connection. Thesis No. 12 lays down. "For all countries, eren for most freo "legal" and "peaceful" ones in the senso of « lesser ·(LIST) order in general. The task of the proletariat consists in tloring up the whole niachinery of the bourgeoisie, in destroying it, and all the parliamentary institutions with it," whether they be republice or constitutional toonarchy." Thesis No. Il of the same section, bowerer, directs the Communists to join bourgeois parliamcats and Thesis No. 12 defines what work they should do. "This work within the parliaments, consists chiefs in making revolutionary propaganda from the parliamentary platform, the denouncing of enemies, the ideological unification of the masses, who are still looking tip to the parliamentary platform, captivated by democratic alusiang, especially in the objects and tasks of tho was struggle outside the parliaments." Thesis No. 14 relates to the election campaign and reads. "The election campaign must be carried on not for the purpose of obtaining a large number of seats in parliament, but for the revolutionary mobilization of the masses around the slogans of tho proletorian terolution. The election campaign must be conducted by the entire mass of party members, not by the leaders alone; it is necessary to mako usc of and be in completa touch with all the manifestations of the masses (atrikes, demonstrations, morements, among the soldiers and sailors, etc.) Foing ou at the moment; it is neprors to Ecomon all the masses of the proletarian organisations to active work." Sub-section Vo.ll' of this section gives precise instruc tions to the Communist deputies. Some of the TUESES are reproduced belos, "4. A Communist represcatatire, by decision of the Central Committee, is bound to combine Our ite·revolutionary reformism. In this context the Communist International enjoms upon all its sections as follows: “When there is no serolutionary upsurge, the communist parties must advance slogans and demands that correspond to the every day needs of the toilers, linking them with the fundamental tasks of the Communist International." And as Sri R Swarup puts it in this RUSSIAN IMPERIALISMI 15 "Given the fundenental tasks the necessary slogans can always be got up, firstly, because people alway have everyday needs of one kind or the other, and secondly, because 'needs of the people, not being a fixed quantity and not depending on any determinated criterion, and, left to be interpreted by those who have 'fundamental tasks' of the Communist International to fulfil, can also be cooked up like the slogans We should make a particular mention of the Communist parlamentary tactics as claborated by the Communist International and As followed by the Communist parties in countries which have parliamentary institutions, but much due to democratic traditions or ignorance about communist objcctives and tactics or the mass strength of these communist parties bare not disallowed communist entry into their parlaments, assembles, and municipal councils etc. A whole section of THE THESES AND STATUTES OF the Communist Internationaf ss devoted to this problem. Thesis Yo. 4 of sub-section No. II reads: **The bourgeois parlantents, which conststute the most important apparatus of the State machi. ncry of the bourgeoisie, cangot be taken over by the proletariat any more than can the bourgeois ·of representatives of communist countries in the UNO and other world organisations. The fundamental purpose be. hind these tacties of retreat is also erasion and concealment as stated by Lenin in LEFTIFING CONDIUNISM: AX INFANTILE DISORDER- "To tie our bands beforehand. openly to tell the enemy who at present is better armed than we are, whether we shall fight him, and when, is stopidity and not revolutionism. To accept battle at a time when it is obviously advantageous to the enemy and not to us is a crime; and the political leader of the resolutionary class who is unabla "to tack, to manoeuvre, to compromise' in order to arad an obriously disadvantageous battle, is absolutely worthless." Thero are many minor forms of tactics besides the major once discussed above. Ifakıd: all sorts of false, attractive and cantradictory promises to every case, character-1993.grination and stear campaign against al opponents, proroking street tiots and police action, sowing suspicion and discord amongst different classes, political parties and groups by an unceasing propagande barrago on & suficiently low level, and 50 on. Every crime, rice, aín, dersley, bestiality, treasbesy, backstabbing, lying and cheating is turned into heroism end martyrdom, proruled the Party directs its perpetration in pursuance of the revolutionary objectire The history of Communist morement ersoya Hero is full of dark and sinister deada done ten by mlucatel, well-brel, upright persons who lost their Krk of Alisolate values unsler Party discipline and instra. clions. The road to bell is pared with good intentione! The Communists, of course, heliore that they work upon objective conditions which enst outside them and indepen. dent of them. Bot human mind, under the endgence of a i Letis. Selected Sork, Vol. II Part II pages 403-4, 3TOACOW, 225}, ·(xXFXTüi legal work with illegal work. In countries whero the Communist delegate enjoys a cortain in violability, this must be utilized by way of rendering assistance to the illegal organizations and for the propaganda of tho party. "5. The Communist representatives shall make all their parliamentary work dependent on the work of the party outside the parliament. The regular proposing of demonstratire measurea, not for the purpose of haring them passed by the bourgeois majority, but for the purposes of propaganda, agitation and organisation, must be carried on under the direction of the party and its Central Committee.* "8. Each Communist represenlaire must rem. ember that he is not a "legislator » who is bound to acek agreements with the other legislators, but an agulator of the party, detailed into the enemy's camp in order to carry out the orders of the party there The Communiet member is answerable not to the ride mass of his constituents, but to his or Communist Party- schether legal or illegal* 1 *9. The Communist representatives must speak in parliament in such a way as lo be underslood by every workmer, perkannt, ausher-woman, shepherd; *o that the party may publish his speeches and «pread them to the most remole rillages of the country"* Thic emotional asid tendencious speeches as well as tho obstructionsat behavior in general of our Communist M P: and will. L. As in the newly constituted parliament and State Legislatures soukl amply prove that tho Stalinist stalwarts are minutels and meticulously obeying the tactı. cal instructions of the comitern inid down 35 years ago. Incidently, these Theses would also explain the behaviour Qur italicseed, ·of representatives of communist countries in the UXO and other world organisations. The fundamental purpose bei hipd these taetics of retreat is also erasion and conccal. ment as stated by Lenin in L.EFTITING COMMUNISH: AX LYFIXTILE DISORDER *To tie our hands Leforehand. openly to tell the enemy toho at present is better armed than we dre, whether we shall fight him, and when, is stupi. dity and not rerolntionism. To accept battle at a time when it 13 obnously advantageous to the tdemy and not to us is a crime, and the political leader of the resolutionary class who is onadlo "to tack, to medpedste, to compromise' in order to arold an obviously disadvantagcons battle, is absolately forthless." There are many minor forms of tactics besides the major ones discussed above. Saking all sorts of false, attractire and mantradictory proming to every class, cho racter-assassination and smear campaign against all oppo Dento, provoking street riots and police action, towing suspicion and discord amongst different classes, political parties and groups by an unceasing propaganda barrage 012 galiciently low level, and so on. Every crime, rice, sin, deriles, bestiality, treachery, backstabbing, lying and chesting is tarded into legaism and martyrdom, pro- Tided the Party directs its perpetration in pursustee of the revolutiosary objective The history of Commagaist more. meat everywhere is full of slark sod sinister dreis done ered by educated, well-bred, apnght persons who lost their sense of absolate valdes under Party discipline and instractions. The road to do is pared with good intentions! The Communists, of course, believe that they tork spon objectire conditions ubica exist oatzide them and indepen. dent of them. But babien mind, order the infoence of a I Leaia: Selected tort, Vol. II Part II pes 2034, Moscow, 135, ·cal instructions of the Comintern laid down 33 years ago, Incidently, these Thesey would also explain the behaviour { xxfxxii ) legal work with illegal work. In countries where the Communist delegate enjoys a cortain inviolability, this must be utilized by way of rendering assistance to the illegal organizations and for the propaganda of the party. “5. The Communist representatives shall make all their parliamentary wordt dependent on the work of the party outside the parliament. The regular proposing of demonstrative measures, not for the purpose of having them passed by the bourgeois majority, but for the purposes of propaganda, agita tion and organisation, must be carried on under the direction of the party and its Central Committee. «8. Each Communist representative must remember that he is not a "legislator" who is bound to scek agreements with the other legislators, but an agitator of the party, drtuled into the enemy's camp in order to carry out thr orders of the party there The Communist member is answerable not to the unde mass of his constituents, but to his own Communist Parlymichether legal or illegal * "q. The Cominunisl representatives must speak in parliament in such a way as to be understood by every workman, pearant, wasker-woman, shepherd. so that the party may publish has specches and spread them to the most remote villages of the rountry The emotional and tendencious speeches as well as the obstructionist behavior in general of our Cunimunist i po and M. L As in the newly constituted parlsament and State Legislatures would amply prove that the Stalinit stalwarts are mmutely and meticulously obeying the facts. Oor italics-d, ·nomy is mutual exploitation and resultant produs ction, fans, is a lis-product. "And like Vietzcho's Zaruthustra they contie nue, "Te teach you war and civil war. If you are cqually rich fight as class rivals. If you are unequally rich or poor, fight as class enemies. People with income of Rs. 100/- como out and gird up your loins. Fight and kill the people with Rs. 200,-. But if the fight is too much for you unaided, unute with people of Ble. 150), to kill the peoplo Tith incomo abore it and after that is done, you can kill the people abore. Rs. 100,-. We have a tame for st. Paralysis of Clagges. "They continue, 'Fight, Lill; 19 long as you fight and kill, any reason is good enough, any cosmology is good enough, For as long as you aro on the war path, you are on the right path. Xerer forget that fighting and killing and mutual destru. ction, sodlehow, by some inner compulsion, myste riously and miraculously add up to the strength and grorth of a society, to its pride and prosperity and happiness.' Sri C. Rajagopalacbari also analysed the wual Commu- Dit doabletalk end promises to every class in the speech referred obove He said. “Communists are the champions of landless labourers, of small peasant proprietors The bus owners must look to the communists as their champions. Passengers and G.Os must also look up to the commwustz. Ererz body, the middle classes and the upper middle classes and the small capitalist Tho is allotted a high place in the list is to be championed by the comingnista. Comnu, nists are at present champions of linguistic ·(L) dogma, Fery soon becomes capable of either seeing what does not oxist or creating that should exist according to the dogma. Hero we again feel tempted to quote from Sri R. Sirarup's RUSSIAN INIPERIALISM: "They (Communists) say that their chance comes when those they hare decided to subjugate, have become 'sufficiently entangled, and are sufficiently at loggerheads' with each other. Knowing trhat they rant and that condtions can bring them what they trant, they make ercry effort to bring about conditions that ther knot will bring then what they want. They go about sotring trust and division among those they have decided to enslave. ti nary civil "On the basis of their contradictions', they invite the non-communist world to be locked in & mutually exhaustire, threefold, cross-struggle; industrially backward nations to fight industrially advanced nations, industrially advanced nations to fight amongst themselves, and people within each nations whether industrially advanced or back. ward to fight each other in what is called a 'revolu- WAT The task of the communist parties is to 'sharpen' tese contradictions and help the non-communust world to come to a head and seek a 'rerolutionary solution' of their contradictions by engaging in the threefold struggle corresponding to the three-fold contradictions, “They say to us ‘Look, you are not proclucers, reasants, labourers, clerks, composers, shopkeepers, managers, engineers or teachers On the other hand, appearances notwithstanding, fundamentally, you are mutual exploitera, bourgeoisie, proletariat, imperialists and colonials, henchmen and paid agents, The fundamental thing about your cca.

·understandable only after the nature of this relationship is fully grasped. The readers would know from the Chapter STRATEGY AND TACTICS included in this pamphlet that after the dietatorship of the proletariat is established in a towiry, proletarian revolution enters the third stage. that is, the stage of supporting revolutions abroad. In this sense every communist dictatorship is an instrument, and & "base for the oferthrow of imperialism in all countries." What Stalin has nowhere Hocused in his basic writings is the responsibilities of resolutionary forces in non-communist countries towards the countries where dictatorship of the profetariat has already been established. He has, however, not departed from what he said on the death of Lemn in 1997. "Lenin never regarded the Republic of Soviets as an end in itself. To him it was always a link needed to strengthen the chain of resolutionary mouvement in the countries of the West and the East, a link Deeded to facilitate the victory of the working people of the whole world over capitalism. Lepin knew that this was the only right conception, both from the international standpoint and frota the point of view of preserving the Soriet Republic itself.* Lenin knew that this alone could fire the working class people of the old to fight the decisive battles for their emancipation. That is why, on the very morrow of the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat, be, the greatest of the geniuses tribo base led the proletariat, lsx the foundations of the workers' International, This is why he never tired of extending and streng. thening the 18393 of the working people of the whole korld-Ile Contunist International." • Que italics. * Leon, selected forks, tel. Part , page 23Moscow, 1952 ·(LI) provinces. I remember the time when the commų. nists were rigorously arguing against linguistic provinces as parochialism. At the presunt day the communists are champions of handloom industry, mill industry and of mill workers. I wish to point out that the championship of the handloom industry is in direct conflict with the ideology of the communists about mills, and mill workmen, their bonus and emoluments. There is an eternal, permanent and inherent confict in the communist jargon between the handloom industry and the mills "Again, the communists are the champions of economy in administration. They are the champions of retrenchment and at the same time the champions of tho retrenched men also. Conímu. nists want economy, but they do not want retrenchment. Then again, Communists have become champions of Mangalasutram of women. was a time when the communist doctrine bad its own views about marriage. The Communist Party knew the trick of making compartments for all these. The communists want al Police Stations to be abolished. They want to here an easy walk- I am sorry, I cannot oblige them!"! There Over. VI One very vital point which is of supreme importance in determining the Communist Party Line everywhere was deliberately left out by us in previous sections, that is, the relation of the Soviet Union with the Communist Interzational and the duties and responsibilities of each towards The other. The Party Line would become perfectly Hindu, July 4, 1052.

·understandable only after the nature of this relationship is fully grasped. The readers would know from the Chapter STRATEGY AND TACTICS included in this pamphlet that after the dictatorship of the proletariat is established 13 & country, proletarian revolution enters the third stage, that is, the stage of supporting revolutions abroad. In this sense every communist dictatorship is an instrument, and "base for the arerthsok of imperialist in all countries." What Stalin has nowhere scussed in his basic writings is the responsibilities of revolutionary forces in Non-Comteuaust countries towards the countrics Micro dictatorship of the proletanat has already been established. He bas, howerer, not departed from xhat he said on the death of Lepin in 1924- "Lekin uerer regarded the Republic of Sovicta &g an end in itself. To him it was always a link needed to strengthen the chain of revolutionary movement in the countries of the West and the East, a link needed to facilitate the victory of the working people of the whole world over capitalian. Lenin knew that this was the only right conception, both frota the international standpoint and from the point of rieu of presenting the Soviet Republic itself. Ledin knew that this alone could fire the working class people of the world to fight the decisive battles for their emancipation. That is why, on the rery Morror of the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat, he, the greatest of the geniuses who have led the proletariat, laid the foundations of the markers' International, This is why he never tired of extending and streng. thening the union ct the Forking people of the mbole rozld-The Communist International." > Our italist.de 1. Lena, Briected Works, Fal Part I, page 25, Moscos, 1982 ·(LiV) What does Stalin mean by this "point of vier of preserring the Soviet Republic itself"? Reviewing the international situation in his Report to the Serenteenth Congress of the CPSU(B) in January 1934, he said: "Still others, again, think that war should be organised against the USSR. Their plan is to defeat the USSR, diride up its territory and profit at its expenses This fear of the 'bourgeois* world plotting to destroy the revolution in Russia has been a constant obsession with Stalin, not because facts have been or are there to justify it, but mostly because his dogma tells him that capitalists must 80 to war to save their economy from collapso and that a war against the USSR would kill two birds with Stalin, therefore, Farned the 'war-mongering' bourgeoisie in the following words obe stone "There can hardly be any doubt that such a war would be the most dangerous for the bourgCOLSIC. It would be the most dangerous war not only because the peoples of the USSR would fight to the very death to preserve the gains of the Tovolution , ut rould be the most dangerous war for the bourgeojare for the added reason that it would be waged not only at the fronts, but also behind the enemy lines. The bourgcousse neod hare no doubt that the numerous fnends of the working class of the USSR in Europe and in Asia tcould do their best to stride a blow in the rear at their oppressors who start a criminal war against the fatherlanıl of the working class of all countries.* hardly bo doubted that a second war against the ISSR wall lead to the complete defeat of the aggressora, to It can Our italcs-d. 1. Problemas of Leamiss, page 403, Moscow, 1947.

·(LV) refolution in a number of countries of Europe and Asia, and to the destruction of the bourgeois. landlord governments in those countries,"") While recounting the factors on which the USSR relieg "in this difficult and complicated struggle for Peaco", Stalin said at the 17th Congress in 1931 and repeated at the 18th Congress in 1939, tbat one of the factors was "the moral support of the tast masses of the working class in ofery country who are ritally interested in the preservation of peace." We can, therefore, understand that the Communist International is pledged not only to world-revolution, but Also to the preservation of the USSR against all forrign Attacks. An appeal to the THESE, STATUTES ant PROGRAMMIE of the Comintern reveals that preservation of the USSR is a greater resolutionary responsibility. One of the conditions for admission to the Communist International is as follows "Each party desirous of affiliating to the Communust International should be obliged to render every possible assistance to the Soviet Republics in their struggle against all counter-resolutionary forces The communist parties should carry on a precise and definite propaganda to induce the workers to refuse to transport any kind of military equipment intended for fighting against the Soviet Republics, and should also by legal or illegal means Carry On propaganda amongst troops sent against the workers' republics etc." That this fear of "counter-revolutionary" attack on the USSR 19 real, 14 also admitted by one of the THESES on National and Colonial Questions. It says "the political situation of the world at the present time has placed the question of the dicta- 1 Ibud, pages 463 464 2. Ibid. pagra 165,66 & 606 ·(LIY) What does Stalin mean by this "point of ricir of preserving the Soviet Republic itself”? Rerieving the international situation in his Report to the Seventeenth Congress of the CPSU(B) in January 1934, he said "Still others, again, think that war should be organised against the USSR. Their plan is to defeat the USSR, divide up its territory and profit at its expesse"? This fear of the 'bourgeois' world plotting to destroy the revolution in Russia has been a constant obscssion with Stalin, not because facts hare been or are there to justify" it, but mostly because his dogwa tells him that capitalists must go to war to save their economy from collapso and that a iar against the USSR would kill tiro birds with one stone. Stalin, therefore, warned the 'war-mongering bourgeoisic in the following words “There can hardly be any doubt that such a war would be the most dangerous for the bour. geoisic. It would be the most dangerous var not only because the peoples of tho USSR would fight to the very death to preserve the gams of tho revolution ; xl would be the most dangerous war for the bourgeaiete for the added season that it would be taged not only at the fronts, but also behind the enemy lines. The bourgcoisie need have no doude that the numerous friends of the working class of the USSR in Europe and in Asia tould do their best to strike a blow in the rear at these oppressors who start a criminal car against the fatherland of the working .It can hardly be doubted that a second war against tho USSR 45 lead to the completo defeat of the aggressors, tr. class of all counksies, Our itahes-td. 1. Problems of Leoinus, page 463, Moscow, 1937.

·(LV) revolution in a number of countries of Europe and Asia, and to the destruction of the bourgeois. landlord goFeinmesta in those countries. ""! While recounting the factors on which tht USSR relies "in this difficult and complicated struggle for peace", Stalip said at the lith Congress in 1931 and repeated at the 18th Congress in 1939, that one of the factors was "tho moral support of the vast masses of the rorking class in erery country who are sitally interested in the preservation of peace." We can, therefore, understand that the Communist International is pledged not only to torld-resolution, but alo to the prraervation of the USSR against all foreign attacks. An appeal to the THESE, STATUTES and PROGRAME of the Comintern tereals that preservation of the USSR s a greater revolutionary responsibility. Ono of the conditions for admission 10 the Communist International is as follow "Each party desirous of altiliating to the Commurust International should be obliged to render Every possible e39istance to the Soviet Republics in their struggle agaidst all counter-resolutionary forts. The communist parties should carry on a precise and definite propaganda to induce the workers to refuse to transport any kind of military equipoent intended for fighting against the Sosiet Repablies, and should also by legal or illegal means carry on a propaganda amongst troops sent against the workers' republics etc." That this feas of "counter-rerolationary" attack on the t'SSR u real, is also admitted dy one of the THESES on National and Colonial Questions, It says *the political situation of the world at the prezent time has placed the question of the dicta. 1. Ibid, pages 463-464 • Ibid, pegru 183.66 & 606 ·(LVI) torship of the proletariat in the foreground, and all the events of world politics are incritably concentrating around one point, namely, the stru. ggle of the bourgeois world against the Russian Soviet Republic." Discussing the REVOLUTIONARY COLLAPSE OF CAPITALISM, the PROGRAMJE of the Communist International declared "The class struggle which hithorto mag conducted in circumstances when tho prolotarist was not in possession of state power, is now being conducted on an enormous and really world scale; the erotking class of the world lus now its own state.com the one and only falherland of the international proletariat," Elsewhere the PROGR.VIME atatem "the internal consolidation of the proletarian dictatorship in the USSR, the succes achered in the work of Socialist construction, the growth of the influence and authority of the USSR, among the masses of the proletariat and the oppressed pcopies of the colonies, Bignify, therefore, tho continuation, intensstintson and expansion of the International ocial Revolut1001, And the PROGRAMME fejs down the duties of tho International Proletariat to the USSR as follows "In liet of the fact that the I'XSR ** the only fatherland of the sinternational proletarest the presspal bulmark of jis achetements and the first important factor for its international runne optiuni, the international prololarıat inux on i'n paart farlsrate the success of the cork of Sozialst Convruchson in the l'SSR and defend her against the attacks of the capitalist porrera by all seans in its power ·(LVI) Here it will do well to suspend the main srgument and to discuss a subsidiary issue, namely, the part played by different sections or Communist Parties in the slaping of policies by the Communist International. Article Xo. S of the STATUTES reads as follows: "The bulk of the work and responsibility in the Erecutive Committee of the Communist International lies with the Party of that Country where, in keeping with regulations of the World Congress, the Executive Committee finds its residence for the time being. The parts of the Country in question sends to the Executive Committee not less than five members with a decisire vote. In addition to this one representative with a decisivo vote is sent to the Executive Committee from each of the other ter or twelve largest communist parties The remaining partics and organisations forming part of the Communist International enjoy the right of sendiag to the Executive Committee one representatico each with a consultative vote." The proletarian terolution on the Russian pattern tax considered to be imminent in a number of western countries, especially Germany, when the Commtern was founded by Lenin 10 1919 But no other revolution actually took place. And since the Soviet Union tras the only country bere Comintern was eret able to find resia dence, the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsherikl, theoretically a section of the Comintern like (and on par with) any other Commurust Party, came to occupy an increasingly privileged position. We have Stalin's own testimony regarding this derelopment. Analysing his diferences with Bukharin on "Comintera Question", he said in 1999 "Bor did our differences in this sphere begin They began with Bukharin's theses at the Sixth ·( LVII) Congress (of the Comintern-oir addition) on the international situation. As a rule, theses are first examined by the delegation of the C.P.S.V(B). In this case, lowerer, that condition was not obscr. red The theses, signed by Buklarin, were sent to the delegation of the CPS.U(B) at the same time that they were distributed to the foreign delegations at the Sixth Congress. But the theses prored to be unsatisfactory on a number of points The delegation of the C.P.S.C{B) was obliged to introduce about thenty amendments to the the3s. "This created a rather awkward situation for Bukharin. But who has to blame for that? Why was at necessary for Bukharın to distribute the theses to the foreign relegations before they had been examined by the delegation of the C.P S.U(B)! Could the delegation of the CP.S L(B) refrain from introducing amendments when the theses proved to be unsatisfactory? And so it came about that from the delegation of the C.PS.U{B) there igued what were practically new theses on the international situation, which the forcign lelegations began to oppose to the oli theses signed by Bukharin. Obviously, this awkwaru Bituation would not have arisen hari not Bukharin been in a hurry to distribute hss theses to the foreign delegations. *** One of the main points of difference was the question of discipline. Stalın said in the same sprech "In Buknarin's theses no mention was made of the necessity of maintaining iron liseiplinc m the Communist Parties. That also was a defect of no little importance. Why? Because in a period 1. Probleros of Leamista, Pages 246,2453DQr, 1947.

·(X) when the fight against the Right deviation is being intensified, in a period when the slogan of purging the Communist Parties of opportunist elements is being carried into effect, the Right deriationists wally organise themselves into & {action, set up their own factional discipline and disrupt and destroy the discipline of the Party. In order to protect the Party from the factional sorties of tho Right deriationists ne must sist on iron disci. pline in the Party and on the unconditional subordination of Party members to this discipline. Without that there can be no question of waging 8 serious fight against the Right deviations. That 13 by the delegation of the C.P.S.U/B) introlucech to Bakharin's theses an amendment to this effect, and this amendment tas subsequently adopted by the Sixth Congress Thus, we see that the Communist parties from outside the Soviet Union Kere reduced by 1999 to the status of "pour relations" whom the C.P.S.VIB) bad not only to lead, but also to discipline. The rise of Fascism-Xazism and the defeat of the Spanish "rerolution" forced most of Europe's leading communists to become refugeee in Moscow and they bore the full brunt of Stalin's purges which broke opt i 1937-18. About ninety percent of the leading foreign communista normally resident in Moscos as members of the Executive Committee of the Communist International, as political refugees, were either executed as *spres, saboteurs, wreckers, class enemies, mad dogs and deristionists" of some sort of azuther, or disappeared without trace. And the Consintern became an instrument of the Sorict Government, especially the Commissariate for Foreign Affairs and Defence Tbus degeneration of the Cabiatern sag accompanied, of caused, by the transformation of the Soviet Union from Ibid. page 245 Moscow, 1947.

·(IX tho base of "international proletarian rerolution" into a militarist and imperialist state which signed a secret protocol with Hitler in 1939 for annexations of territory in Europe and acquisition of a colonial Empire in Asia, and which later erected the secret Yalta Agreement for annex. ations in the Far East, as its pound of flesh in exchange for a promise of war against Japan (which, of course, Russia never fought). The outcome was what Sri R. Swarup states in his RUSSIAN IMPERIALISI:- "To start with, in its expansive days, world communism cast Russia in its own image. But very soon this Russia acquired her own ambitions, shape and impulsion under the leadership of Stalin. Now tlus Stalinist Russia in order to perpetuate and expand, in turn, had to create world Communism in her own image. "It will not help anybody to confuse or misunderstand the true relations and the true order of primacy between these two forces Today Russia is not an instruracnt of world revolution, but world communism 19 an instrument of Russian national expansion. This reversal of roles is not a new thing in history. It has happened again and again. The author creates, but very soon that which is created acquires a life, purpose and drive of its own, many times driving the author to do its bidding The cternal Frankenstein “This streamlined super-Imperialism is naging a two-front war' one internally in individual coun. tries through the local communista, the other inter. nationally through its own organised muhtary strength. The two are pery well co-ordinated to achiest the same imperialist end."

·V21 That is why the organisation of the Cominform lias been kept secret unlike that of the Comintern which was openi and challenging in pursuance of MATI': sleclaration at the ead of Communist Blanifesto, "The Communists disdain to hide their aims". The world knows only & statement published in Prarda dated the 7th October, 1917 85 under ២ "At the end of September, there took place in Poland & Conference of Information at which participated the following communist parties. Yugoslav C.P. (Cororades Kardelys and Djilas), Bulgarian Workers Party (Comrades Chervenko and Poptomov), Rumanian CP. (Comrades Gheorghrudej anu Ana Pauker); Hungarian C.P. (Comrades Farkar and Deray), Polish Workers Party (Comrades Gomulka and Shine); Bolshevik C.P. of the USSR (Comrade Zhdanor and Malenkov) French C.P. (Duclos and Fajon), Czechoslovakian C.P. (Comrades Slansky and Bachtovansky), Italian C.P. (Comrades Longo and Peale). "A report on the international situation was presented by Zhdanov. A report on the activities coordinating the Communist Parties was presented by Gomulka. On this question, the conference haring in mind the negative phenomena produced by the absence of contact between the parties represented, decided to create an Information Bureau. The task of this office will consist in organising their activities on a basis of mutual agreement." The Zhdanov report is the notorious document which laid the basis of communist aggression ererythere, created civil war3 in Greece, China, Philipines, Indo-China and ·( LXII) Malaya, inspired a communist rerolt in Indonesia and thč Telengana campaign of arson, loot, murder and rape in India. So, obviously, there is no question of the Cominform being only a simple 'Information Bureau' as claimed by Pravda's statement. On the contrary the Cominformi constitutes the most important wheels in the organisation of world conquest by a combination of Russian diplomacy, inilitary night and the Russian afth-columns as represented by the various Communist Parties and the fellon-travelling fronts. An important study of the general Organisation of the cominform was made in 1950 by the "Journal De Genere" based on information from various reliable sources Tho events that have followed since the study was inarle have on the whole confirmed the exactitude of this study. At the head of the Cominform stands the Russian Polit. bureau controlled by Generalissimo Stalın and consisting of 14 members amongst n hom three are most important; (a) Malenkor who directs the organisation of the CP.S.U (B) and alhed communist organisations inside Russia. (b) Boria who controls the Surveillance and Security Services which depend upon the (SSR linistry of Sucurity called U.G.B, and (c) Jolotor mho is the Supreme Comwander of the Cominform in its activities outside Russia. Imongst others, Varshal Vorochilor directs military affairs, Mikoyan the Economic Services and Suslor, propaganda or agitation The departments the Russian Ciosernment and the Cominform are so closely integrated that the Russian departmental head also controls the corresponding Comuform department. According to the above mentioned study the Cominform Bucharest in reseries! 'Headquarters are installed in premises and mclude nearly 1,000 officials It is deurler into fire principal departments - Department No. 1 or Propaganda In 1930 it was under the direction of Elrand koniman of USSR and counted 6j officials on its staff There are ·(LXIII) 1 sub.offices in Vienne as rell as in Prague. This department has suptere control over the resolutionary activities in all countries which are disided into six zones or sub-sections namely ~ Slav States, German States, 3. Latin States, 4. South American States, S. Iberian States, and 6. Colonial States. It is significant that the Anglo-Saxon states are left out in the zonal division The explanation is Leninist Stalinist thesis of "piercing the imperialist chain at its weakest The leaders of the Third International wrote prophetj. cally in July 1920 in their reply to the Independent Labour l'arty of Britaig: "It is probable that upon the throwing off of the chains of the capitalist governments, the revolutionary proletariat of Europe wall meet the resis. tance of Anglo-Saxon capitalism in the persons of British and American capitalists who will attempt to blockade it. It is then possible that the revo lotionary proletariat of Earope will rise in union with peoples of the East and commence a revolu. tionary struggle, the scene of which will be the entire world, to deal a final blow to British and American capitalism."" Department No. 2 of Economy and Finance: In 1930, its head was Rudolf Slansky of USSR, and this department is especially entrusted with the task of co. ordination, that 19 to say, the ailoting of funds receired! from Sfoscor and other communist states for strikes, Tho Tutt, July 30, 1990.

·( LXIV ) sabotage and other help to various Communist Parties. A new political section under this department has been established in Prague and is called the Economic Bureau or E.K.O.U. . Department No. 3 or Political Department: It is perhaps tho most important department of all and in 1950 it had 150 officials directly under Mikhail Suslor member of the Russian Politburcau. Its four most important sections are: a) Supervision, which directs the activities of the dip. lomats and secret agents in all non-communist countries, acting through Russian and Satellite Embassies and Legations. It also controls the personal attitude of the Communist leaders in all countries and establishes black lists in view of a war or for liquidating the opponents and undesi. rables. b) Infiltration, whose supreme task is to set up commu. rist cells in all trade unions, c) Youth, which controls the various youth and pioneer morements in the universities, amongat the peasants and the working classes. The World Federation of Democratic Youth is directly under this section. d) Desinform, or Section of Religious Affairs is mainly concerned with the Christian religion and directs tho acti. vitics of various Red priests and patriarchs, Department No.4 or Bureau of Information and Enquiry- In 1950 it had 50 officials working under Russian specialists in research, technical studies, documentary publicn. tions and compilation of se ret records. This Department works in direct collaboration with Department No. , described below and with the Scerct Services of Red Army. Department No. 5 or Military Bureau- In 1950 it was headed by USSR General Kironor tho tras dependent upon USSR General Korepack who in turn ·was subordinate to the Russian General Staff. Employing about 350 officiale it is disided into several sections e.g. Air, Armour, Artillery, Propaganda, International Brigades and Partisans. It is this department which is concerned with the setting ap of rarious 'Liberation Armies and des potek of 'f'olunteers' of thich tre base bad a classic exam. ple in Korea. According to the Communist Journal of Economic Quesa tions of the Cominforms, the Communist Parties of the world had 23 million registered members in 1930 of which more than half are in non-communist countries. But we shall repeat that the number of members tegistered in a Communists Party is far from representing the true number of communsts in a particular non-communiat country, for there exists a large nukber of secret communists As well as fellow travellers who work and rate for communists but who are not registered with the party. For instante, ecconiling to Edgar Hoover, Head of the FBI in the United States of America, although the American Communist Party numbers 54,000 registered werabers only, there are about $10,000 active communists in the U.S.A. Here we shall also like to discuss the very important question of financing tbesc orld-wide communist fifth-co yrans of Soviet Hussis, as it necessitates & budget of expenses nearly equal to that of & shooting ner. Naturally the greater part of the finances is provided by the State Budgets of the communist states headed by the USSR. These funds are transmitted to foreign countries through the embassies and legations of the USSP. and satellite nations. For this purpose, the USSR has declared a mbole series of organisations such as the Tass Agency and the Russian Cultural Organisations abroad as 'State Organigationa' having no connection with diplomacy bat enjoying a pseudo-diplomatic status. The origin of these funds 19 manlold and complex because of the fact tuat they are allotted for very deferent ·( LXY ) designs in different areas and must remain absolutely secret. We gire below some of the methods of raising and transmitting these funds (a) From commerce of the USSR and of the satellite slales, There exist caninieicial agreements and commercial transactions between the non-communist countries and nations situated behind the Iron-certam. In communist countries all commerce is state controlled so that the Gorernments can easily l are part of the money realised in forcign currencies at the disposal of their diplomatic services abroad for assisting Comunforin activities. Recently our Minister for Commerce declared in the Parlament that 'the Soviet Exhibition in Bombay said sold goods worth 27 lakhs of rupees, and that the money last never been transmitted to Russia * (b) Special organisations trading with a deficit in order to accumulate foreign currencies for the artrone of the Cominform. This type of organisations are represented by the EKO.U or Economic Burcau mentioned above One of the mothods employed for obtaining funile in foreign countries consists in ensuring the sale morth at & 1094, of products crported by the communist countries Czechomlovahia, as the leasling industrial country berund the Iron-cuitain, 18 cbiefly entrusted with this effort, and the Office of EKOLT also cstablished in Prague Accor ling to recentmformation the Czechoslav industries sold in the I must sy of Axis and even in West European countrna, fub mutor cars for ab ut 50,000 crouns apucet while the cost poskee of tho car is 100,000 crowns and the sale price in (serboslovakia iteelf 19 200,000 cm 19 Sunular); Berdue pian BREAKATE 19 soll in Western muntries at Jirka BSC Ben ill", lower than of glass prowlucts hy kasal mulatrics. Sient f the money thue obtained 19 gurA 10 thn Pomimist Party of different countries The exposure in our Pathnment has tegulird in neuediate action by the Ratsiaa Embassy & According to a rescos Tavs separe tho toney has been transmitted, ·V LIVII ) () Voropoly of erporis and imports till the countries situated behind the Iron-curtain is given to communis firms in non-com.nuttist countries. The Italian Government discorered in 1919 that big sums of money bad been banked by the Italian Communist Party oping to the fact that the Cominform had given the monopoly for imports and exports with Russia and the Satelutes to a certain number of Italian communist firms. These firms are directed by men chosen by the Communist Party and assisted by technicians coming mostly from Central Europe. It was ons when Fi325 were asked for a Rome from these different technicians' that the Italian Government realise what was really happening. Similar methods are employed by the Comidform in every pan-communist country (d) Gold transactions According to all reliable sources, Soriet Russia is the second biggest gold productos country and possesses gold teserves mich, including those of Satellite governments in Europe and Asia, amount to about 8 billion dollars. This production and the reserves are made 290 of by the Soviet Government to achuere therr political aims in non-communist countries Russia negotiates part of ner gold production in the international market so as to obtain local curencies for Spanning the Communist Parties. According to official estimates the volume of Soviet gold transactions in the Year and Far East is about 100 million dollars per year, while a considerable mass of gold 13 staoggled and altogether escapes official control. The clandestine circulation of Soriet gold generally goes through longkong, Bombay, Syria, Lebanon, Israel and Alexandria, Controlled and financed in this way and ideologically committed to "defence of the Soviet Union against capitalist attacks and to "success of the socialist construc. tion in the only fatherland of the world-proletariat", the Communist Parties outside the Iron-curtain base long teased to be political associations and have become, in the ·( LIVI) designs in different areas and must remain absolutely secret. We gire below some of thc methods of raising and transmitting tnesc funds (a) From rommerce of the l'SSR and of the satellite states. There exist conimercial Bgreements and commercial transactions betireen the non-communist countries and nations situated behind the Iron-certain. In communist countries all commerce 18 state controlled so that the Governments can easily i are part of the money realised in foreign currencies at the disposal of their diplomatic Bertices abroad for assisting Commfurm activities. Recently our Minister for Commerce declared in the Parlament that the Soviet Exhibition in Bombay fiad sold goods srorth 27 lakhs of rupees, and that the moner hall never been transmitted to Russia (b) Special organisation, trading with a deficit in order to accumulate foreign currencies for the actions of the Cominform. This type of organisations are represented by the E.K OU or Economic Bureau mentioned above. One of the methods employer for obtaining funile m foreign countries consists in ensuring the sale znostly at a loga, of prarlucts exported by the communist countries (rechostas akia, as the leading industrial country behind the Iron-curtain, 18 chiefly catrusted with this effort, and the Office of EKO U N also established in Prague Accor long to rerint information the Czechoglav industries sold in the crunt of Asia and even in West European countries free motor cars for ab.ut 50,000 crowns apiere while thr (of price of the car is 100,000 crowns and the sale price » (rechoslovakia ataelf 13 200,000 cron 14. Smarts Heaks man glassware is soki in Western countries at puterey mum 10", low or than of glass products bs loxal edustries frest of the money thue obtainedl 14 giren to the fimmmmw Pusting of Different countries Tho syposure is our Parliament has resulted in murdair artim by the Russian Embassy & according to a stient Tasy report tbo mocy has been tratanisted.

·( LXIX) "So, we see that imperialism, monopoly.capi. talism, fascism or democracy are not definito things or given quantities but highly changeablo phenomena determined purely by temporary needs of Russian foreign policy. There are no socialists, communists, capitalists, democrats, fascists, impe. malsts, nationalsts, bourgeoisie, proletariat, trothful men or scoundrels, but Russian nceds make them 80," The nearest parallel is the international MAFIA which, starting as a peasant revolt against landlord oppression in Sicily, is not organised as a gangster racket smuggling drugs, contraband arms and unauthorised gold; carrying & world-wide traffic in women and supervising armed robberies, murders and every other conceivable crime in leading cities of the world. IX With the degeneration of the Comintern alas Comin. form into an instrument of Russian imperialist expansion, the plan of "World Rerolution" has also undergone a revision. Soviet Russia 18 no more interested in Communist resolations in far-off cogntres where the Communist Parties my slip out of her stranglebold and start an independent Endeavour. The Communist Parties of the world can, therefore, be divided into two sections, a) those which are Active in countries on t.e borders of Stalin's Empire in Europe and Asia and b) those ottà whom no territorial link ensts. The l'arties in the first category are directed to set up "Liberation Armies” equipped wità Russian arms and guided by Russian adeisers. One such "Liberation Army" has alrcady conquered China, another net & debacle in Korea, uo'l yet others Bre engaged in Indo-Ching, Malaya an) Burma. India, Nepal and Persia are also thought to be mature for "Liberation Armics." The "Liberation Army" ·buyu fullest sense, criminal conspiracies for spying, sabotage, infiltration and softening inside non-communist countries in anticipation of eventual military conquest by Imperialist Russia. We shall conclude this section by another quotation from Sri R. Swarup's RUSSIAN IMPERIALISME: "Communism elsewhere, as a branch of coni. munism in Russir, suffered a deterioration unknown in history Colonial and socialist struggles in the hands of the communist parties lost their indegenous coaracter and became counters in the chess-game of Russian foreign policy. When sho entered an alliance with France against Germany, the communist leaders in French colonies were told to stop believing and preaching that Franco Tras an imperialist country When she entered into an alliance with Germany against the whole world, the communists every where were told to stop believing that Germany was a Fascist country, and, instead, begın preuching that the rest of the nations were fascista, “Then, as a direct result of Soviet-Nazi Pact, Hitler felt encouraged to mrade France and France fell, the French Communist parts would not eren mention Hitler or (iermany, but coplained the wholo affais as an invasion of “foreign imperialism". They contributed in French reakness and consequent defeat by organising strikes in key Tror-industries. “Later on when Hitler turned on Russia and America became an ally, Hrossider, the communist Icader of America contemptuously dismissed thord who talked of Amecican monopoly-capitalism and trelcoming it said, 'Capital has a perfect nght to The American communsata dissolved their party to allay the suspicions of thic Amercon public. monopolics itself.' 3 ·(LXX) been adopted, partly because the Communist Party of India was threatened with collapse and disintegration as a result of the Ranadire line forced upon them by the Co. minfarna in pre-Kores period of general offensive in Asia and saw a great opportunity in the general elections of 1931; but mainly, becausc Stalin's schedule in Asia was rudely disturbed by the debacle in Korea and Stalia vedie India as a temporary ally or, at least, as a neutrai quan. tity in the international balance of pover. Wboerer else may be confused, the Communist Party is completely clear about its future course. In their Statement of policy publi. Bhed on the eve of general elections, they say -- "There are a large number of people who think that this Government can be replaced by a Peoples' Democratic Government by utilizing tho Parlament ushered in by the new Constitution. Such feelings are encouraged and fed not only by this Government and the vested interests but even by the right-wing Socialsts, who preach that the very fact of a strong opposition Party on the Par- 114 poentary Boor will shake the Government and make it topple down. "History, enlightened for us by Mars, Engels, Lenin and Stalin, places before us its rast experi. mce, arising out of struggles which have led the kalf of humanity to Socialism, freedom and real denocracy, at the head of which stands the Sovjet Union and in which the great Chinese and Peoples' Democracies jou hands. Thug our main road 19 Blready charted out for 99." What is that main rozd? We should read Slaa Ise Tung's massage to the "Indian people" in 1919, tto years alter e schiered independence. Stala's satrap in China said. "The Indian people are one of the great Asian nationalities with a long history and a rast popu- ·( L ) must be raised in provinces or zones directis linked with Stalin's Empire so that communication, help and control may be feasible, and the hard core my cscape into saſo territory if the enemy attempts an encirclement and offerte sive. That was the reason why the Chinese Reds marched 0000 miles from the heart of China and established them selves on the Northern Bordurs contiguous with Soviet territory. That was why Russia organised the 1945 Commu. nist rerolt in Azerbaijan province of Persia. The Burmese, the Malayan anri Vret-Jim Communists harc direct links with Red Chma In Nepal, the "Liberation" would start from borders of Tibet, where a "Liberam tion Army" of Nepalese Communists and adventures us being actively organised In India, it would be a great mistake to attach too much importance to Telengana whero the Communists have acquired a strangleholl. Of course, Telengana would be fully ex pluster for a behind-the-enemylines guerrilla warfare The ideal setting for India a 'Liberetion Arniy's Kashmir, Hmarchal Prarlesh and portions of East Punjab That is the meaning of Kashmir's latest bid for special status and the communist support for Sheikh Abdulla s stand. The Kashmir Yational Confernice is for all practical purposes a ('ommunnt organisntion with most of its leaders being secret or overt Communiste. A second "Liberation Irmy for India wall be raised in tho North East. Bhulan and Nikkım are tipe to fall into the Communist fap at any time The North Bengal districts, predominantly Gurkhe inhabitet, arc aisu excellent ground for Communist activity. And the provme of lysane, with its floods, famines, Xagas and other bill tribes and because of her direct contiguity sita Communist China & Xorida Burma, is going to be the central pirat of this Sortia Eng. tern "Liberation Army" which would link op uith its North-Western counterpart ria Vepal. The presant policy of the Communist Party of India an application of the tactics of retreat. This policy has ·(LXXII) There is a secondary centre called the Supreme Commu. nist Council having its seat in Hongkong. The activity of the Supreme Council is entirely directed by the Chineso and its membership is composed of 6 National Committees for activities in Indo-China, Siam Burma, Malaya, Indo nesia and the Philippines, each including 5 directing mem. hers, Its task is to organise the Chinese populations in these different countries and secret communists are given a trai. ning course in Hongkong, before they hecome acters in their respective countries. There are centres of advanced action in Jandalay, in Bangkok and near the Chino-V'et Blinh frontier, the exact location of which is still unknown. It is the responsibility of the Cainese to raise guerrilla forces called "liberation armies" such as are already active in Indo-China, Malaya and Burma. These liberation arties are reinforced with men and supplied with arms by Communist China who has a common frontier with Indo-China, Siam and Burma and also Malays through Red-infested areas of North Burma. The entire activities of these Cominform centres are andler Russian direction. The main centre for Soviet political action is, of course, the Embassy of the USSR in Peking, but an advance centre for South East Asia is established in the Embassy of USSR at Bangkok which gives instructions to Communist Parties and distributes arms throughout the states of South East Asia as far as the Philippines. The Soviet political action is backed by mitary preparations which Soviet Tukestan arms and the Far East Army arp to play a very strategid role. The Turkestan Army with its headquarters at Tashkent is mtrusted with operations towards Intlz, Sinkiang and Tibet (the last two of which have already passed behind the Iron-Curtain). The Far East Army with its headquarters in Vladivostok x entrusted sth operations towards Burma, Malaya and Indo-China across South China, ·(LXXII) lation; the country's fate in the past and her path in the future are similer to those of China in many respects. "Like free China, a free India will one day emerge in the world as a member of the Socialist and democratic peoples' famıly. That day will end the imperialist reactionary era in the history of mankind." 1. (R Palmo Dutt. The laten Elcctione, Pane & People's l'uhti. . (Progratom of the Communist Party of India Page, aling House Ltd, Bombas. Jarch 1932). The response of the Indian Communist Party is equally warm and optimistic "India is the last biggest dependent semi. colonial country in Asia still left for the cnslarers to rob and exploit. But the Communist Party belieres that India too will soon take its place in the great nations of the worlu as a victorious Peoples' Democracy and take the road of peace, prosperity and happiness Hero it would be of interest to give more specific attention to the Cominform Organisation in feia, because tho remaining non-Communist countries of South East Asia such as Indo-China, Thailand, Burma, Malaya and India are on the schedule of immediate conquest The military and political support which China has undertaken to give Moscow for the conquest of South East .3-in as an important factor in the whole design The main centre, there forc, is the Bureau of the World Federation of Trade Unions for Asia and Australia Retthet in Peking since Yosember, 1919, following the congress of World Federation of Trade Unions. During the congress the orders for the conquest of Southern Asia were given to the different sections of the Ceminform concerner! October 1951).

·( LXXII) There is a secondary centre called the Supreme Coranu. nixt Council having its seat in Hongkong. The activity of the Supreme Council is entirely directed by the Chinese and its membership is composed of 6 National Committees for activities in Indo-China, Stein Burma, 3(alaya, Indonesia and the Philippines, each including a directing members. Its task is to organise the Chinese populations in these different countries and secret communista are giren a traimag course in Hongkong, before they become active in their respective countring. There are centres of advanced action in Mandalay, in Bangkok and near the Chino-Viet Minh frontier, the exact location of which is still unknon). It is the responsibility of the Chinese to raise guerrilla, forces called "liberation armies" such as are already active in lado-China, Malaya and Barw&. These liberation armies are reinforced vita men and supplied with arms by Communist China who has a common frontier with Indo-China, Siam and Burma and also Malaya through Red-infested areas of North Burma. The entire activities of these Cominform centres are unler Eussian direction. The main centre for Soviet pole tical action is, of course, the Embassy of the USSR in Peking, but an adsance centre for South East Asia is tablished in the Embassy of USSR at Bangkok which fire structions to Communist Partie, and distributes arme throughout the states of South East Asia as far as the lulippines. The Soviet political action is backed by mustary preparations 1. ssbuch Sariet Turkestan army and the Far East Army are to play a very strategic role, The Turkestan Army with its headquarters at Tashkent is trustad mth operations to anls Isdia, Sinkiang and Tihet (the last tio of skiet have already passed behind the fron-Curtain). The Far East Arms with its headquarters in Valırontok 19 entrated sth operations towards Barma, Halss 4 ani Indo-China across South China, ·consider it nl-penerule that a lire har bruld be | LXXIV ) The effectire integration of these conquests already made and to be made in lue course, presents the USSR with serious problems of communications The Government of the USSR has, therefore, undertaken considerable work on the Trans-Siberian Railuay shich has now become, in the greater part, a double trará rail-roari, Yerertheless this Railway does not suffice and is ton słon to ensure efficient commercial and mihtarı communications over these vast areas. The Soviet Government hals, therefore, developed the rast seronautical meant 101 called Aerofloat Its net-work covers more than 200 kilometers and includes about 100 air fields or lanılıny puts with others under construction The number { pkzan emplaced in this network is very consulerable, asul, à natter of fact, the greater part of the annual meet alltaft production of approximately 20,000 plantes in ***s allotter! to the Aerofoat This network Pungi 3111c Ocean and corers Persia, Afganı-tan 33} thubcule of l'atrul Age, China and Wristh his From the political punt of sº, the front network assures the lason between all the people coutima. nist block and carries mantinunuli thond ist zubitscal agents and issues agitatus fon 31 trungwrtert for propagandla actions in the 1. ' Burma ete , re uell 24 innumeracolo inters for link 3.8194 she are forn acroet Silxeria to all tle - l'ins commercial past sof 19, st *»5??!! Bye P3 17safe use of sold and funds as well as that suf all hus of 15 si bunsrede mind machinery From the military penint efsu, the fatt piless as his shu Acroflaat is equally impurtant The Sankt lish (sessed forceros that in war time the Buwan armu Asia rould hast ts 119.1 poulentis, 144h (if on different rustria! Int l'antan, Ir ng atel but the t. !!!44, ·( LIK) maintained between these armies and that they should be assured of being Well-supplied. To this end, experiments are being continuously carried out throughout Aerofloat" network. Various types of plades are tried and a considlerable nunber of pilots are trained for long-distance flights. In peace times tho Aeroloat network serves the purpose of domuinating the satellite countries such 88 Chian, North Korea and Tibet This readinesa for and preparation of armed struggle, however, does not mean that Communists would 0199 an opportunity to steze poner lg parliamentary methods and united front tactics, should such an opportunity exist anywhere. But aboution of parliaments and hquidation of non-communist parties 13 absolutely inevitable, is a minimnum programme of all Communist Parties. The history of East European Peoples' Democracies" is replete with these trojan-horse methods. The Communist parties were practically non-existent in most of these countries, but the Russ. ian Occupation forces brought Communist 'leaders' of each nationality from their bideout in SloScor and imposed them on each government Invariably, the Communists claimed and obtained Klinistries of Interior and War so as to transform the Police and the army everywhere into ing truments of the eventual the Communust coup. Then follo wed the liquidation of Peasant and Socialist leaders in every coalition and a forced merger of Peasant and Socialist parties with the Communist parties. And in this say, there "Peoples Democracies" became dictatorships of the Com. munists over the people. The same pattern would be follo tedd whenever the other parties are not omformed and rigs. lant and walk into the Communist trap of United Front, Coalition Cesemment and Common Trogramme. Equails ineritable 19 the liquidalrm of local Commonists by the Russian M.D. after these Communists kase liquidated all other parties inside their countries and acqui- ·(LXXIV) The effective integration of these conquests alrcads made and to be made in due course, presents the USSR with serious problems of communications The Government of the USSR has, therefore, unclertaken considerable work on the Trans-Siberian Railway ubuch has non becomc, in the grenter part, s dlouble track rail-roart. Yovertheless this Railway does not suffice and is too slos to ensure efficient coramercial and multary communications orer these vast areas. The Soviet Governinent hax, therefore, dercloped the vast aeronautical organisation called Aerofloat Its net-work covers more than 82,000 kilometers and includes about 100 air fields or landling meds with others under construction. The number of planes employed in this network is very consulerable, and, in a matter of fact, the greater part of the annual Novat aireraft prouduction of approximately 20,000 planes 104 allotted to tho Aeroiost. This net werk runs along the dictic Ocean and covers Persin, Afganistan and then hole «of Central Asia, China and Worth horse From the political point of view, the lernfloat network 2.99ures the liason between all the countrzne sf the communist block and carries continuously thousands of political agents and clian agitators uho Arr tranportal for propaganda actions in the Maldle East. India, Pakistan, Barma etc., as well as innumerable urilan technicians who are flown acrosy Siberia to all the Far East From the commercial point of uits, it assures the transport of gold and funds as well as that of all kinds of merchandise ani! machinery, From the military point of sies, thir prart played by the Acroflot is equally important. The sont lligh Commonsi foresecs that in var time the klienian armies in Europe and Asia would hase to act independently, each one Iraning on different industrial areas; but thirs, nevertheless, consider it indispensable that & close bacon should tus ·| LÄIN) maintained Letkeen these armies and that they should be Basurel of being trell-supplied. To this end, experiments are being contingously curried out throughout Aerofloat network, Various types of planes are tried and a consile rable number of plota are trained for long-listance flights. In peace times the aerofoat betwork serves the purposc of dominating the satellite countries such as China, North Korea and Tibet. This readiness for and preparation of armed struggle, however, does not mean that Communists would miss an opportunity to steze porer by parliamentary methods and united front tactics, shoul-t such an opportunity exist any. «here. But abolition of parliaments and liquidation of non-communist parties is absolutely inevitable, is a mini. inum programme of all Communist Parties. The history of Eurt European Peoples' Democracies" 13 replete with these trojan-borse methods The Communist parties were practically non-existent in most of tbege countries, but the Pusg. ian orcupation forces brought Communist leaders of each nationality from their hideout in Moscow and imponer] them on each government Invariably, the Communists claimeri age obtained Jlinistries of Interior and War 50 29 to transform the Police and the Army everywhere into ins. truments of the eventual the Communist coup. Then follo- Pred the liquidation of Peasant and Socialst leaders in every Coalition and a forced merger of Peasant and Socialist parties with the Communist parties. And in this way, these "Peoples' Democracies" became dictatorships of the Comrauniets over the people The same pattem would be follo wel klicness the other parties are not informed and vigilant and walk into the Communist trap of United Front, Coalition Government and Common Programme, Equally levitable is the fiquidatı of total Commy. nists by the Russian I.Y D. after these Communists here liquidated all other parties inside their countries and acqui ·( Lxxvij red dictatorial porers, The old Stalınıst method of discorcring deviations and forcing confessions is employed for eliminating local communists who are suspected of natio. nalism and patriotism at who show resistence to Russian exploitation Laszlo Rajk of Hungary. Gomułka of Poland, Traicho Kostor of Bulgarıı, Rudolf Slansky and Clementee of Czechoslorakut an! Ana Pauker of Rumania, all veteran Communist leaders af 111.111 years' stadın have een washed down the drain of Stalin' 'revolution and Kardely alons per the VID) torture chambers And the Chinese luuleen are on the waiting list 18r. The parties in the speed any, that, those in countries not directly knbed with stalins Empire are used not for creating a resolutum lut av splomatic countries ghts, for sabotage, spins and other purpx131's of the cokl In a work was, these parties will fight for Stalin in. side their own countries and stal ciety natronal defence in the back. Thus, for installe", the t'immunist Parties in France and Italy are azulele was apturin purt or inimiin. tely, but Stahn knoms that the three sesolutis null become independent or low imine lately to a world war, which he dorg not want brfuri har has thered the entire Landmass of Europe and fun 13pxdur bu hecl, hy prancenel methods. So the French Al Shaban Communista leal abortive strikes and ant. Imetletud pins In th14 sense, st can be 33.12 stalen hem 34481 ss pelsen goal of world revolution But lus al tf world Eenpera has crept into its place 1903 the langulum rumentalis ties usel in erthrr tant art the same ·torship of the proletariat" as established in Russia, has, at least, abolished classes, exploitation and social injustiec and ensured food, clothing, education and employment for everyboly. We shold be prepared, they will argue, for all this treachery and travail, because the end result is 80 magnificent. This is, however, a question of facts and figures which are available in plenty for anyone sho cares to know. No one need go to 'bourgeois', 'imperialist' "American' or 'British' publications to know the truth about Russia. The entire picture can be buuit up by a close study and scrutiny of Moscow publications If "gotia. lism" and "communigm" at all mean an equalitarian and propcrous society, Stalin's Russia 13 as remote from them as the primitive gorrilla from Dr. Einstein Stripped of shibboleths and dragged out of our "left" intellectuals' guit complex, the reality of Stalin's Commuum compares very favourably with the reality of Nazism- Fascism. An unbriddled dictatorship, & monolithic party machine, extensive secret police, vast concentration camps, an economy planned for and geared to total war, a falling standard of living, 4 mage hystería engendered by monopoly control of propaganda weapons, a calculated destruction of men's minds, an enquenchable thurst for worldempire, the far fang fifth.columns from top to bottom they are the same phenomena. A proof positive of their identical spiritual content is the ease with which Yazi. Fascists and Stalinısts have slipped into one another's onuform in both Italy and Germany, In Stalin's Russia, clasa privilege has attained anprecedented proportions. On the one hand she fannt, the courtier class, consisting of Party, Police and Army bosses, propagandists and technicians who live w luxurious apart. ments, holiday in magnificent country houses, more about ta streamlined limousines, pat and dnnk choiccat-food and wines and those wires frequent beauty saloops and jent.

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·LXXVII) torship of the proletariat" as established in Russia, has, at least, abolished classes, exploitation and social injustice and ensured food, clothing, education and exaployzaent for everybody. We shold be prepared, they will argue, for all this treachery and travail, because the end result is so magnificent. This is, however, a question of facts and figures which are asailable in plenty for anyone bo cares to know. No one need go to 'bourgeois, 'imperialist' 'American' or 'British' publications to know the truth about Russia. The entire picture can be built up by a closc study and scrutiny of Moscow publications If "socia. lismand "communica" at all mean an equalitarian and prosperous society, Stalin's Russia 13 as remote from them as the primitive garnlla from Dr. Einstein 1 Stripped of shibboleths and dragged out of our "left" intellectuals' guilt complex, the reality of Stalin's Commu. niam compares very favourably with the reality of Nazism- Fascisza. Ad unbriddled dictatorship, a monolithic party machine, extensive secret police, vast concentration camps, en economy planned for and geared to total srar, a falling standard of living, a mass hysteria engendered by mono. poly control of propaganda weapons, a calculated destraction of men's minds, an inquenchable thirst for worldempire, the far Qung fifth-columns --Trom top to bottom they are the same phenomena. A proof positive of their identical spiritual content is the ease with which Nazi- Fascists and Stalinists have slipped into one another's uniforma in both Italy and Germany in Stalin's Russia, claus prisilege has attained unprecedente proportions. On the one hand she flaunts the courtier class, consisting of Party, Police and army bosses, propagandists and technicians who live in lujurious apartments, holiday in magnificent country houses, more about in streamlinel limousines, eat and annk choiceat food and wines and based nires frequent beauty saloons and jewe.

·( LXTİ) red dictatonal power. The old Stalinist method of discorts ring deriations and forcins confessions 3s emplored for eliminating local en muniata tho rare suspected of natio. nalism and patriousna ur who shon resistent to Rossian exploitation Laszlo Pulk of Hungary Gomulka of Poland, Traicho kostor of Bulat. Rudolf Stanskr and Cleme tes of Czechoslorakia ant. n Pauker of Rumawa, *! retero communis leaders at any reass stadında hare been washed donne drain of Stalin - re plution Tito and Kardelj alone in the hell torture chambers Ind the Chines, lealers are col the waiting list The firties in the fute is that is, those is countries not directly link : Wibal - Empire are used not for creating A toron???: iplomatie counterter. ghts, for sabotave, jms .1?? tfit7 purpurses of the mold war. In a world mar, then pudies mll fight for Stalin in. side their own countries and siab asers national defence in the back Thus, for in-!!!! ibe Communist Parties in France and Italy are upande fapturin puter immedia. tely, but Stalin knotte ih arthes. rrrolutions would become independent et lest 12e 1.41 149 world war which he does not want het me be an .47 here the ensire landmass of Europe ani fa un iert, Deel hy pa rareal methods. So the French 832 Italian Comniunists lord abartire strikes and anti-ne campsins In this sense, it can be and har sialın hu : 191 up the roal of world recalution Bu hoe 2091 of merid Empire has cirpt into 11 place uni the language an) instrumental ties used in either see all the 9021 Quite a few puple would nothinz Wrong IB Stalna strates and tactics because ther hehere that she reg.

·I LEXU) torship of the proletariat" as established in Russia, bas, at least, abolished classes, exploitation and social injustice and ensutred food, clothing, education and employment for evers holy. Pe shold be prepared, they will argue, for all this treachery and travail, because the end result is so magnificent. This is, kanerer, a question of facts and figures which are available in plenty for anyone who cases to knox. No one need go to 'bourgeois', 'imperialist' 'American' or 'British publications to know the truth about Ru888. The entire picture can be built up by a close study and scrutiny of 309Cow publications. If "socia. from" and "communism" at all mean an equalitarian and prosperous sovety, Stalin's Russia is as remote from thern the primitive gorrila from Einstein Simpped of shbboleths and dragged out of our "left" intellectuals' gult comples, the reality of Stalin's Communism corapares very favourably with the reality of Nazisan- Fasciam. An unbruddled dictatorship, a monolithic party machine, extensive decret police, vast concentration camps, an economy planted for and gearpt to total war, a falling standard of living, & mass hysteria engenderet by mono poly control of propaganda weapons, a calculated destru. ction of men's made, an unquenchable thirst for world. empire, the far Qung fifth-columns from top to bottom they are the same phenomena. A proof positive of their ideatical spiritual content is the ease #ath which Yazi- Fascuts and Stalinists hare slipped into one another unitaria in both Italy and Gerusny. in Stalin's Russia, class privilege has attained unprece. dental proportions. On the one hand she flaunts the courtier clase, conusting of Party, Poute And Arros bosses, propagandists and techstielans who live in kaxurious apart. ments, holiday in magnificent country houses, more about la streamlinel limouynes, eat and drink choicest food and wines and whose sises frequent beauty salone and jere- ·( LIXVIII) Hery shops m every capital city of the world. On the other hand, she has to hide the vast masses of pluperised proletariat an pasantry who are underfed, underclad and miserably horised, bo slare without respite, without hope, but who have lost the right to complaısı as they could under the most pose despot and who have to pretend hefore foreign visitor that !» Stalin 8 grace, they enjoy an abundance of material welfare usih 130nnanywhere in the benıghted bourgeois such In Stalin s Russia, ten to fifteen percent of the popula. tion consisting of the privileged classes consumes more than fifty percent of the national promi', a super-capitalist State exacts ultra-surplus value from proletariana and peasants who have not acquired the means of production, but u bo have lost their trade unions, their village VIRS, their right to organise, protest strike and revolt and who have to work on reduceri real wages for longer hours' In Russia, Stalın has planned and porfected an economy of want in which while the production of coal. oil, steel zinc, manganese, tractors and tanks keeps souring up, the supply of food, clothing and shelter continues to decline' As the number of co-operative and state stores and shops increases, their shelves become emptier and emptier and the queues outside them grow longer and longer like erenung shadows! One has to see the wires and daughters of Soviet diplomats and consuls on the eve of their return home, pressing each other inside departmental stores of the borrgeois world, to buy more of susp and tooth pasto as such things are scarce and costly in the Soviet Fatherland! Stalin's Russia is a totalitarian tyranny overhrimming srith ex-cathedra decrees of an unbridled despot, where al freedoms stand irrevocably abolishell, where fundamental human rights are trampled under SIVD's irresistible ·(LYSIS jarkboot, where thero are no parlaments, no opposition parties, no law courts with juries, counsels and publicly known law coles, where the secret police way knock at any door at any hour to temore Whole families into inay. merable Labiankas, where innocent people hare to confess of having committed fantastic crimes, there ghastly purges take toll of thousands every year and where millions find themselves in Siberian slave labour camps, digging gold, felling timber, minng and transporting till feath takes pity on their carcases' In Stalin's Russia, there is place only for court poets, who rhyme and Bing to Stahn's eternal glory, there are painters ant sculptors whose brush and chisel are devoted to bestowing youth and beauty upon ad ugly and aging paymaster; there are norelista, dramatists and cinemadirectors who take orders from the Politbureau, revise and Tcwrite and withdraw their work, confess errors and outdo each other in & maddening orgy of denunciation and chestbeating, there are camprigners of hate who receive peace prizes, there are charlatans whose scientific achievments are paraded in a thouani newspapers and periodicals; there are patriots according to whom nothing was ever insented or escovered by non-Russians and there are party liners according to whom comrade Stalin is the greatest philosopher, xrientist, linguist, poet and artist of all ages' Stalin's Ru8918 19 an imperialist monster who whilo whipping up an hysterical patriotism inland, 19 irrevocably committed to world-cotiquest, who while preaching politi. cal morality, peace and internationa) lay, steals and conquers foreign territory, turning independent nations into satellites, who forcibly remos pe foreign wealth into her corters and foreign nationals into her slate-gangs for digning Volga-Don canals, who destroy the hard.core of nationalism everywhere and impose her home-trained muprots, his imperial colonial trade, h24 forced collectista ·sation and slave labour camps, his language and culture and from whose slavery there remains no escape till luus liearis scotched by some greater power! This mamfold degeneration of the Soviet Union is symbolised in the rise of intense national chauvidism. To gire a few examples PV lyshinsky, a Russian writer, censured internationalism in the following words, in his article "Soviet Patriotisin-The Moring Force of the Dere. lopment of Socialist Society" written Sortskom Sotsialisticheskoni Obsehestvo, published from Moscom in 1948 - 31 "Humanism,--they say is a higher ideal than patriotism The interests of humanity, it is said, are higher and more worthu hile than the interests of one's fatherland. Science is international-they Baywand therefore, it is said, it makes no difference where, when, and in what conntry & scientific discovery or a technical invention was made. In the epoch of developing international relations and connections any discovery, it 18 said, will in the end become the general property of all countries.. "All these discourses' are false sophism, concocted for the hypocritical justification of their lack of ideas, their kleological-political backwardness and ignorance, and of a hardened individualism, of a forgetting of their duty and responsibility before the Soviet people, the Soviet state, and Sonet scirnec This Abstract humanum' and 'internationalium are hes, through and through, which shroud the fact that the 11 orld is divided into two camps : the camp of socialism anni democracy and the carp of decaying, dying capitalism and imperia. Jism. In these conditions, genuine humanise consists ·( LIMU) first of all in care about the socialidt falkerland (the USSR), which alane is the embodiment of the ideale of kumanism, the bulzark of freedom and democracy, the hope of all icading and progressire mankind."* + Another Moscow Magazine, "Literary Gazette dated January 1, 1949 rote as under regarding the "Great Language of our Epock": "Latin 1784 the language of the ancient world and the early Middle Ages. French was the language of the ruling class of the feudal epoch. Engusb became the world language of capitalism. Looking abead into the New Year, into the future, she see the Pussian tongue as the world language of socialism" A dialectical explanation of "Soriet patriotism" is provided by the magazine "Bolshevik" in its isyze dated Yovember 18, 1917 "Sosset patriotizm and national pride are based on the realization of the world-historic Ambicance nf the successes of socialism and of the leading part of this country and her people in the world 21story of mankind. The feeling of Soviet national pride is based on the understanding of the great and unequalled superiority of Soviet culture, ideology, science and morals." As a result, all scientific ' insentions, all geographical discoveries and every bit of pioneer work in the field of science, art, literature, adventure, trarel, sports etc., hste been claimed by the Russians as their own contribution, which the "bourgeois" West has either stolen or copiel. Ind to top the elifice 18 the cult of Stalin, "the leader, father and teacher of the working class of the ► Outilsised ·(LXL) whole world." SOVIET STATE AND LAN, No. 4, 1950 says: "Comrade Stalin is the greatest Blarxist, the greatest Leninist, the brilliant continuer of the great cause of Marx-Engels-Lenin...All the most important questions of scientific socialism, political economy, philosophy, law, governmental, economic, end cultura] construction, military Affairs, literature and art hare received the utmost developwent in the works of Comrade Stalin." As carly as 1st February, 1935 Prarda carried tho speech and photograph of a writer Ardegenko, entitled "Why I Applaud Stahn' Some portions are quoted below "Centuries shall elapse and the communist generations of the future wall deern us tho happiest of all mortals that have inhabited this planet throughout the ages, because it is re who have Been Stalin, the leader, genius, Stalın the sage, the smiling, the kinrlly, the supremely simple Vhen I met Stahn, even at & listance, I throbbed with his forcefulness, his magnetism anni his greatness I wanted to sing, tu shripk, to how? from happiness and exaltation. "Our love, our exotion, our strength, our heart, our heroism, our life--all these are thee, great Stalin' Here tahr them, all thus is thme, chief of grcat fatherland. Dispose of them, thy song, capable of heroe feats in the air, under the earth, on the waters, and in the stratosphere "fen of all times and of all nations shall call by thy game all that is beautiful, strong, wise and ·juretty. Thy name is and shall remain on every factory, every machine, every bit of land, and in the heart of every man "Then my beloved will bear me my child, the first word I shall teach him will be--STALIN "I am not infected with any disease, I am strong, I cherish in my bosom the very finest human feelings: love, desotion, honesty, self- Nacrifice, heroism, disinterestedness--all thanks to thee, great educator Stalın' I write books, I ara & writer, I dream of creating a work which will never be forgotten, I love a girl in a new way, procreate my kind, and it shall be bapny one all thanks to thee, great educator Stalin... 1 "I am bappy, full of joy of living. I ai un- Blakatly bold, I go to sleep sitt greatest Sorrow, I wake up happy, I will lire to be 100 years old, my hair will turn wlute, but I will remain eternally happy and radiant all thanks to thee, great educator Stalin. "I can fly to the moon, travel to the Arctia, incent & sex machine, for my creative energy is not trampled by anybody--all thanks to thee, great educator Stalin.. Songs like the following are written in homage to Stalin 'O preat Stalin, O leader of the peoples, Thou who broughtest man to buth, Thou wiso fructifiest the earth, Thou who restorest the centuries, Thou who makest bloom the spring, ·( LXXIV ) Thou who makest vibrate the musical cords. Thou, splendour of my spring, O Thou, San reflected by millions of hearts...? 'I would have compared him to a white mountain-- but the mountain bas a summit. I would have compared hum to tho depths of the seambut the eca has a bottom. I would have comparod him to the shinning moonbut the moon shines at midnight, not at noon. I would have compared lum to the brilliant sunbut the sun radiates at noon, not at midmght, All this treachery and betrayal does not becomo obrious to the communists outside the Iron Curtain, partis, because a communist only shouts slogans without thinking, distributes literature which he never reads and indulges in dirty, malicious abuse when invited for discussion, but, mainly, because the whole communist indoctrination leads to an acceptance of doublo standards, double-talk, doublethink. The best illustration is communist attitude to var as defined by Lenin "If war jb waged by the exploiting class with the object of strengtheging its class rule, such a Har is a criminal war and defencism in such a rar is & base betrayal of socialism. If war 33 Baged by the proletariat after it has conquered the bourgeoisie in its own country and is maged with 1. Pravda, August 28, 1938, Zaenye Soviet Author' Vaioa Ilonthly) October, 1948 ·( Likxv ) the object of strengthening and extending socialism such a war is legitimate and holy". So the spread of Stalin's slave empire becomes for the communists the spread of "socialism" "proletarianism" and all other slogan-orlds, till they are picked up by the Russiun SIVD at dead of night, tortured and made to confess that they had been Anglo-American spieg, saboteure, wreckers, mad-dogs, cosmopolitans, individualista, hamanists, Titoists, Trotskyites, monarchists, fascists and many other forms of "evil" erer since their mothers concired them. Thus, the police action against Nizam by the Indian Union become an "imperialist" crime, while the rapo of the Repablic of Korea and Tibet sas only "liberation." Thus, the communist leaders in France, Italy and eten far off Australia declared publicity that if Soviet troops enter their countries, the "proletariat" would hear- Lily welcome them But why should the non-communists indulge in cock and bull stories about an imagined communism which Stalin s supposedly trying to achiese? Because some of us do not care to know the truth, because we are intellectually lazy, morally indifferent and spíntually undecided. The pour political illiterates felt outraged at the doinga of Hitler and bus Nazis and thought that Hitler had betrayed them when, an actual fact, the Great Dictator *&* only practising what he sincerely believed, and what he had candidly and honestly stated in his VIIEX KABIPF stars before he camo to power. There is a lesson for us in this precedent If we do not agree with the goal and path or Stalin, let us make up our mind right now and start doing all we can to defeat the communist morement in oor country and the world. If we isolate, espose and defeat Stalin's Efth-solutns masquerading 23 "proletariat" and peopla* unier our nees, in our homes, schools, fields,

·(LXXXVÍ)
factories and prerywhere else, Stalin would have to pause,
ponder and finally give up his goal of World Conquest
in Instalments.
I am deeply grateful to Shri Gouri Shankar Molta for
preparing the Notes which appear at the end of this book
and to Shru D. C Dutt for kis estreme care in reading
the proofs.
SITA RAM GOEL
9, P. K. Tagore Street,
Calcutta,
9.8.52.

·SOVIET EXPANSION SINCE 1939. Territorier Annezed. Area. ($4, Viles) Population. (before annexation). 3,700,000 3,122,000 1,931,000 2,9.37,000 1,187,000 731,000 11,800,000 450.000 63,000 133,000 24,396,000 .. 1. Romanian Provinces 29,087 .. Estonia 18,029 3. Latrik 25,019 * Lithuania 21,878 3. Northern East Prussia 3,323 Eastern Czechoslovakia 4,899 7. Eastern Poland 68,821 8 Finnish Provinces 17,333 9 Fann Turs 63,011 10 Japanese Possessions 17,528 TOTAL 260,186 SATELLITES CONTROLLED. 11. Albania 10,503 Bulgaria 42,167 13 Czechoslovakia 48,2333 14. Fastern Germany 42,243 15 Hungary 35,361 Polant 118,553 32 Rumans 50,190 China 3,683,7 34 Outer Mongolsa G:6,388 Xorth Korea 47,737 TOTAL 4,740,452 TOTAL SOVIET DOMINATED 3,000,638 • Inty 1101 annexel 1,186,000 7,160,000 19,463,000 38,807,000 9,224,100 $4,500,000 16,007,000 450,000,000 2,000,000 9,700,000 550,447,000 374,813,000 SEE JAPIXSIDE (countsses identified by numbers as listel abore)

·(LXXXVI)
factories and overywhere else, Stalin would have to pause',
ponder and finally gire up his goal of World Conquest
in Instalments.
I am deeply grateful to Shri Gouri Shankar Johta for
preparing the Notes which appear at the end of thus book
and to Shri D. C. Dutt for lzus extreme care iu reading
the proofs.
SITA RAM GOEL
9, P. K. Tagore Street,
Calcutta,
9.8.52.

·SOVIET EXPANSION SINCE 1939. Territories Aanexed. Area. Population. (8q. Jules) (hefore annexation). 2. Ramanian Provinces 19,087 3,700,000 .. Catania 18,992 1,129,000 3, Latvia 1,951,000 4, Lithuania 21,178 2,957,000 0. Morthern Enst Prussia 5,323 1,187,000 0. Fautern Czechoslovakia 4,819 731,000 7. Enstern Poland 68,821 11,800,000 * Finnish Prorinces 17,339 450 000 Tannu Turn 63,0411 65,000 10 Japanese Possessions 17,528 433,000 TOTAL . 268,186 24,396,000 SATELLITES CONTROLLED. 11. Albania 10,603 1,180,000 2 Bulgaria 42,107 7,100,000 Czechoslovakia 48,135 22,463,000 14. Eastern Germany 42,243 18,807,000 13 lugars 33,361 9.294,000 101 Tolanil 118,553 24,500,000 17 Rumania 90,190 16,007,000 3. China 3,688,397 +30,000,000 Outer Jongotia 676,388 2,000,000 North Korea 41.737 9,100,000 TOTAL 4,740,432 550,447,000 TOTAL SOVIET DOMINATED : 5,000,638 574,813,000 • Party not annexeyl SEE PIASIDE (countries identified by numbers as Hietal above)

·(LXXXVÍ )
factories and overywhere else, Stalin would have to pause,
ponder and finally give up his goal of World Conquest
in Instalments.
I am deeply grateful to Shri Gouri Shankar Mohta for
preparing the Notes which appear at the end of this book
and to Shri D. C. Dutt for his extreme care in reading
the proofs.
SITA RAM GOEL
O, P. K. Tagore Street,
Calcutta,
9.8.52.

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·1 THEORY From this theme I tako three questions: a) the importance of theory for the proletarian movement, b} criticism of the theory" of spontaneity? ; c) the theory of the proletarian revolution. 1. The importance of theory Some think that Leninism in the precedence of practice over theory in the sense that its main point 19 the translation of the Marxian theses into derels, their "execution", as for theory, s is alleged that Leninism 19 rather unconcerned about it. We know that Plekhanovi time and again (k&feci Lenin about his "unconmm" for theory, and particularly for philosophy. Te alvo know that theory 13 nnt held in great favour by many pirraentalas Leninist practical workers, particularly in srce of the intense amount of prartıcal work imposed mm them by present circumstance I must declare that this more than oud opinion about Lenin and Leninism is que urung and bears no relation whaterer to the truth; that the attempt of practical workers to brush theory a de runs counter to the whole spirit of Leninism and is Traught with serius dangers to the cause Theurs is the experience of the working class movement on all countries taken in its general aspect throts tresomea puruseless if it 19 not connected with rematinntrs piruclier, just as practice gropes in the dark if tik path is not illuminal lig revolutionary theory. But theory can become a tremenlous Torce in the working-class motement if it is built up in insoluble connection with fryolaltanars practier, Int theory, and throry alone, can fire the moment conſulenee, the post of orientation, Of course,

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·for his #7 time in his remarkable work laterialism and Empirio-Criticisms. It is well known that Plekhanor, who losed to shaft Lenin about his "unconcern" for philo- !. sophy, did not eren dare to make a serious attempt to undertake such a task, .. Criticion of the "heory" of spontaneity, or the role of the vanguard in the snortinent. The "theory" of spontaneity is a theory of opportunism, a theory of worshipping the spontaneity of the labour morement, a theory wbich actu-ayfur Ally repulate the lexsling role of the ranguard of the Kitec Morking-class, of the party of the working-class. The theory of sorshipping spontaneity is decidedly opposed to the revolutionary character of the working-cla$ movement, it is opposed to the movement taking the line of strugglo against the foundations of capitalism: it stands for the idca of the morement proceedings exclusively along the line of "realizable" degiands, of densanıls "acceptable." to capitalism; it stands entirely for the line of least resistance." The theory of spontanesty is the ideology of trarla unionim The theory of worshipping spontaneity is decidedly 017el to lending the spontaneous morement consciou, neyse on system. It is opposed to the idea of the Party mas. chung at the head of the working-class, ofthe Party raising the masons to the level of cosieciousnees, of the Party lrading the morement, it stands for the idea that the conscious elements of the morement must not hinder the morement frota faling its own course, it stands for the idea that the Puty is only to heed the spontaneous movement and follow in its tail. The theory of spontaneity is the theory of behitiling the role of the conscious element in the moment, the vicolony of threstismi"-tie logical basis of all opportunium. . Int practice this theory, which appeared on the scche eren before the first templufion in Russia, learl its adherents, the talic! "Economists," to sleny the need for an ·. and an understanding of the inner relation of current events; for it, and it alone, can help practice to discern not only how and in which direction classes are moring at the present time, but also how and in which direction they will move in the near future. None other than Lenin uttered and repeated scores of times the well-known thesis that "Tithout a revolutionary theory there can be no retolu. tionary -novement *** (Vol. IV, p. 380,} Lenin, better than anyone else, understood the great importance of theory, particularly for a Party such as ours, in view of the role of vanguard fighter of the international proletariat which has fallen to its lot, and in view of the "complicated internal and international situation in which it finds itself Foreseeing this special role of our Party as far back as 1902, lie thought it necessary cren then to point out that * The role of ranguard fighter can be fulfilled only by a party that is guided by the most adranced theory." (Vol. IV, p 380) It need hardly be proved that now, when Lenin's prediction about the role of our Party has come true, this thesis of Lenin's acquires particular force and particular importance. Perhaps the most striking cxpression of the great importance which Lenin attached to theory is the fact that none other than Lenin undertook the very serious task of gencralizing, in line with the materialist plulosophy, the most important achievements of sesence from the time of Engels down to his own time, as well as of subjecting to comprehensive criticism the antimaterialistie trendis among Hartists. Engels said that "materialism must assume a near aspect with orery ner great discovery." It is well known that none other than Lenin Accomplisher this task Vy italices, ·for his own time in his remarkable fork Materialism and Empirio-Criticisms. It is well known that Plekhanor, who losed to ghaff Lenin aliout his "unconcern" for paulo .. Rophy, did not even dare to make a serious attempt to undertake such a task. .. Criticien of the "heary" of spontaneity. the role of the munguard in the inorenent. The "theory" of spontaneity 19 a theory of opportunism, a theory of worshipping the spontaneity of the labour morement, a theory which acta-refum ally tepudiates the learling role of the vanguard of the same Morking-class, of the party of the working-class, The theory of worshipping spontaneity is decidedly Open to the resolutionary ebaracter of the working-class movement, it is opposer to the movement taking the line of struggle against the foundations of capitalsmat stands for the eles of the movement proceeding exclusively along the line of "realizablo" demands, oſ derganıls "acceptable" la capitalism; at stands entirely for the line of least resistance." The theory of spontancitas Is the ideology of traite apionism The theory of worlupringspontaneity ix decidedly opment to letuling the spontaneous movement consciousnions and system It is opposed to the idea of the Party marching at the head of the working-class, of the Party raising che masses to the level of consciousnese, of the Parts leadla is the moremont, it stantls for the idea that the conscious plements of the marcment must not hinder the movement from taking its Of counteit stands for the idea that the Furty a only to liced the spontaneous movement and follow in its tail. The theory of spontaneity 19 the theory of Behitting the role of the conscious element in the merencat, The neology of "throstism--the logical basis of all opportun1982). In practice this theory, which appeared on the seede eren before the first resolution in Nussia, list its adherents, the so-called "Economists," to deny the need for ea ·and an understanding of the inncr relation of current events; for it, and it alone, can help practice to discern not only hot and in which direction classes are moring at the present time, but also how and in which direction they will move in the near future. None other than Lenin uttered and repeated scores of times the well-known thesis that: **Ifzthout a revolutionary theory there can be no rerolzlionary norement,'* (Vol. IV, P 380.) Lenin, better than anyone else, understood the great importance of theory, particularly for & Party such as ours, in view of the role of vanguard fighter of the international proletariat which has fallen to its lot, and in view of the complicated internal and international situation in which it finds itself Foreseeing this special role of our Party as far back as 1902, he thought it necessary cven then to point out that The role of ranguard fighter can uz fulfilled only by a party that 18 quided by the mos! adianced theory." (Vol. IV, p. 380) It need hardh be proved that now, when Lenin's prediction about the role of our Party has come true, this thens of Lenin's acquires particular foree and particular importance Perhaps the most striking expression of the great importance which Lenin attached to thicory is the fact that none other than lenin undertook the very serious task of generalızıng, in line with the materialist philosophy, the most important achicrements of science from the time of Engels (lown to lu3 own time, as well as of subjecting to comprehensive criticism the antimaterialistic trends among Jartiste. Engelu said that “materialism must asgunie & new aspect with every nes kreat drecorers.” It 18 kell known that none other thina Lenin accomplished this task ply itals-J.& ·for his or time in his remarkable Fort Variation and Empiris-Criticiens. It is wel koow that Plekkan who lored to star Lenin about his "enconcern" for pilam kophr, did not even dare to make a serious attempt to triertake xosh atask. Criticism of the weny" of spontanity, or the role of the mostyuard in de reteRORE. The "heory" of sprataneity is a theory of opportunism, & theory of worshipping the sportasests of the labost modement, a theory which actory ally repuriated the leading role of the rangaand of the is working.class, of the parts of the working class, The theory of worshipping spontaneity is deciclells oppret to the resolutionary character of the working-class morenent, it B opposed to the corement taking the line of stromale spaust the fouwlations of capitalismit stars for the wea of the mornient processing exclaaisels alon. the line of **realizable demasis, of demanis "acceptable" to caprtalisma, st stands entirely for the "lne ol least resistance The theory of spontaneits ss the veolay of trade usilonzom The throry of worshipping spontaneity 23 decirledly opposite to lepiing the spontaneous morement conscious Desk and Rystem I 15 oppared to the idea of the Party tarching at the heart of the working class, ofthe Parts raisins the masses to the level of consciousness, of the Party lead. in the movement, it stands for the idea that the conscious elements of the movement must not under the movement from taking its own course, it stands for the idea that the Party u only to heel the spontaneour nosemest and follor is its tail The theory of spontaneity is the theory of belasting the role of the conscious element in the movement, La reclats of "htosiim'-the logical basis of all opportunum In practice the theory, dich appeared on the scene eten before the first resolution i Russie, lecl its adberents, ta: so-called "Economis?, to deny the need for an ·independent workers' party in Russia, to oppose the resolu tionary struggle of tho working-class for the overthrow of Tsardom, to preach & purcly trade-unionist policy in the movement, and, in general, to surrender the labour more ple's ment to the hegemony of the liberal bourgeoisie The fight of the old Iskral and the brillant criticism of the theory of “kbrostism” in Lenin's pamphlet ilhat Is To Be Done'? not only smashed so-called Economisnı, but also created the theoretical foundations for a truly revolutionary movement of the Russian u orkug class Without this fight it would have been qmte uscless even to thunk of creating an independent workers' party i Russia and of its playing a leading zart in the revolution But the theory of worlupping spontaneity is not an exclusively Russian phenomenon lt 39 extremely widespread--in a somewhat ifferent form, it is true-n all the parties of the Second International, without exception I havo in mund the 503-called "prelustive forces theory? debasech by the leartery of the Strand International theory that justifius purithms and conchiates everybody, that record, facts anal plainly ihein unls after everyone has becomo sick and tired of them, ami, having recorded them, rests content Maix axl that the materialist theory could not conana itself to explamıy the world, that it must also change it But Kautsko iu unit ( are not concerned with this, they prefer to rest {rntent with the first part of Merx's formula Here is one of the numerous papajt of the application of this theory." It 14 824) that before the imperialist uer the parties of the Second International threatened to de clare war agalast upll” if the impersalists should start a war. It is saul that on the very ple of the star these partic4 pigeonholed the "war against nar' sirgan and applied an opposite slogan, riz, "nar for the imperialist fatherlane It 19 said that as a result of this change of slogans musicale But at kvulid beat of workers were sent to their deati.

·mistake to think that there must have been people who wire to blame for tbus, that someone tres unfaithful to the working class or betrayed it. Not at a}} ! Everything happened as it should have happened. Fintly, becanso the International, it is alleged, 13 "an instrument of peace," And not of war. Secondly, because, a riew of the "terch of the productive forces" thich then prerailed, there was nothing else that could be done The "productive forces" are "10 blame. This is the precise explanation rouchsafert to "us" by Jt Kautsky's "productie forces theory." Arad whorrer does not believe in this theory is not a Marxist. The role of the parties! Their {11portance for the more. mient? But what can a party do against su decisivo a factor as the level of the productise forces ?.. One could cute a host similar examples of the falsifi- Cation of Marxism It is hardly necessary to prove that this spurious "Var JAM,' deained to bulo the nakelucas of opport2221137, 1: wucrely a European valety of the salfyamu theory of "brostism' which lean fought ton before the first Ruslan tevolution It is harlly Telesery tu prule that the demolition of ibis theoretical falsification is a prerequisite for the creation of truly revolutionary parties in the Best, 3 The theory of the protstarar regluron The Leninst theory of the proletarian resolut103 procenlly from three fundamental thesis Evet Thesk. The dumination of inance captal u tho advancul caputalist countring the 1890e of stocks and bonds as one of the pineral operations of finance capital, tho erfart of taputal to the sources of tax materials, which 19 one of the foundations of imperialism, the opinipatence of a financial Oligarchy, which is the result of tlie domination of finance carital-all this reveals the grossly parasıtıc charar ter n monopolist capitalista, makes the joke of the capital. ist trgets and syrylicates a kutilreed tumes more burlensore, ·independent workers' party in Russia, to oppose the revolus tionary stſuggle of the working-class for the overthrow of Taardom, to preach a purely tradic-unionist policy in tho movement, and, in general, to surrender the labour move Porslit ment to the hegemony of the liberal bourgeoisie. Tho fight of the old Iskra anıl the brilliant criticism of the theory of “khrosism'm Lenin's pamphlet What Is To Be Donc?? not only wasted so-called Economism, but also created the theoretical foundations for a truly revolutronary movement of the Rilan sorking class Without this sight it woull have been gute useless even to think of creating an indepenent workers' party !!! Russia and of its playing a leading part in the revolution But the theory of kerslupping spontaneity is not an cxclusifely Rusuan phenomen. It is extremely wide. spread in a somenirut ilifferent form, it a true-n all the parties of the Stcom International', without exception I have in mind the wallesi juoduci!5f forces theorys debased by the learners of the Servrat International theory that justifies c**t*ytimg.331] consultant aus rosrry herty, that records facts and play ihelli onh after seryono has become sick and tired of them, and having recorded them, rests content Marx sand that the misterialist theory could not confine itself to explaining the earli, that it must also change it But Kuutuks e anul (' are not roncerned with this, they prefer to rement with the first part of Marx's formula Here is one of the numerolla pamplom sof the application of this "theory." It is said that before the mystalst war the partics of the Second Internation::threatened to de. clare war against warld' of the imprudlists should start a war. It is said that on the series of the war these purtros pigeonholed the "war against war slogan and applier an opposite slogan, viz., "uar for the imperialist fitherlands It is said that as a result of this clanyo of slogans millions of workers were sent to their deaths. But it would be a - ·tao fronts agaiast imperialısı: the front of the revolu- . tronaty proletariat and the front of colonial emancipation. (See Imperialism.) Hence the third conclusion: that under imperialism Har3 cannot be averted, and that a coalition between the proletarian rerolution in Europe and the colonial terolution in the East in & united world front of revolution Against the world front of imperialiena is inevitable, Lenin combines all these conclusions into one general conclusion that "imperialism is the cre of the socialist terolution "* (Vol. XIX, p 71 ) The very approach to the question of the proletarian revolution, of the character of the rerolution, of its scope, of its depth, the scheme of the revolution in general, changes accordingly. Formerly', the analysis of the prerequisites for the woletarian revolution ras usually approached from the point of view of the economic state of inchiridaal countries, Now, this approach is no longer adequate Yow the matter must be approached from the point of view of the economic state of all or the majority of countries, from the point of VIC* of the state of workil economy, for induidual countries And audivulual national economies have cease to be self- Pufficient units, have become links in a single chain called worbt economy. fur the old "cultured" capitalism has esolved into imperialism, and imperialem is & world system of financial enslavement ati colonis) oppression of the vast majority of the population of the fasth by a handful of "sanced" countries Formerly as the secepted thing to speak of the existence or absence of objectire conditions for the proletarian revolution in individual countries, or, to be more precise, in one ft Brother developed country Nox this paint of sex 13 no longer alequatr. Yox ktmut speak • Hy stel & ·it intensifics the indignation of the working class with the foundations of capitalism, and brings the masses to the proletarian revolution as their only salvation. (See Lenin, Iinperialisn!?.) Hence the first conclusion intensification of the revolutionary crisis within the capitalist countries and gronth of the elements of an explosion on the internal, proletarian front in the "mother countries Second Thesis The increase in the export of camtal to the colonies and dependent countries, the espansion of "spheres of influence" and colonial possessions until they corer the whole globe, the transformation of capitalista into a world system of financial enslavement and colonial oppression of the vast majority of the population of tho earth by a handful of "advanced countries--all this has, on the one hanrl, converter the separate national economics and national territories to Imke in a smgle chain called world economy, and, on the other hand, split the population of the globe into two camps a handful of waivanredd" capi. talist countries which exploit ani oppress vast colonies and dependencies, and the vast majority consisting of colonial and dependent countries which are compelled to fight for their liberation from the imperialist Joke (See Imperialis:n) Hence the second conclusion intensification of tho revolutionary crisis in he colonial countries and growth of tho elements of revolt agumst imperialism on the external, colonial front Third Thesis The monopoliste praef9101 of "uplieres of influenco" and colonies, the unr en serolopment of capitalist countries, leading to a frenzied struggle for the relivigion of the world between the countries which have already seized territories and thoso claiming their “elare"; imperiafist wars as the only means of restoring the disturbed "cquilibrium"-all this learls to the intensification of the struggle on the third front, the intereaptalist front, cluich sicakens imperialism and facilitates the amalgamatinn of the first ·of the breaking of the ckain of the world inperialist front at il treakest link; and it may turn out that the country which har started the grolution, which has made a breach in the front of tapital, is less derseloped in a capitalist genisc than orker, mort derrloped, countries, which hare, however, reinained within the framertort of capitalis'n," In 1917 the chain of the imperialist world front proved to be reaker in Russia than in the other countries. It was there that the chain gave way and provided an outlet for the proletarian revolution. Why? Because in Russia a great popular resolution was unfolding, and at its head marched the revolutionary proletariat, which had such an important ally as the vast mass of the peasantry who were oppress and esploited by the landlords. Because the rerolution there was opposed by such a hideous representa tise of imperyalism as tsayism, which lacked all moral prestige and was deservedly hated by the whole population. The chain prosed to be weaker in Ru8928, although that country was less developed in a capitalist sense than, say, France or Germany, England or America Where will the chain break in the near future? Again, where it is weakest. It is not precluded that the chain may break.day, in India. Thy? Because that coun'ry has a young. militant, rcrolutionary proletariat, which has such an ally at the mlional lobemtion movemex'ar undaubtedly parful and un loubtedly inportant ally Because there the lucion se confronted by such a well-known for os foreign injurialu'a, eckich lacks ali moral credit and is deserredly haled by the oppressed and exploited rasses of India. It is also quit possible that the chain will break in Cromany Rhy! Because the factors which are operating, eny, in India are beginning to operate in Germany as well; 042 salad. It may be noted that while Stalin modo this 114 einma la 1124,14 18 still regarded as valid because according 1o Tommynut thinking India is still under foreign imperialuma, ·of the existence of objectite conditions for the rcrolation in the entire system of world imperialist economy as an integral uni!, the existence uthin this system nf some conntries that are not sufficiently dercloped inlustrially cannot serve as an insurmountable obstacle to the revolution, if the system as a whole, or, more correctis, becausc the system as a whole 18 alrearly ripe for rerolution. Formerly it was the accepted thing to speak of the proletarian revolutie in one or another developal country as of a separate and self-sufficient antity opposing a separate national front of capital as its antipode. You 20% nust speal of the world proletaran molution * for the separate national fronts nf rapital baie berome links of a single chain called the world front of imporalism, which must be opposed hy a common front of the resolutionary snovement in all countries Formerly the proletarian rerolution was regarder exclu- 6koly a the result of the internal (Invelopment of a given country Yos, the point of virs noonger acquate. Now the wolrlar ian ruinlution msli mrgardrd primarily as the result of the development of the contradicions rethin the ecorld syste'n of in post1zvp as dispult of the breaking of the chain of the timperialevi world front in one country or another * Where all the resolutun bus? Where, in what country, can the front of ragutal be pups.ro tirat) Where industry 13 more slo vkopard, where the proletariat constitutes the majorits, where there is more culture, where there is more elemucrary--ihnt wn, the ropily usually given formerly. Xo, oljeets tire Leninu.il theory of reynlution, not norp. ssarily there industry is more durenpeil , and so forth front of capital will lie pierced sliere the chain of isterin Jism is sicakest, for the proletanan rerolulion in the really Qur Italica, ·capitalım. This interval 19 usually calculated to extend over many decales, if not longer. It is hardly necessary to prove that this Chinese Wall "theory" is totally doroiu of scientific meaning under the conditions of imperiausai, that it is ami can be only a means of concealing and cannoun Baging the counterterolutionary aspirations of the bourreviure. It is hardly necessary to prove that under tho conditions of inperialism, which is pregnant with collisions and wars, under the conditions of the "ese of the socialist resolution,' uten "flourishing" capitalism is becoming "muribund" capitalism (Lenin) and the revolutionary minent is growing in all countries of the worldl; when imperialism is allying itself with all reactionary forces without exception, down to an mcluding tsarism aud serfdom, thus making imperative the coalition of all revolulionary forces, frois toe proletarian movement of the West to the national liberation niovement of the East, when the orerthrow of the survival of the regime of feudal scrfdom becomes impossible without a resolutionary struggle against impermalism-t is hardly aceessary to prove that the lourgeoiq-democratic revolution, in a more or less developadl country, must under such circumstances rerge upon the proletarian revolution, that the former must pass into the latter The history of the cerolutiou in Russia has fuoradead palnable proof that this thesis is correct and tricontravertible It was 106 mithout reason that Lenin, as far back as 1914)3, on the eye of the hrst Ruxan reroll- 1:08, in his pimphlet Tuo Tactics, 14 depicted the boorgeous democratic resolution and the socialist revolution as two links in the same chain, ay a single and integral picture of the eytep of the Russian resolution "The proletanu municimy to completion de dr norra't recoturioit, Unliyung laurelf the W of the permátitry in order to crush w force dhe movince of the autocracy and to praly.eus ustobulity of the lour. Juve. The profetorat inap Decor splash the tale reviation by all song 15 sxf the man of the saini proletartys elements of the popuristips in order is truth be force the resimt ce of the lourroine multo pomalyze ·bnt, of course, the enormous difference in the lerel of dero lopment between India and Germany cannot but stemp its imprint on the progress and outcome of a rerolution in Germany, That is why Lemn saul that "The Weat-European capitalist countries are consummating their development towards Socialism not by tho gradual motoring' of Soc blizm, but by the explostation of some countries hy others, by tho exploitation of the first of the countrics to bo vanquished in the imperialist for combincal with the exploitation of the whole of the Last On the other hand, precisely as a reault of the first imperialist war, the Cost has been definitely drawn into tho revolutionary movement, has been definitely drawn into the general maelstror at the world revnlutionary movement" (Vol. XXVII. p. 413.16 ) Brsefly, the char of the en perwalt i front must, as a rule, gire ray where the link «26 11.ker and at all prints, not necessarily ichert capila!??? muri din loped, where there i* such and gurk porto ntage of puttern and such and such a percentage ni waumt und un That is why inderding thi que van of pinliturun rero. Tution statistical estimarks of the presentugt of the proletarian population in a pure il count, y k« the amplius importance 80 cagerly attached in thrin by the Breguilted doinuare of this Second International, who har mul umsretni prialım and tho far rrrolution like the plague To proccel The lernes of the Second Internation! assertext (and contmur to & geft) that fits on the borgeou. democratic revolution and the foreile tarian tradition there 15 a chrom, or at anı rate a l'hıs Wall, separating or from the other by B mere or fous prometu meru v time, luring which the bourgorosit, having come into }esser, derelons capitalism, slife the proletariat accumulata strength and prepares for the decisive struggle" aynıst Par italismo ·The fundamental law of revolution, which has been confirmed by all revolutions, and particularly by all three Russiin revolutions in the twentieth century, is as follows. it is pot enough for revola. tion that the exploited and oppressed masser should understand the impossibility of living in the old way and demand thanges; it ja etsepal for revolution that the exploiters should not be able to live and rule in the old way Only wisen the lower classes' do mal wint the old way, and when the upper classes' cannol carry out in De NJ voy-only then can revolution trumph. This truth may be e promed in other words recolution - impossible without a com. ruda Chu* (afferring both the erplatted and the esploutera).* It follore that for revolution 3t 13 esential, Arst, that a majority of the Workers for at least & majority of the class contrious, thinking. politically active workers) should fully imderstand that revolution 13 deceastry and be ready to sacrifice their lives for 3, secondly, that the raling clatses should be passing through a governmental erusis, ** draws even the most backward masses into politics ... wcaters the goverement nad makes it possible for the revolution. stica to overthrow it rapidly " (Voi XXV. P 292 But the overthrun of the power of the bourgeoisie and extahlskment of the poser of the proletariat in one country Unes not yet mean that the complete victory of Socialism has been ensure? After consolulating its power anı taking the peasantry in ton, tije proletariat of the victorious Kuntry can aml rust build up a socialist soriety But do'stlus mean that it will thereby achiere the complete anul final victory of Socialism, ie, does it mean that with the forces of only one country it can änally consolidate Socialism and fully marantee that country against intertention and, consequently, alan against restoration ? No, it For this the vietoty of the resolution in at least Mpypral countries is needed Therefore, the droplopment and port of relation in other countries is an essential taal of the rictorious rerollson. Therefore, the yerolation in the tictorious country must regard tarif not as a self-suficient ensity bul 24 UR AUrry, as a means of hastening the riclory of the prolorariat in other countries" Hy aluca dor not ** Oor ital-ni.

·( 12 ) the instability of the peasantry and the petty bourgesie. Sach are the tasks of the proletariat, which the new lekto.ists present 60 narrowly in all their arguments and resolutions about the sweep of the revolution." (Lenin Yol. VIII. P. 36 } I do not even mention other, later works of Lenin's, in which the idea of the bourgeois revolution passing into the proletarian revolution stands out in greater relief than in T'wo Tactics as one of the cornerstones of the Leninist theory of revolution To proceed. Formerts. the victory of the revolution m onc country was considered impossible, on the assumption that it would require the comment action of the proletarians of all or at least of majority of the advanced countries to achieve stori over the courgeoise Now tlus point of viex no longsor accely with the facts Yon we must proceat from the zkusshuts of the story, fur the uneven and spasmodu baratter of the development, of the various capitalist countries under the conditions of imperialism, the developinnt, withm nuperialism, wf catastrop!ııc contrarlıutions leading to mentable growth of the revolutionarı minement in all countries of the worldmall this learls, not only to be provability, but also to the necessity of the story of the proletariat in individual countries. The besturi of the Russian Revolution is direct proof of this, At thar same time, houerer, it must be borne in mind that the overthrou tyf the bourgcoisto can be successfully accomplrske unhuken certain absolutely necessary conditions exit, in the absence of u luch there can be csen no questa of the proletariat taking power. Here is what Lenin says alwut these conditions in this pamphlet "Loft-}'ing" Comin(9/1991 ' fero wo omit cightcen paras of Stalm'a lecture, thron quota tions from Lenis And one from Marx boraiso Thor refer to a domestic controvery between Le3131313, the contros erry about «Permanent Ruvolution". Our purpose is to present Stalin's own Wars, the thought.--ed.

·IL STRATEGY AND TACTICS From this theme I take six questions: A) strategy and tactics as the science of leadership in the class struggle of the protetariat; b) stages of the rerolation, and strategy, c) the lor and ebh of the movement, and tactics; d) strategic leadership; c) tactical leadership; 1) reformism and revolutionism. Simtegy and Indics at the science of tradership in the cluse etruggle of the proletarial. The period of the domination of the Second International was mainly a period of th- formation and training of the proletarian political armics amicet concletion of more or less peaceful Jerolorment. This was the period when parlamentarism was the principal form of class struggle. Questions of great cla« conflicts, of preparing the proletariat for revolutionary battles, of the means of nchiering the dictatorship of the proletariat, did not seem to be on the order of the day at that line. The task was confinel to utilizing all means of legal development for the purpose of forming and training the proletarian armics, to utilizing parlamentarism in tonformity with the conditions under which the status of thom proletariat sas (and as it seemed then, had to remain) that of an Opposition it need hardly be prored that in Burh a perjaland mith such a conception of the tasks of thr stuletariat there could le neither an integral strategy not any elaborate tactics. There were fragmentary and detsebed ideas about tactice and strategy, but no tactics IT strategy as such.

·Lenin expressed this thought succinctly when he said
that the task of the victorious revolution is to do the
utmost possible in one «?ntry for the development,
support and awakenmg of the resolution in all counlripx,"
(Vol. XXIII, p 383 )
Thcec, in general, the characteristic features of
Lenin's theory of proletaraan solation

·( 17 ) ... Stages of the revolution, and strategy. Strategy is the determinalion of the direction of the main bloro of the proletariat at a giren slage of the recolution, the elaboration of a corresponding plan for the disposition of the retolutionary forces (the main and secondary FPSETUPS), the fight to carry out thie plan throughout the gilen stage of the rezolution. Our rerolution already parsed through to stages, and after the October Rervlution it has entered a third stage. Our aradıgy changrd accordingly." First Stags. 1903 to February 1917. Objective to orer. Throw tsarism and completely wipe out the survivals of medievaliem. The main force of the revolution the proletariat. Immediate reserves. the peasantrs. Direction of the main blon. the isolation of the liberal-monarchist bourgeoisie, which was striring to min orer the peasantry and liquidate the rerolation by compromising with tsarism. Plan for the disposition of forces. alliance of the working class with the peasantry. "The proletariat must carry to completion the democratic revolution, by allying to itself the mass of the peasantry in order to crush by force the resistance of the autocracy and to paralyze the instability of thc bourgeoisie." (Lenin, Vol. VIII, p. 96.) Second Stage Jarch 1917 to October 1917. Objective. to nrerthrow imperialism in Russia and to withdraw from the imxrialist war. The main force of the rerolution: the pruletariat. Immediate reserves the poor peasantry. The proletariat of neighbouring countries as probable reserves. The protracted war and the crisis of imperialism as the favourable factor. Duection of the main blost: isolation of the pretty-boat rois democrats (lensberiksia and Socialut-Revolutionane), who were striving to win over the torling masses of the peasantry and to terminate the resolution los compromising with imperialismt. Plan foc the deposition of forces alliance of the proletariat with Darilaisrend ·The mortal sin of the Second International trag not that it pursued the tactics of utilizing the parliamentary forms of struggle, but that it orerestimated the importance of these forms; that it considered them virtually the only forms; and that when the period of open rerolutionary battles set in and the question of extraparliamentary forms of struggle came to the fore, the parties of the Second International turned their backs on these new tasks, refused to shoulder them. Only in the subscquent period, in the period of direct action by the proletariat, in the period of proletarian rero. Jution, when the question of orerthrowing the bourgeoisic became a question of immediate action; when the question of the reserves of the proletariat (strategy) became one of the most burning questions, when all forms of struggle and of organization, parliamentary and extraparliamentary (tactics), hard fully manifester themselves and became well. defined only in this periori could an integral strategy an elaborated tactics for the struggle of the proletariat bo drawn up. It was precisely in that period that Lenin brought out into the light of tlay the brilliant ideas of Marx and Engele on tactics and strategy that had been immurci by the opportunists of the Second International. But Lenin did not confine himself to restoring certain tactical propo. sitiongl of Marx and Engels He developed them further and supplemented them with new ideay and propositions, combining them all into a wystem «f rules and guding principles for thic leadership of the rlaus struggle of the proletariat. Lenin's pamphlets, such as t'hat Is To Be Done? Two Tactice, Imperyalıs, Mair and Rerolution? The Proletarinn Kreolution and the Nonegude Kautsky,!! "Left-II"ing" Communiam, ete, sill undoubtedly always be treasured as priceless contssbutions to the general store of Varxism, to its revolutionary arsenal. The strategy and tactics of leninisin constitute the science of leadership of the revolutionary strugule of the proletariat.

·2. Stages of the revolution, and strategy. Strategy is the determination of thr direction of the main bloco of the proletarial at a giren stage of the rerolulion, the elaboration of a corresponding plan for the disposition of the revolutionary forcer (the main and condary reserres), the fight to carry out thi, plan throughout the girer stage of the relation. Our rerolution already passed through to slagps, and after the Octobre preolution it hos enlrred a third sage. Our xtra'rgy changrd accordingly." First Sungr. 1903 to February 1917. Objective to orer. throw tsariem and completely wipe out the gurrirale of medievalism. The main force of the revolution, the prole. tarat. Immediate reserves the peasantry. Direction of the main blow; the isolation of the liberal-monarchist bourgeoisie, which was striving to win over the peasantry and liquidate the resolution by compromising with tsarism. Plan for the disposition of forces: alhance of the working class with the peasantry. "The proletariat must carry to completion the democratic revolution, by allying to itself the mass of the preasantry in order to crush by forco the resistance of the autocracy and to paralyze the instability of the bourgeoisic," (Lenin, Vol III, p. 96 ) Srcond Stage March 1917 to Octuber 1917. Objective: to overthrow imperialism in Russia and to withdraw from the imperialist war. The main force of the revolution the proletariat Immediate reserves the poor peasantry. Tho proletariat of neighbonring countries as probable reserves, The protracted war and the crisis of imperialism as the favourable factor, Direction of the main blow. isolation of the peits-bourgeois democrats (Vensherikgle and Sociaist-Resolutionaries), who were striring to min orer the toiling mises of the peasantry and to terminate the resolution by compromising with imperialism. Plan for the deposition of forces, alliance of thic proletariat with Ouritat.nl 3 ·(18) the poorest peasantry. "The proletariat must accomplish the socialist revolution, by allying to itself the mass of the semiproletarian elements of the population in order to crush by force the resistance of the bourgcoisio and to paralyze the instability of tho peasantry and the petty bourgeoisie." (ibid.) Third Slage. Commenced after the October Revolution, Objective: to consolidate the dictatorship of the proletariat in one country, using it as a base for the defeat of impuriajism in all countries. The rerolution is spreading beyon the confines of one country, the epoch of world revolution has commenced. The main forces of the revolution: the dictatorship of the proletariat in one country, the revolutionary movement of the proletariat in all countries. Main rescrres: the semniproletarian and small-peasant masses in the dercloped countries, the hberation morement in the colonics and dependent countries. Direction of the main blow: isolation of the petty-bourgeois democrats, isolation of the parties of the Second International, which constitute tho main support of the policy of compromise with imperia. lism. Plan for the disposition of forces alliance of the proletarian rerolution with tho hberation morement in the colonies and the dependent countries. Strategy deals trilh the main forers of the revolution and dirir reserves. II changes with the passing af the moulution from one alage to another, but remaine essentially unchanged {hroughout a giren slage." 3. The flow and eble of the marrment and inclıcs. Tactics are the determination of the line of conduct of the proleta. riat in the comparatirely short fyrior of thir flou or ebb of the morement, of the rise or <lecline of the revolution, the fight to carry out this line by imeans of replacing oli forms of struggle and organization }ıp new ones, old slogane Is new ones, by combining these forms, ce Wife the Our laheswedi ·( 19 ) object of strategy is to win the war against tsarism, let us 235, or against the bourgeoisie, to carry the struggle against sarism or against the bourgeoisie to its end, tactics pursue Bless important objects, for the object of tactics is not the winning of the war a$ & whole, but the winning of soine particular engagement or some particular battles, the carrying through successfully of some particular campaigns or actions which correspond to the concrete circumstances in the given period of rise or decline of the resolution. Tactics are & part of strategy, subordinate to and forring it. Tactics change according to flow and ebb. While the stratrgic plan remained unchanged during the first stage of terolution (1903 to February 1917), tactics changed several times during that period. In the period from 1903 to 1905 tko Party pursued offensite tactics,* for the tido of the serolution Tras rising, the morement was on the upgrale, and tactics had to proceed from this fact, Accordingly, the forms of struggle were revolutionary, corrcspomiling to the requirements of the rising tids of the terolution. Local political strikes, polítical demonstrations, the general political strike, boycott of the Duma,21 insur. rection, Terolutionary fighting slogans—such were the KUCCP9'IT e forms of the struggle during that period. These changes in the forms of struggle were accompanied by entirsponding changes in the form of organization, Factory committees, resolutionary measant committees, strike mmmittees, Sofiets of workers' deputies, a workers' parts operating more or less openly--such were the forms of organization during that period. In tho period from 1907 to 1912 the Party was compelled to resort to ladies of recreat;* fer we then experienced decline in the revolutionary movement, the ebb of the terolution, avvi tactics necessarily had to take this fact Our luli-eli ·( 18 ) the poorest peasantry. "The proletariat must accomplish the socialist revolution, by allying to itself the mass of the semiproletarian clements of the population in order to crush by force the resistance of the bourgeoisio and to pamlyze the instability of the peasantry and the petty bourgeoisie." (Ibid.) Third Stage. Commenced after the October Revolution. Objective: to consolidate the dictatorship of tho proletariat in one country, using it as a base for the defeat of imperia. lism in all countries. The rerolution is spreading beyond the confines of one country; the epoch of world revolution has commenced. The main forces of the rerolution: the dictatorship of thc proletariat in one country, the revolutionery movement of the proletariat in all countries. Main reserves: the semiproletarian and small-peasant masses in the dercloped countries, the liberation movement in the colonies and dependent countrics, Direction of the main blow: isolation of the petty-bourgeois democrats, isolation of the parties of the Second International, which constitute the main support of the policy of compromise with imperia. lism. Plan for the disposition of forces. alliance of the proletarian rerolution with the liberation morenent in the colonies and the dependent countries. Strategy deals with the main forces of the revolution and their roseries. It changes with the passing of the rotolution from one stage to another, but remains cssentially unchanged throughout a giren stage." 3. The flow and ebb of the mourment, and tactics. Tactics are the determination of the line of conduct of the proleta. riat in the comparatirely short period of the flow or ebb of the movement, of the rise or decline of tho rcrolution, the fight to carry out this line by means of replacing old forms of struggle and organization by neir ones, old slogans by new ones, by combining these forms, etc. While the Our italics--ed ·( 21} gecois states hostile to the proletarian state, which can be atilized by the proletariat in its offensire or in manoeurring in the prent of a forced retreat. There is no need to speak at length about the reserves of the first category, as their significance is understood by neryoneAs for the reserves of the second category, whose significance is not always clear, it must be said that sometimes ther are of prime importance for the progress of the revolution One can hardly deny the enormous importance, for exainple, of the conflict between the potty. bourgeois democrats (Socialist-Resolutionaries) and the tiberal-monarchist bourgeoisia (the Constitutional-Demoersts) during and after the first revolution, which undoubtedly played its part in frecing the peasantry from the influence of the hourgeoisie. Still less reason is there for deny 23g the colossal importance of the fact that the principal groups of imperialista sere engaged in a deadly #By during the period of the October Revolution, when the imperialists, engrossed 18 kar among themselves, were unable to concentrate their forces against the young Soviet power, and the proletariat, for this very reason, was able to get down to the work of organzing its forces and conson Hdating its power, and to prepare the rout of Kolchak anul Dersikin 24 It must be prcsured that now, when the contradictions among the imperialist groups are becoming more and more profound and when a new war among them is becoming inevitable, reserres of this description will assume cser greater importance for the proletariat. The task of strategec leadership is to make proper 113e of all these reserves for the achuevement of the main object of the terolution at the given stage of its derelop. What does nosking proper use of reseries mean It meant fulfilling certain sucessary conditions, of wluth the fullowinz must in tegante Al the princinin ·into consideration The forms of struggle, as well as the forms of orgamzation, changed accordingl: instead of the boycott of the Duma there was participation in the Duma; instead of open, direct revolutionary action outsido the Duma, there nere parlamentary specches and work in the Duma, insteadł wf general quhtical strikes, there were partial economic strikes, or simply a lull in activities, of course, the Party had to goes nuslerground during that perial, wade the revolutionary mass organizations were superseded by cultural, durational, cxoparatire, insurance and other legal orgamzations The same must be sand of the scund and third stages of the revolution, lurmy which tactus changed dozens of times, whereas the stratral plans feruanned unchanged. Tactics deal ith the furma of situzyka and the forns of orgamcation of the proletariat uith the change and combi. nations During a giren 8are of the nrolaron lactos may change sercral tunes depending on the Mox or clih, the rise or decline of the rcroluteox 4. Strategic leadership The reserves of the molution can be direct s) the peasantry anıl 31 general the intermediate strata of the population within the countr«, ) the proletariat of the neighbouring countries, the revolutionary moveme in the colonies and dependent countries. d) the conquests and gains of the clictatorship of the proletariat part of which the proletariat may give up temporarily, whilo retaining superiority of forces, in order to buy off a powerful enemy and gain a respite, and indirect: a) the contrachctions and conficts among the nonproletarian classes with the country, wluch can be utilized by the proletariat to weaken the eneiny and to strengthen its own reserves, b) contradictions, coplicts and wars (the imperialat war, for instance) ainong the four- • Our italics-ed.

·( 21 ) geois states hostile to the proletarian state, trhick can be utlize] by the proletariat in its offensive or in manoeurring in the event of a forced retreat. There is no need to speak at length about the reserves of the first category, as their significance is understood by mieryone. As for the rescrres of the second category, t'llare significance 13 not always clear, it must be said that Rometimes they are of prime importance for the progress of the revolution. One can hardly deny the enormous importance, for example, of the conflict hetween the pettybourgeois democrats (Socialist-Resolutionaries) and the Siforral-monarchist bourgeoisie (the Constitutional-Demo- Tais) during and after the first revolution, which unloubtedly played its part in frecing the peasantry from the influence of the bourgeoisie. Still less reason 19 there for denying the colossal importance of the fact that the principal groups of imperialists were engaged in a deadly Har during the period of the October Revolution, when the impunalista, engroese in war among themselves, were analle to concentratn they forens against the young Noviet power, and the pruletariat, for thuis very reason, was alle to get down to the xrork of organizing its forces and consotidarıng its power, and to prepare the rout of Kolchaki ani Denikin. It must be presumed that now, when the contradictions among the impenalist groups are becoming more and more profound and when a new war among them 13 lx coming inevitable, resersts of the description will assume ever greater importance for the proletariat. The task of strategic leadership to male proper disc w all these reserter for the achievement of the main object of the rerolation at the fisen stage of its develop bient $%&t «* hinking progut use of reserrey mean? It meant fulfilling tertain Tipssary conditions, of which th* (vllowing must be regarded as the principal ones ·First. The concentration of the main forces of the rerolu. tion at the enemy's most vulnerable spot at the decisire moment,* when the rerolution lias already become ripe, when the offensive is going full-steam ahead, when insurrection is knocking at the door, and when bringing the reserves up to the vanguard is the decisive conction of success. The Party's strategy during the period from April to October 1917 well illustrates this manner of utilizing reserves Undoubtedly, the enemy's most » ulnerable spot at the time was the war Undoubtedly, it was on this question, as the fundamental one, that the Party rallied the broadest masses of the population around the proletarinan vanguard. The Party's strategy during that period sas, ultle training the ranguard for street action hy means of manifestations and demonstrations, to bring the reserves up to the van. guard through the medium of the Soviets in the rear and the soldicrs' committees at the front The outcome of the rerolution has shown that the reserves were properly utilized, Here is what Lenin, paraphrasing the well-known theses of Mars and Engels on insurrection, says about this condition of the strategie utilization of the forces of the revolution: “}} Naver play with insurrection, but when beginning it, firmly realize that you must go to the end, «2) You must concentrato a great superiority of forces at the decisive point, et the decisive moment, otherwise tho cpemy, who has the advantage of better preparation and organization, will destroy the iosurgents. *3) Once the insurrection has begun, you must act with the greatest determination, and by all means, without faul, take the offensire. "The defensivo 1a the desth of every armed rising.' "*) You must try to take the enemy hy surpriso and seize the moment when his forces are scattered. "6) You must strive fur daily successes, even if wall fono might say hourly, if it is the case of one town), and at all costs retain 'oral ascendancy.'" (Vol. XXI, pp. 319-20) Our italics.

·Second The selection of the moment for the decisire Woer, of the moment for starting the insurrection, so timed as to roiteule with the moment when the crisis has reached its ckwax, when it is fully apparent that the vanguard is prepared to fight to the end, the reserves are prepared to support the ranguard, and maximum consternation reigns in the ranks of the enemy, The decisive battle, nagu Lesun, may be deemed to have fully matched when "(?) all the claxe forres Acscde to us have become ficiently entangled, ste suficieatly at loggerheads with each other, hare eficently weakentel themselres in a struçgle which is beyond teir strength"; when "s! the recillalung, wavering, unstable intermediato elements the petty bourgeoise and the petty bourgeois democrats 45 detinet from the bourgeoistavo sciently exposed themselies at the eyes of the people, havo posibicomptly diagraeed themmises through their practicat benk. ruptcy" when "43) Among the proletariat a hisse sentiment in favour of sipporting the most defcrred, saprergely bold, revola. dinary action against the bourgone bas ausen and begun rixa- Nu saly ta geux Then sevolution is intend espe, then, indeed af w ba tontectly gave all the conditons miratesi slove and *** h 1.04821 ttuo moment rsghtiy, our sesory a soured." Yol. IX 1997 The manges in which the Octolit insurrection was tarun out may be taken as & model of such strategy Failure to obserre this condition leads to a dangerous Pyror called "loss of tempo," shen the Party lags behind the movement of rung Car ahead of it, courting the langer of fullure. An esimple of such «loss of tempo," kj example hora the moment of insurrection should not be chosen, las berament in the attempt made up & ecction of our mules to bezin the insiirteetion by arresting the Demo ezatic Czas tentes in September 1917, when hesitation kas will note in the Soriets, when she armies at the front were all) at the crossroak, her the reserves had not yet been brooght up to the resunil. . Dar italiteed, ·( 22 ) First. The concentration of the main forces of the revolu. fion al the enemy's most vulnerable spot at iħe decisive moment,* when the revolution has already become ripe, when the offensire is going full-steam ahead, when insurrection is knocking at the door, and when bringing the reserves up to the ranguard is the decisive condition of success. The Party's strategy during the period from April to October 1917 rell illustrates this manner of utılazing reserves. Undoubtedly, the enemy s inust vulnerable spot at the time was the war. Undoubtedly, it was on this question, as the fundamental one, that the Party rallied the broadest masses of the population around the proletarınan vanguard. The Party's strategy during that period was, while training the vanguard for street action by means of manifestations and demonstrations, to bring the reserves up to the van. guard through the medium of the Soviets in the rear and the soldiers' committees at the front The outcome of the rerolution has shown that the reserres were properly utilized. Here is what Lenin, paraphrasing the ucll-known thoscs of Marx and Engels on Insurrection, says about this condition of the strategic utilization of the forees of the revolution: “1) Never play with insurrection, but when beginning it, Grmly realize that you must go to the end *2) You must concentrato a great wperiority of forces at the decisivo point, at the decisive moment, otherwise the enemy, who hes the advantage of better preparation and organization, will destroy the insurgents. «3) Once the insurrection has begun, you must act with the greatest determination, and by all means, without faul, take the offensire. "The defensive is the death of every armed rising." "4) You must try to take the every hy surpriso and seizo the moment when his forces are scattered, *5) You must sitro fur daily successes, even if spa}} (ane might say hourly, if it ss the cose of one town), and At all costs rotain moral ascendancy.'" (Vol. XXI, pp. 319-20) . Our italic.

·Second. The selection of the moment for the decisire tlor, of the moment for starling the insurrection, so timed as to councide with the moment shen the crisis has reached its elwar, when it 19 (uly apparent that the ranguard is prepared to fight to the end, the reserves are prepared to support the sanguard, and maximum consternation reigns in the rocks of the enemy. The det. igive battle, safe Lenin, bay be deemed to have foug maluted skert {1} & the class forens hostile ta z hare become artficreally eatergled, are cafficreatly st laggesheade with each other, have sufficiently wtakoned themseltes in struggle which i beyond beir strength", then "{2} all the facillatme. Havero metable entertaediate elements - the petty bourgeotsse and the petty-boargeous democrats As distinct from the bourgeoisie-hare albicantly exposed themselres in the eyes of the people, HAVO afferently disgraced themselves through their practical bask. oupley''; when "43) Arpong the proletariat * mas entrent n favour of supporting the most determined, supremely bold, corola cionary action against the boarg oslo has atisen od begun tipo you'y to gror Then sevolotion Indexxi ris, taca, undeed. of we have correctly gauged at the conditions teated above, and if we have ebonen the moment nightiy, our ymcory 14 551TEd" Vol XX p 29 ) The manner in which the October insurrection is rarried out may be taken as a model of such strategy. Failure to observe this condition leads to a dangerous error called "1083 of tempo," when the Party lags behind the movement or sans far ahead of it, courting the danger of failure. In example of such "loss of tempo," an example of how the moment of insurrection should not be chosen, mas be seen m the attempt made by a section of our comrades to begin the insurrection by artesting the Democratic Conferences in September 1917, when hesitation was still nfe m the Soviets, when the armies at the front were still at the CTOSSTOUD3, when the reserves had not yet been brought up to the sanguard • Daritated ·33 Third [inderidling pursuit of the couran adapind, no matter achat difficulties and complications are encountered on the road towards the goal * this is necessary in order that tho ranguard may not lose sight of the main goal of the struggle and that the masses may not stray from the road while marching towards that goal and striring to rally around the vanguard. Failure to observe this condition leads to a grare error, well known to saslors as "losing the course, As an example of this "loss of course" we mase mention the erroneous conduct of our Party when, immechately after the Democratic Conference, It adopted a resolution to participate in the Preparliament.as For the moment the Party, as it were, forgot that the Preparlia. ment was an attempt of the bourgeoisie to stitch the country from the path of the Sovicts to the path of bourgeois parlamentarism, that the Party's participation in such a body might result in nixing up all the cards and confusing the workers and peasants, who were waging a revolutionary struggle under the slogan "All Power to the Soviets **27 The mistake was rectified by the withdrawal of the Bolsheviks from the Preparliament Fourth Janourring tirpirits with a lrw to effecting a proper reheat when the enemy la trong when retreat 18 inevitable, when to accept battle fosterd upon us by the enemy 19 obviously disadvantageous, n hen, with the giren alignment of forces, retreat becomes the only way to wari off a blok against the sanguını anl to keep the reserses intact "The revolutsduery parties," Bay, Lenin, "must complete their education. They have learned to attach Now they hos o to realize that this knowledge must be supptesnen ed uath the hnowledge how to retreat properls. They have to rcalizead the revolutionary class is taught to realize it by its own bitter experience that victory is impossible unless they have learned both hor to attack and how to retreat proporly " (Vol XXV, p 177.) • Our italics-ed.

·The object of this strategy it to gain time, to demoralize enemy, and to accumulate forrus in order later to f88993 the offensice. The signing of the Brest-Litorsk Peace?may be taken 25 model of this strategy, fot it cnabled the Party to gain time, to take advantage of the conflicts in the camp of the imperialists, to demoralize the forces of the enemy, to retain the support of the peasantry, and to accumulato forres i preparation for the offengre against Kolchak and Ikenikin "In cogcludwg a separate peace," said Lenm at that time."* Com outsetses ag ruch as is gossible as the prescri parent from both hostile wperialist groupe, *e take advantage of their mutual nity and arfare, which letuper coocerted Betion on thot PHI against us, and for a certain period heto our hands free to advanco and to consolulele the socialist zavolution" (Vol XXII, 198.) "Xaren the buggest foal," kad Leon, three years after the Bet Latoysk Peace, "CAD see that the 'Brest Peace' 8 Conco. wawas that strengthened as Bpd broke up the forces of laternational imperialisya." (Yol XXVII, p. 7) Such are the principal conditions which ensure correct strategie leadership 5. Tactical leadership. Tactical leadership 19 A part strategic leadership, subordinated to the tasks and the tequirements of the latter. The lack of tachical leadership is ta master all forms of struggle and organization of the proletariat ard to ensure that they are used properly 80 a 10 ochrore, till the guen relation of forces, the maximum results foreseary to prepare for altairgit suttr33.* What 29 meint by making proper use of the form of struggle and organuzation of the proletariat? It means fulfilling certain necessary conditions, of *hich the following must be regarded as the principal 09. * Ou tal- ·( 20 ) First. To put in the forefront precisely those form of struggle and organization which are best suited to the condi. tions prerailing during the flow or ebb of the morement at a giren moment, and whch therefore can facilitate and ensure the bringing of the masses to the rerolutionary positions, the bringing of the millions to the rerolu. tionary front, and their disposition at the rerolutionary front. The point here 19 nint that the ranguarit shall realize the impossibility of preserving the old order of things and the inevitabilty of its overthrow. The point is that the masses, the millions, ball zinderstanr: this inevitability and display their rearliness to support the vanguard, But the masses can understand this only from their own expe- Tience The task is to enable the vast masses to realize from their own experience the inevitability of the overthrow of the old regime, to promote such methods of struggle and forms of organization as w}} make it easier for the masses to learn from experience to recognize the correctness of the revolutionary slogans The vanguard wouli? hare herome detached from the working class, and the working class would have lost contact with the masses, if the l'arty had nog eeuleit at the time to participate in the Dium.l, if it has not decided to concentrate its forery en u ork m the Daina and to base the struggle on this work, in order to make it easier for the masses to realize from their own experience the futility of the Duma, the falsity of the promise of the Constitutional- Democrats, the imporsibility of compromise with tsarım, and the inevitability of an allianer between the peasantry and the working class Hard the maps pot pained their experience during the period of thr Duma, the exposure of the Constitutional-Democrats and the legemony of the proletariat would have been impossible / Ogrtalice-ed, ·The danger of the "Otrovistas y tactics tras that they threatened to detach the ranguard from the millions of itu Yeserve. Tue Party would hare become detached from the working claes, and the working class would have lost ito un luence among the broad masses of the quasants anul sollires, if the proletariat hat folloued the "left" Commu. puests, who called for insurrection in April 1917, then trio Vensheriks and the Socialist-Per olutionaries had not yet caused themselves as adrocates of war and imzerialism, when the mases hard not ret leatned from their aun expc. mence to recognize the falsity of the specches of the Sleacheriks and the Socialist-Revolutionarie algt peace, land and freedom. Had the masses nut Alesd thuy experience during the Kerensky" period, the Jenshevik! and Socialist-Resolutionaries would not hare been related! and the dictatorsłup of the proletariat would have been impossible Therefore, the tactics of "paticntly explaining" the mistakes of the petty-bourgeois parties and of open struggle in the Soviets were the only correct tactics. The danger of the taste of the "left" Communists was that they threatened to transform the Party from the leader of the proletarian revolutron into a landful of inane conspirators with no ground to stand on "Pictory ex.dat he won with the vanguard alone," says Lenta. "To throw the vanguard alone into the decisive battle, befort the wholo eless, before the broad toaseca boya taken op a position either of dxect tappart of the vanguard, or at least of benevolent Deotra. Inty towards it... smuld be not merely folly but a crime. And in onder that detually the whole clerg, that actually the broad 1986ed of the working people aod those oppressed by espital may take up Fech positif, propaganda kad sgitation alone are not enough. For this the masses must have tbet on yolatierl experieace, Bach s tebing landaskental Iss of all great revolutions, not confirmed with estobaking (orts and eksiduess not only in Russia but also Germany, Not only the yorultured, often ulsterate manoes of Russia, but the highly coltarod, extarely literate messes of Germany led ts realize thesugh thex ono painful experieace the shelute Srapetenet and mudlesikess, the absolute helpleskness and servility ·(28) $ to tho bourgeoisie, the utter vileness of the government of the knights of the Second International, the absolate inevitability of dictatorship of the extreme reactiobatics (Kamilov in Russia, Kapp and Co in Germany) as the only alternative to a dictatorship of the proletariat, in order to turn them rcsolutely toward Commu. nism." (Vol. XXV, p 228} Second. To locale at any guen moment that particular link in the chain of procresce u hich, if grasped, will enable 12.30 to hold the whole chain and to prepare the conditions for achiering strategu sucrexs The point licre is to single out from all the problems confrontmg the Party that partialar immediate problem, the answer to wlul constitutes the central point, and the solution of which will ensure the successful solution of the other immediate problems The importance of this thesis may be illustrated by two examples, one of which may be taken from the remote past (the period of the formation of the Party) and the other from the immediate present (the period of the Now Economic Policy) ) 12 In the period of the formation of the Party, when the innumerable cireles and purginizations had not yet been linked together, when autourishiness and the parochial outlook of the circles were corrcxling the Party from top to bottom, when ideological confusion was the characte eristic feature of the internal life of the Party, the main Link and the main task in the chain of links and in the chain of tasks then confronting the Party prove to be the establishment of an all-Russian llegal nowspaper (Iskra). Why? Because only by means of an all-Russian illegal ncubpaper was it possible under the conditions then prerit. iling to creato a coherent Party nucleus capablo of uniting the innumerablo cireles and organizationg into a single organization, to prepare the conditions for ideological and tactical unity, and thus to lay the foundlations for the formation of a real Party . Our italicemed.

·During the period of transition from var to economic construction, when industry was in the clutches ruin and agriculture was suffering from a shortage of manufactured goods, when the establishraent of a bond between state industry and peasant economy became the fundamental condition for successful socialist construction in that period it turned out that the main link in the chain of processes, the main task among a number of tasks, was to develop trade. Why? Because under the corylitions of the Near Economic Policy (WEP) the bond betrecn indus, try and px asant economy cannot be establishert ercept through traile, because under the conditions of SEP production without sale 15 fatal for industry; because industry can be expanded only by the expansion of sales as a result of dereloring trade, because only after we have consoldates our position in the sphere of traile, only after We have secured control of trade, only after we have secured thus lunk can there be any hope of linking industry with the peasant market and successfully fulfilling the other immediate tasks in order to create the conditions for building the foundations of socialist economy. "It 29 not enough to be a revolutiopary and an adhereal af Socialist or & Communist in general," says Lema. "One xat be able at each particular moment to find the porticolaz luk in the chara which ote must grasp with all one's might in order to hold the whole chat and to prepare firmly for the transition to the Dext lak," "At the present time this link is the revival of intercal trade kader proper state regulat199 (direction) Tsode-thet is the 'link' in the histossa) chain of orents, in the transitional forat of our socialist construction in 1921.92 Chairs must grup mth all our mught* iVol XXVII. p. 92} These are the principal conditions which ensure correct tactical leadership. fi. Reform Lon and reroluljonumm, What i& the difference bntueen resolutionary tactics and reformist tactics 1 ·( 28 ) to the bourgeoisie, the utter vilcness of the government of the knights of the Second International, the absolute inevitabilty of dictatorship of the extreme reactionarice (Korvulov in Russia, Karp ant Co in Germany) as the only altercatire to & dictatorship of the proletariat, in order to turn them resolutely toward Commu. nism." (Vol. XXV, p 228 ) Second To locute at any given moment thr' particular link in the chain of processee uhrch, if grasped, will enable us to hold the whole chain and to prepare the condittons for achieving strategic surcens* The point here is to single out from all the problems confronting the Party that particular immerhiate problem, tho answer to which constitutes the central point, and the solution of which will ensure the successful solution of the other immediate problems The importance of this thesis may be illustrated by two examples, one of which may be taken from the remote past (the period of the formation of the Party) and the other from the immertiate present (the period of the Yen Economic Polies)? In the person of the formation of the Party, when the innumerable circles and organizations had not yet been Inked together, when amatturishness and the parochial outlook of the circles were corruding the Party from top to bottom, when Ideological confusion way the characteristic feature of the internal life of the Party, the main link and the main task in the chain of links and in the chain of tasks then confronting the Party prove to be the establishment of an all-Russian illegal newspaper fiskra). Why? Because only by means of an all-Russian illegal newspaper was it possible under the conditions then prorailing to create a coherent Party nucleus capable of uniting the innumerable circles and organizations into a single organization, to propare the conditions for deulogical and tactical unity, and thus to lay tho foundations for the formation of a real Party • Dar italice-ed.

·The rreolutionary vill accept a reform in order to use it as an aid in combining legal worl with illegnl worl, to intensy, under its cores, the illegal work for the reroluhonary preparatim of the masses for the orerthrow of the lourgroitin.: This is what maling raidlutionary we of reforms and agreements under the conditions of imperialism means." The reformist, on the contrary, will accept reforms in order to renounce all ilegal work, fo thwart the preparation of the mous for the revolution and to rest in the shade of "bestourd" reforms." This is what reformist tactics mean. This is the position in regard to reforms and agreements under imperialism. The situation changes someuchat, howerer, after the oler. fhrow of imperalism, under the dictatorskip of the proletariat. Crder certain conditions, in a certain situation, the proletamian pouer may find itself constrained temporarily to leare the path of the rezolutionary reconstruction of the existing order of things and to take the path of its gradual transforma. tion, the "reformist path."* 39 Lenin says in his well-known article “The Importance of Gold,"23 the path of flanking movements, of reforms and concessions to the nonproletarian clas9-9--In order to disintegrate these classes, to give the revolution a respite, to recuperate and prepare the conditions for a new offensive It cannot be denied that in a sense this B a "reformist" path But it must be borne in mind that there is a fundamental distinction here, which consists in the fact that in this case the reform emanates from the proletarian power, it strengthens the proletarian power, it procures for it necessary respite, its purpose is to disintegrate, not the revolution, but the nonproletarian classes Under such conditions a reform is thus transformed into its opposite. Our Italised, ·Some think that Leninism is opposed to reforms, opposed to compromises and to agreements in general. This is absolutely wrong. Bolsheviks know as well as any. body else that in a certain sense "every little helps," that under certain conditions reforms in general, and compro. mises and agreements in particular, are necessary and useful. "To carry on & wer for the overthrow of the waternational bour. geoisie BBYS Loon, "a war wherh 18 € kundred times sapre difficult protected and complicated than the most stubborn of ordi. nary wara between states, and to refuse beforehand to manceuvre, to utilize the contiet of interests (es en "hough temporary among one's enemice, to refuse to temporize and compromise with posable (even though temporary, unstable, vaculting and conditional) allies - $ not this ridsculous in the extreme Is it not as though, when makiag a difficult &scent of an unexplored and heretoforo naccessible mountain, we were to refuse beforehand ever to move in zigzags, over to retrace our steps. ever to abandoa tho course ouco colected and to try others'" (Vol. XXV. p 210 ) Obviously, therefore, it is not a matter of reforms or of compromises and agreements, but of the use people make of reforms and compromises To a reformist, reforms we r terything, while woluhonary work is something incidental, something seest to talk «boul, mere eyeuash That is why, reuth reformist tactics under the bourgeois regime, reforms are meritably transformed into an instrument for strengthening that regime, an instrument for disintegrating the ycroluhon To a revolutionary, on the contrary, the main thing in retolutionary work and not ni forms, to hum reforms are by. products of the rerolution. That in rhy, wrth rerolutionary tactics under the lourgeois regime, reforms are naturally transformed into instruments for deanlegrating this regimu, into instruments for strengthening the perolution, into a base for the further development of the scrolulionary movement • Our italised, ·NOTES I Theory of Spontaneity. This was a theory prevalent in a section of Russian labour marement known as Economists in the beginning of the 20th century. Lenin rehementis attacks this theory in his pamphlet What Is To Be Done'. According to Econornists, the working-class movement must remain confined to the spontaneous economic struggles of the workers and they must not take part in any political struggle for Socialism. Or trade unions should follow the policy of trade unionism as such and should have nothing to do with political activities. Thus they gare comparatively more importanze to the regulation of spontaneous economic struggle of tho workers, than to the political struggles, for the betterment of the workers' lot. Plekhanov. (1857-1918) Russian theoretician of Marxism, respected even by Lenin. His writings rere consulered second only to those of Engels in Marxist literature. In the beginning he joined underground Populist Josement as a labour orga. niser and editor, became a Marxist, ani came into promi. nence in 1890 by writing a book on Historical Materialism. In 1900, together with Lemn he began to publuh abroad Ishra (The Spark) Which ook besama Russian Social Democratic Partys' Official Organ, Party Programme of 1903 was also drafted by him along with Lenin. In the following sears there was a split to the Party and he remaines with the minority group the Vicnsberiks and was & congistant opponent of Bolsheviks polemics against all rersionists of Marxism, Bo wrote ·The proletarian power is able to adopt such policy because, and only because, the sweep of the terolntion in the preceding period was broad enough and therefore provided a sufficiently wide expanse ssthin which to retreat, substituting for offensire tactics the tactics of temporary retreat, the tactics of fanking movements. Thus, while formerly. under the bourgeois regime, reforms urre a by-product of revolutron, nour, under the dictatorship of the prolelariat, the source of reforms is the rezolutionary gains of the proletart,* the reserves accumulated in the hands of the proletariat and consisting of these gains. "Only Marxism," says Lenin, "has precisely and correctly defined the relation of reformas to resolution However, werx 18$ able to see this relation only from une sapret namely, under the conditions preceding the first to any extent permanent and lasting Victory of the proletariat, if only m a single country Under those conditions, the basis of the proper relation was. reforms are a by-product of the roi olutionery clase struggle of the proletariat After the victory of the proletariat, if only a a single country, Bomething new enters into the relation between reforms and revo Intion. In principle, it 29 tho same as before but a change in forro takes place, which derx himself could not for see, but which can be appreciated only on the bable of the philosophy and politics of Merxum... After the victory (while still remaining * 'hy-product' on an international scale) they (te reformes are in addr. tion, for the country in whul vietory hias born achter est, rocesary and legitimate respits in those cases when after the utmost exertion of effort, 56 becomes obs is that suffirunt atrength is Backing for the tovolutionary Accomplisment of this or that transition. Victory creates etch & 'rese ve of strength that it is posable to hold out even in a forced retreat, hold our both mato. sually and morally." (Vol XXVII, PP. 04 ) 11 Our tt ce- ·( 33 ) from Junich, then from London (from April 1002) and from spring 2003, from Genera. The editorial Board consisted of Lenin, Plekhapor, Startor, Axelrod, Potresor and Zasulich. At the Second Congress of the Social Democratic Party in 1903, it became the oficial organ of the Party. The strugele orer the composition of the editorial board at this Congress was one of the reasons for the split into majonty (Bolsheviks) and minority (lensheriks) factions. Lenin resigned from the editorial Board and the paper came into the hands of Slensheriks, Lenin termed this Iskrs as the New Iskra. It ceased publication in Oct. 1903. 7. What Is To Be Done. This books was written by Lenia in 1902 and is regarded 89 a classic in Jarxist literature. In this book Lenin takes issues with the tendency prevalent in a section of the Forking-class morement known as Economism according to which the task of the workers' movement is to gise attention to the spontaneous economic struggles of the workers and to refrain from Joaning political activities. Against them, Lenin empha. Bises the conscious political role of the working class and arkrocates the great importance of theory of consciousness, and of the party as the revolutionary and guiding force of the spontaneous working-class movement. Developing further the role of the party, he deals with its organisational aspects, insists on the urgency of building up rerolationary political cadres, and welding them together into & disciplined army of revolutionaries and makes an impassioned appeal to scrap the existing form of organizations and build a theoretically sound party, terolationary in purpose and national in scope. The concepts of centralacił party and professional Revolutionaries, alcanced in this booh, have been adopted by all the Communist Parties.

·After the Revolution he returned to Russia, but could! not find support for his programme. He died in 1918. 3. Materialism and Empirio-Criticism. This is the only major philoaophical works of Lenin. It was published in May 1909. This book was written against the philosophical theories of his adrorsaries in Socialist morement of Russia, parti. cularly against Bogdanov, Bazarov, Lunacharsky, Berman etc. Theso persons rere trying to revise Marxism, taking inspirations from the writings of Mach and Avenarius. Lonin hero defends Dialectical Alaterialism against the 80-called rulgarizers, falsifires and deserters of Marxism, also taking into consideration the recent discorcries of science after Engles' death, 4. Khvostism, means following the tail, from the Russian world Khvost, meaning tail. Lenin was emphatic about a Party leading the masses rather than following them. 5. The Economists. A section of the Russian trorking-class morement whom Lenin criticised in his pamphlet Vhat Is To Bo Done." They believed that the economic interests are the decisive factors and hence to regulate spontaneous economic struggle of the trorkers is of much more importance than the political struggle. 0. The Iskra. (Spark) Was the first All-Russian illegal Jarxist newspaper founded by Lenin nnd Ple'shanor in 1900. Due to police persecution, this paper was publishe! abroad. Its first issue appeared on Dec. 11th. (Russian Calendar) 1900, in Leipzig, after which it was published ·9 Pradective Forses Tiens. One cf the car tierretical funds cf JLINE 3 the tterty of Lizraistic internasion of Estrey et Historical 34teriale. Secrlint Lurrists i accrers the laws of the designer: cf tie bomea Sceiets. The two central ccacesta ri this theory Perdactive forres an] Pelatices of Prodactica. HarI writes The Social Peludüm of Production, charya are transformewith the change a cerelopment of the material couns of production, the producite forces. Tee relations of prolaction in their totalis constitute what are called the social relations, society and specifically, a society at a definite stage of historical deselopment, a txiets with a peculiar, dusticctire character--Fcodal Society, Boorgrois Society etc." (Selected Works. P. 83-84) In bus preface to the Critique of Political Economy, Slart formulates his theory more clearly. He writes :- "In the social prodaction of their life men enter into definite relations that are indispensable and independent of there will, relations of production which correspond to a definite stage of development of the material producire forces The sun total of these relations of production constitute the economic stracture of society, the real fons dation on which miges a legal and political superstructure and to which correspond deänite froras of social conscious- At a certain stage of their development, the material productire forces of Society come in coniict with the existing relations of production from forms of development of the productie forces these relations turn into their fetters. Then begins an epoch of Social Rerolutions" (P 3.28-329 selected Forks). nts 10 Karl Kautsky. (1854-1938) Karl Kantskis AS a German Varxist and Historian of Socialism. He tras a friend and disciple of Karl Marx and ·8. The Second International. (Socialist) The Second International was constituted in 1889, 15 years after the disappearancc of the first. Unlike the first, it possessed no powerful central authority and its early meetings were mainly devoted to discussion of the tactics and methods of the affiliated national parties; from 1911 onward the question of war and peace received more attention The International Socialist Bureau, the most important forty of the International, met for the last time at its headquarters in Brussels on July 29th anıl 30th, 1914 War put an end to all International actirities Certain abortive attempts were made to rerire International action Attempt to conrene an International Congress at Stockholm in 1917, failed But the conferences at Zimmerwald (Sept 1)) and Kienthal (April 16th.) were attended by certain groups and from these elencats emerged tho Commwust or Thirul International After the war, conferences were successively summonel at Berne (Feb. 1919) Lucenne (lug 1919) and Genera (Aug 20) with a view to reestablish the Second International Meanwhile, however, the Third International had becn formed at Moscou Some of the parties and groups who were unwilling to be affilated to either the Second or the Third grouped themselves in what is known as 'Tinna International or Two-and-a-Half International The outstanding leaders of the second International wero Kautsky, Otto Bauer, Freiderich Adler, Scheidemann, Noskes, Hilferding, Renner, .lusterlitz, Turalı, Longuet ete. In May 1923, representatives of the Second and l'ienna Internationals jointly invited a conference in which 620 delegates from 30 countries partseipated It was decided to dissolve the two Internationals and fui in in its placr the Labour and Socialist International (LSI) This body contioved in existence until 1015 ·of Scaperiahsm or monopoly capitalism dereloped in this book 29 regarded as the direct continuation of Marx's theory of capitaliem. In this book Lenin also derclopeu his theory of Proletarian Rerolution and Dictatorship of the Proletariat, which came to be known as Leninism. 13 Formerly. The expression "Formerly" is used screral times in the chapter. Although Stalin offers no explanation, obviously the reference is to the theory of proletarian revolution as propounded by Bfari and Engels The purpose is to bring out by contrast the Palient featares of Lenin's contributions to the theory. It may bowever be noticed by the leader that the contributions" amount to & virtual reversal of every thesis advanced by the Founding Fathers. 14. Two Tactics of Social Democracy. This book was written by Lenin in 1903. It is based on the decision of Third Congress of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party which met in London in April 1903 In the Congress only the majority faction of the party, known as Bolsheviks under the leadership of Lenın, participated. The minority faction known as Bensheviks held their conference in Genera. Both the factions discussed tactical questions on the tre of 1005 Revolution, but the decisions they arrived at were diametricaly opposed. The tactics, which Bolsheviks decided and Lenin adrocated was that only the Proletariat could be the leader of this revolution in alliance with peasantry. The liberal bourgeiosie must be isolated as it was not interested in the completion of the Rorolution. Against this the Jlengherak tactics, which Lenin here criteises, was that as the revolution was a bourg ois democratic resolution only the bourgeoisie could be its leader, and the proletariat must ally itself with the bourgensie.

·(38} after the death of Engels was universally regarded as the most important interpreter of Marxian thought. He was also a leader of the Second International. His book on Ruşsja in 1906, croked great praise from Lenin and carried a preface by Lenin in its Russian translation, but later writings and activities of Kautsky angered Lenin, who wrote a painphlet 'Proletarian Revolution: And Renegade Kantsky, abusing and slandering Kautsky. Kautsky adopted a pacifist attitude towards World War I and continued to write books and cesays against theories of Lenin and Trotsky and later against Stalin's Russia, After Nazi occupation of Vienna he fled to Czechoslovakia and again Amsterdamu, where he died in 1938 His works include Democracy and Dictatorsin.mm From Democracy to State Slavery. The Labour Revolutron, The Proletarian Revolution-Bolshevism at a Dead. lockSoviet Russia and the Socialist International The Limitations of Force ete. Between 1927-37 hc published & several colume work on Socialsmutsch was praised throughout the World 11. "War Against War." Reference is to the manifesto adopted by Tho Baglo Congress of the Second International held in November 24-25, 1912. The Congress was convened in connection with the Balkan War and the growing menace of World War. The manifesto called upon the workers to use their organised power for a revolutionary struggle against the threat of war, urging them to declare "War Against War," 12. Imperialism: Tke Highest Stage of Capitalisza. This book was written by Lenin in Zurich in tlie spring of 1916. Materials collected in Hobson's bow's on Imperialisen vero used as basis in the preparation of this work This book is considered by the Communists as one of the most important major storhs of land und be theorya ·( 41 ) "The Communists are distinguished from the other working-class parties by this only: I. In the national stregles of the proletarians of the different countries, they point out and bring to the front the common interests of the entire proletariat, independently of all nationality. 2. In the tarjous stages of development which the struggle of the working-class against the bourgeoisie has to pezas through, they always and crerywhere represent the inter. ests of the movement as a whole. "The Compaunists, therefore, are on the one hand, practically, the most advanced and resolute section of the working-class parties of crery country, that section which pushes forward all others, on the other hand, theo txally, they have over the great mass of the proletariat the advantage of clearly understanding the line of march, the conditions, and the ultimate general results of the proletarian movement. "The immechate aim of the Communists is the same as that of all the other proletariap parties formation of the proletariat into & class, overthrow of the bourgeois supremacy. conquest of political power by the proletariat". Page. Gl --Te reproduce the twelve paras which form the concluding section Xo IV of the Communist Dani. iusto MSection II has made clear the relations of the Communists to the eusting working-class parties, such as the Chartists in England and the Agrarian Reformers in America "The Communists fight for the attainment of the immediate sims, for the enforcement of the momentory intcrests of the working-class but in the movement of the present, they also represent and take care of the future of that morement. In France the Communists ally ·15. Left-Wing Communism : As Infantile Disorder. This book was written by Lemn, on April 27th 1990, after the Russian Revolution. This tras written as a polemic against a section of the Communist parties all over the world, known as left-wing of the Communist movement These left-s1 ings adrocated a policy of non-co-operation nith all non-communist organisations such as Parliaments and Trade Unions under non-communist control, and were for the adoption of a purely resolutionary and illegal programme Lenin characterised this Left-ring Communism as an infantile disorder and adsorater the combination of both legal and illegal activities and co-operation with even non. Communista as a tactics for the achierenient of Communism. 16, Tactical Propositions of Marx and Engels. The index of the two volume Selected Works of Marx and Engels published by Foreign Languages Publishing House, Jioscow, 1931, gives the following refrrenees under the heading "Tactics of ('lase Nerugule of l'roletariat Vol.No.l. Pages 14.45 ft 14 section It of The Communaut Manifesto. Only the first seren paras on page 44 +213 Ix understood to contais faitseala The prit friss para on page 44 and cleven paras ou page 1.5 or leatest tre theoretical concinsions The 5' en gutt son prop It read As under 1 "In that relation do the Commute at 933} 11, the Proletarians as a whole «The Communists do not foto opposed to other working-class pustuse ""They have no interests cepurille annust frim Afterme of thc proletariat as a whole. *They do not set up any sactaran findes isoften to their own, by which to shape and mould the prolt tettiin muss ement.

·"In short, the Communists everywhere support crery scrolutionary movement against the existing social and political order of things "In all these morements they bring to the front, as the leading question in cach, the property question, no matter what its degree of development at the time. "Finally, they labour everywhere for the union and agreement of the democratic parties of all countries, "The Communists diselain to conceal their views and gims They openly declare that their ends can be attaincel only by the forcible orerthrow of all existing social condi. tions. Let the ruling classes tremble at a Communistic revolution The proletarians have nothing to lose but their cbains They have a world to win. Working men of all countries, unite" Vol No. 1. Page 297-293. It is an article written by Engels in 1818-1819 under the heading "Aarx and the New Rbeiniche Zeitung " Hero Engels, while referring to Mark's programme of principles and tactics, reproduces the portions from Communist Janifesto, referred abore. Page No. 430-It is a letter from Engels to A. Bebel dated June 20th, 1873 We reproduce the relevant portion "With regard to the attitude of the Party toward Lassalleanism, jou of course can judge better than we what tactics should be adopted, especially in particular cases. But there is also this to be considered. When, as in your case, ono to a certain extent in the position of a competitor to the General Association of German Workers, one is easily too considerate of one's rival and gets into the habit of always thinking of him first. But both the General Association of German Workers and the Social- Democratic Workers' Party together still form only a very amall minority of the German working-class. Our rien ·themselves with the Socinl-Democrats, against the conservative and radical bourgeoisie, rescrring, however, the right to take up a critical position in regard to phrases and illusions traditionally handle tonn from the great Rorolution "In Switzerland they support the Radicals, rithout losing sight of the fact that this party consists of antagonistic elements partir of Democratic Socialists, in the French sense, partly of radical borrgeoja "In Poland they support the party that insists on an agrarian rerolution as the prime cauchotwon for national emancipation, that party shah fomentand the msurrection of Cracow in 1846 "In Germany they fight with the largeuse whenever it acts in a resolutronary w ainst the absolute monarchy, the feudal settirered, and the swity hourgeoisie “But they never crasa, for a single mstant, to instal into the working-class the clearest possible rernunition of the hostile antagonism let seen bururkey ani zorotetarint, in order that the Clerman vorher mar atraightua une, as so many weapons against the fourgeoise, the social and political conditions that the hourgeoisir muut nece941- rily introluce along with its suprimary and a sider that, after the fall of the reactionary clases in Ciermany, the fight against the bourgeoise itself may immediately begin "The Communists attenti chefly to Germany, because that contra is on the rye of a bourgeois revolution that is bound to be carried out ander more atrancal conditions of Euroguan rus olvation, and with a much more developed proletariat, than that of Englane) nas in the screntrenth, and of France in the eighteenth century, and because the bourgcore rrudutun in German will be but the prelude to an immediateh following proloturn farian resolution ·Against this Lenin accuses Kautsky of "Social-Chua rinism, renegacy, spinelessness, subservicnce to opprtunism, une gampled rulgarization of the theories of Marxism and complete renunciation of Marxism". 19 Mensheviks . At the Second Party Congress of Russian Social Demo. cratic Labour Party held in 1903, the Party split, on the question of tactics, into two factions, the majority (Bolsheviks) and the minority (Jensheriks). Tbus Mensberiks means 'members of the miltority'. These two wings became two separate parties, both calling themselves Russian Social Deniocratic Labour Party and both professing to be Marxists. Diensheviks were really the majority party after 2003 Perolution and continued to be so until Sept. 1017. This Party included all shades of Socialists who behercih that Society must progress by natural evolution towards socialism and that the working class must conquer political power first Among the most prominent leaders were Plekhanov, Martov etc. 20. The Socialist Revolutionary Party. Was formed at the end of 1901 by inviting a number of revolutionary Xarolnik groups in Russia and abroad The theoretical views of the party were 2 mixture of populism and Marxism in & revised form. It strove tu transforma the peasant struggle for land and for the redza vision of land into a movement for declaring all laul as national property and for its equal distribution among the toricts which it called the Socialisation of lant, Amore radical intellectual section broke off from the party in the fall of 1917 and former! a new party, the Left Socialist Resolutionary Party. During the Rerolution, the light Party joined hands with the Benskeniks, ·thich yo have found confirmed by long practice, is that the correct tactics in propaganda is not to entice array & fex individuals and memberships here and there from one's opponent, but to work on the great mass which still remains inactive. The raw force of a smgle individual whom one has reared oneself from the rar 5 worth more than ton Lassallcan turncoats, who always bring the seeds of their falso tendencies into the Party with them and if ono could only get the masses thout their local leaders it would still be all right But one alway has to take a uhole crowd of these leaders into the bargain, who aro bound by their previous publie utterancea, if not by their previous viens, and now have abore all thung to prove that they have not desc-sted their prmciples bmt that on the contrary the Social-Denciatı Works Purt: preaches true Lassallcanism" 17. The State and Revolution. This book was written by Leni, inst-Sept 1917 just before the Octoler Revolution in Rususa, ani was published after the Revolution T's work in consulercd as ono of the most important of Lenin writines, wherein he develops the Vasxist theory of the state as the proxduct and manifestation of the irreu onclul»lıtı of clans antagonism and serving as an organ of cheng lummnation. In the course of lus analysis, l chementis intactos the theories held by other Jardin 19f the trench an Plekhanor and Kautsky. 18. Proletarian Revolution and the Renegade Kautsky. This book was written by Lanin in Jasih 1919 is an answer to a pamphlet "The Dutafor up of the Propietariat (1918) by the German Marxni, Karl Kuutshs Kautsky in his pamphlet criticises Icun's peale !! R4443 and condemns the dictatorsiup and arrocatr, the democratic method as the only true Socialist metho!

·propertiel classes. They stool for constitutional monarchy anul political reform. Then the rerolution broke out in March 1917, they forced the first Provisional Gorernment, But as they declared therosels es in favour of alliert war aits, their Ministry nas overthrown in April. They grew more and more conservative as the Resolution became more and more a cocial and economie uphearal. 23. Kalchak. A Tsarist general who established his power in Siberia in 1919 and launched an offensive along the whole Eastern Front. Hus offensive assume serious proportions and he almost reached the Volga. But the Red Army gate him fierce restance and he had to retreat. By the end of 1919 hrs arms as completely routeil, le bemuself taken prisoner and shot by order of the Revolu. tionary Committee in Irkutsk. 24. Denikin. Another Tsarist general who allvanced from the south In the summer of 1919. By Oetober his armies seized! the whole of Ukraine, captured Orel and almost reached Tula Moscow was in imminent danger, Lenin 19sued the Slogan "All for the fight against Denskın" The fierce resistance of the Red army, however, forced him to Tetreat and by the beginning of 1920, his defeat was complete. 5 The All-Russia Democratic Conference. Was beld in Petrograd from September 14 to 22, 1917 It was convened by the Jiensnetik and Socialist Revolutimary Icaders of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee of the Soviets of forkers' And Sotriters' Deputies, and of the Executive Committec of the Soviet of Beasantai Deputics, and attended by representatives of the Socialist Parties, Sorrets, traslo unions, Zemstros, constnercial and inlustrial eicles end military units. The ·and the Left with the Bolsheviks. The former were in the two provisional gorernments after the first (llarch) Russian Revolution and the latter joined the Bolsherik cabinet after November Revolution. Right Socialist-Revolutionaries together with Menshen viks were in majority in the Constituent Assembly of Russia, elected after November Revolution and the first president of that one day Assembly. was Victor Chernor, a prominent leader of the party. In course of time both Right and Left Socialist Revolutionaries met the fate of all other opposition parties at thic hanıts of the Bolsheviks. 21. Duma. The name of the first Russian House of Representatives granted by Nichlons II (Oct. 30th, 1905) It was formally sanctioned on March 3th 1906, after amendment of the electoral law. Election to the Duma sas indirectly on the basis of division of population by casses Only mx farge cities had direct elections, Electoral lan was such that the upper classes had a great preponderance in the Duma. It had power to legislate, to vote the budget and to control administration but actually its powers were curtailed by Tsar'a Prerogatives, frequent use of orders-incouncil, irresponsible ministers and the conservativo upper house, First two Dumas were dissolved by the Tsar after 73 and 103 days of existence. Thiird duma (1907-1912) elected after a change of electoral law, lasted for full fire years and the Fourth (1912-1917) was ncaring its completion suen Revolution broke out. 29. The Coastitutional Democratic Party, Also called Cadets. Its official namo vax Party of the l'eople's Freedom. It WAS CON{ksel of klorals from tho ·Anssians laid down the principle of peace withaut enderatrons and indeminities, and the recognition of the night of self-determination for all peoples. Dead-lock continucd for some timo as in the Nussian camp, opinions differed widely on German demands, and m the measyhilo Central pokon signed a separate peaco treaty rith Ukrain, which enraged Russia, Da, Feb 28th, Germany denounced the armistice and Taded Estonia On Feb. 19th, Petrograd being imme diately threatened, Lemn and Trotsky sued for peace, Recepting the conditions laid down at Brest-Litovsk, Germans, however, now dehsered an ultimatuas embodying fresh demands, including the German occupation of Estonia and Latvia to which the Russians agreed on Feb 24. Treaty was sigoed on March 3rd. It was three fold. One, territorial ceserons by Russia; two, four Annexes regulated economic regulations, three, Russia promised to pay 300,000,000 gori Roubles as compensa. tions. The Treaty was annulled on 17th Nov. 1918, after German defeat in World War I. 99, Orzorism. From the Russian roti 'Otozyat' meaning "to recall. This was the name given to an "Opportunust pettshourgeois" trend that aroge in the ranks of the Bolsheviks in the period of reaction (1908-11) 042077sin demanded recall of Social Democratie Deputies in the state Duma and tise abandonnant of work in the trade unions and other legal aorking class organisations 30. Kerensky. (1881 Alexander I colorovich Kerensks, a Russian politician Herree from St. Petersburg University and joined took !

·conference set up a Preparliament (The Provisional Council of the Republic) as an advisory body to the Provisional Government. 26. Preparliament. An advisory body set up by a majority rote of the All-Russia Democratic Conference to advise the Provisional Government. The Bolsheviks finding themselves outmumbered in the Preparlainent decuted to boycott at and to prepare for armel uprising 27. "All Power to the Soviets". This Blogan tas given by Lenin in the Seventh (April 1917) Conference of the Bolshevik Party The intention was to undermine authority of the Provisional Government by seizing leaderslup nf the Horiets But when the First All-Russian Congress of sosiets met in June, 1917, a httle orer 100 Bolsheviks were outnumbered by 700 to 800 Mensheriks, Socialist-Resolutionaries and others The Congress gavo full support tr the Provisional Covernment, which suppressed the Bolsheviks and cree Lenin ner. fround. The Bolshevik Party changed its tarties from “All Power to the Soviets" to "Dictatorsh'p of the Prole. tariat and poor peasantry', at ile fith Party congres4 in July, held secretly .8. The Treaty of Brest-Litovsk. Two Treaties more signed at Brnet- Latorsk marly in 1918. On Feb. 9th, between ('entral Powers and the Ukrainian Republic; anel on March 3rd, between the Central Pouers and the Soviet (iovernment of R1591a. On Yorember 9th, 1997, following on a resolution passed by the Congress of Russian Sor«te in favour of immediate peace, the government informed the Central Powers of its reallınest to come to terms The First meeting of peare delegates was field on Dec ,, in the fortrees of Brostolatorsk ncu ·Russians laid down the principle of peace without annexations and indeminities, and the recognition of tho Aght of self-determination for all peoples. Deal-lock continued for some time ay in the Russian camp, opinions differed mdely on German demands, and in the meanwhile Central postts signed a separate peace treaty with Ukrain, which enraged Russia. On, Feb 28th, Germany denounced the armistice and inraded Estonia On Feb. 19th, Petrograd being imme dately threatened, Lenin and Trotsky sued for peace, accepting the conditions laid down at Brest-Litovsk. Germans, however, nor delivered an ultimatum embodying fresh demands, including the German occupation of Estonia - Latvia to which the Russians agreeti on Feb. 21. Treaty tras signed on March 3rd. It was three fold. One, territorial cessions by Russia; tuo, four annexes regulated economic regulations, three, Russia promised to pay 300,000,000 gold Roubles as corapensa. vọng, The Treaty was ennulled on Ilth Nor, 1918, after Cermin defent in World War I. 29. Otzonist, From the Russian word 'Otoztat' meaning "to recall". Ibis mag the name given to an "Opportunist pettshourgeoig" trend that arose in the ranks of the Bolsheviks in the period of reaction (1908-11) Dizorism demanded recall of Social-Demorratic Deputies in the state Doma And the abandonmmit of work in the trade unions and otlier legal worlang class organeatione, 30. Kercarky, (1891- Alexander realotorich Kerensky, a Russian politician took ta* degree from St. Petersburg University and joined ·( 48 ) conference set up a Preparliament (The Provisional Council of the Republic) as an advisory body to the Provisional Gorernment 26. Preparliament. An adrisory borly set up by a majority rote of the All-Russia Democratic Conference to advise the Prorisional Gorernment. The Bolsheviks finding themselves outa numberei in the Preparliament veruled to boycott it and to prepare for armed uprising. 27. "All Power to the Soviets". This slogan was given by Lenin in the Serenth (April 1917) Conference of the Bolshevik Party The intention was to undermine authority of the Provisonn! Government hy seizing leadership of the Sorrets. But when the First All-Russian Congress of Soriets met in June, 1917, a littlo over 100 Bolsheviks were outmımljered l> 700 to 800 Afensheviks, Soeinist - Revolutionaries and others The Congress gavo full support to the Provisional Government, which suppresseil the Bolsheviks and drove Lenin under ground The Bolsherik Party changer its tactice from "All Power to the Soviets" to "Dietatorulip of the Prole. tarint and poor pensantry', at the 6th Partı Cemgress in July, hekl secretly. 28. The Treaty of Brest-Litovsk. Two Treaties were signed at Prest-Literrsk enrly in 1918. On Feb. 9th, between c'entral Perers and the Ukrainian Republie; and ina Marih 3rd, bezucen the Central Powers and the Souset (is ernment of R1. On November 20th, 1917, fillow any on a solution passed by the Congress of Russian Non ita in favour of immediate peace, the neu FOX Innt mfermeel the Central Powers of its readiness to me to terms The first meeting of peate klaustre du lield on Dec, s, in the furtress of Brest-Latinha ·(si) the world", as gold has been tie cause of greatest misery to hurganity. But "meanwhile we must sarc gold in the R.S F.S.P., sell it at the highest prist, buy gools with it at the lowest price. When lsing among wofres, honi Like wolves." 32. New Ecopomic Policy. Introduced in Passia by lenia in 1921, when coding of the Civil War and we communism created uidespread discontent and sporadic rerolta of pcaskaits all oser Russia There had been a catastrophic decline is industry, trado and agrıcature during the Caril War, X. E. P. u as the antxdate which began with an agricultural policy of marriage red wpples by its incurements in In peasant, developed into a commercial policy for the promotion of trade and exchange, involving a financial policy, for & stable currency and finally became a policy of increased industrial productivity. Free enterprise was ziren aufficient elbow rooms both in industry and agri. culture. Lenus regarded the policy as "& retreat and a defeat for a new attack" The policy nas ended by Stalia in 1925, when the Fourteenth Party Congress adoptel "Policy of Saçiaust Industrialisation."

·(50) the bar there. In 1912, he was elected to the Fourth Duma and joined the latonr group. He was regarde ? as a rers eloquent speaker. After the Revolution of Feb. 1917, he became th: Minister of Justice in the first provisional gorernment and later, in Vay, 1917, became War Minister. On July 25th, he succeeded Prince Lror as Prime Minister of the 2nd provisional cosernment, holding this office until the outbreak of Bolshevik Revolution the eve of the Bolshevik Revolut:on in October 1918, ho Icd from Petrograd and attempted to march with armed forces on the capital, but was deteated. H19 further attempts to oust Bolsheviks from poner failed after which he returned to Paris. At present he is in Imerica His published nnd, Catastropho. norky atra Prome to Bolshevism; 31. Left-Communists. A section of the cornmunist Parts who adrncated non-cooperation with at! 1391)-1(mmunist organisatione such as parliaments and asseblies and stund fur a purely rerolutionary and illegal programme 33. "The Importance of Gold Now and After the Complete Victory of Socialism. This is an article writto Sur hand published in Praxlı X1 21 Vins this article Lenin justify the 14 mjusary option logo his government of certain ****?*43}}}| {{taney of State Capitalism. He says "when ire are motorious 4:53 a torld-scale, I think re shall use gold for the purs***) of bulding public Jaratories in the streets of some of the lurreat cities of ·the world", as gold has been the cause of greatest misery to bumanity. But "meanwhile we must bare gold is the R.S.F.S.R,, sell it at the highest price, buy goods with it at the lowest price. When living among wolres, bowl Like wolves." to the 32. New Economic Policy. Introduced in Russia by Lenin in 1991, when ending of the Civil War and rar conmunism crcated sidespread discontent and sporadic revolts of peasants all over Russia. There had been & catastrophic decline in industry, tradu and agriculture during the Civil War. X. E. P. was the Antidote which began with an agricultural policy of increasing food supplies by offering induceme peasant, developed into a commercial policy for the promotion of trade and exchange, inrolring a financial policy for a stable carrcacy and finally became a policy of sncreased industrial productivity. Free enterprise was giren suficient elbow room both in industry and agri. culture. Lenin regarded the polley as "a retreat aad a defeat--for a new attack.” The policy was evvlel by Stala in 1923, when the Fourteenth Party Congress adoptal "Policy of Socialist Industrialisation."

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·SUGGESTED READINGS.
1. Jarx & Engels - The Compaunist Manifesto.
2. Lrain-The State and Rerolution.
---Imperialısm: Highest Stage of Capitalism.
-Two Tactics of Social Democracy.
Left Wing Communism. An Infantile Disorder.
One Step Forward, Tuo Steps back«ard.
Opportunism and Social Chauvinism.
What Is To Be Done?
3. Stalin-Foundations of Lenmisen
Problems of leninum,
-History of The Communist Party of
Soriet Union (Bolshevik)
4. Theses and Statutes of The Communist International,
5. Programme of The Communist International,
8 Russia's Post Tyar Plan 1946-50.
7. Mao Tse Tung China's New Democracy
--Od People's Democratic Dictatorship.
--On culture
8. Liu Shao Chi-On Inner Party Struggle.
lot To Be A Good Communist
Nationalism & Internationalism.
D. Thirty Years History of The Chinese Communist Parts.
10. News Papers and Magazins
# New Times Moscor,
b. Cominform Journal; For a Lasting Peace: For a
People's Democracy,

·1
Ils Jass Persalios,
( 54 )
c. People's China-Peking.
d. Cross Roads-Jadras,
c. Current Soviet Digest Joint Conimittec of Slavic
Studies, U.S.A.
Suzanne Labin-Stalin's Russa,
2. Harry Schwartz-Russia & Sovet Economy
3. Alcxander Baykopa
The Development of the Soviet
Economic System.
4. Issac Deutscherm Stalin 1 Political Biograply
6. Sidney and Beatrice Webb. Soviet Communism.;
.1 Ven Civilization.
6. David J, Dallın-Forcer Labour in Sosset Russia.
7. Leon Trotsky--The Resolution Betrayer!
8. Sorict Yazı Relations, 1939-11
0. Ruth Fischer-Stalun and German Commun
10. Caren Hunt-The Theory and Practice of communism.
11. Yngel GluckstemmStalin's Satellites in Lurpe
12. Soviet-Yugoslar Dipute Royal Council of
Int. mnatul Affairs.
13. The Royal Canadian Commission Requirt about
Item Spy Ring.
14. Jolin Reed-Ten Dars that when the World,
1. George S Counts and luis farine e inntry of the
les Inteles-Public Opus
..}t Rassis
Bline.

·( 55 )
3. Jalien Steinburg - l'erdict of Three Decades from the
Literature of Resolt against Sorict
Communisma 1917-60.
4 Gieb Strure Soviet Russian literature,
5. Margaret Buber--Under two Dictators.
, Victor Kravchenko Chose Freedom,
1. The God that Fatled-Six Famous den Teil How
They Changed Their Mind
About Communism.
8. Alex Teinsbourg-Conspiracy of Silence.
3. Arthoz Koestler-Darkness at Noon: A Novel
10. Jame Burnham-The Coming Defeat of Coramaunisra.
21. Julian Huxley---Soriet Genetics.
12. A. Poat... A Communist Party in Action.
23. R. Swarap--Rassian Imperialism.
14. Manes Sperber--The Wind and the Flame: A Novel.
15. Whittaker Chambers The Witnes9.
IV
1
1. Filmard Hunter--Brain Washing in Rel China.
Frecla Utles-Last Chance in China
Edger Snot-Red Star Over China.
Phillip Jaffee-Xn Frontiers in Asia.
5. Freila Utle-The Chin Story.
6. Jack Belletim.Cuina Shakes Tho florld.
7. Haurice Zatlin Asia and the West,
8. Freila Ufles-The China Story,

·( 51 )
c. People's China-Peking.
d. Cross Roads Madras,
c. Current Soviet Digest-Joint Comniittee of Slavic
Studios, U.S.A.
II
1. Suzanne Labin-Stalin's Russia.
2. Harry Schwartz-Russia's Soviet Economy:
3. Alexander Baykov-The Development of the Soviet
Economic System.
4. Issac Deutscher--Stalin. A Political Biography.
5. Sidney and Beatrice Ilebb. Soviet Communism.:
A New Civilization.
6. David J, Dallin-Forced labour in Soviet Russia,
1. Leon Trotsky-The Revolution Betrayel
8. Soriet Nazi Relations; 1939-41.
9. Ruth Fischer-Stalin and German Communisn.
10. Carew Hunt.The Theory and Practice of Communism,
11. Yngel Gluckstein-Stalin's Satellites in Europe.
12. Soviet-Yugoslav Diputem Royal Council of
International Atairs.
13. The Royal Canadian Commission's Report about
Atom Spy Ring.
14, John Reed-Ten Days thet Shook the World.
111
1. Gcorge S. Counts and Fucia LodgAmCountry of the
Blinci.
Alex Inkeles-Public Opinion in Soritt Razssia.
A Study in Jass l'ersuation.

·( 55 )
3. Jalen Steinburg -- Yerdict of Three Decades: from the
Literature of Revolt against Sosiet
Communism 1917-50.
+ Gleb StruveSoviet Russian literature.
5. Margaret Buber-Vader two Dictators.
Tictor Krarchenko Chose Freedom,
7. The Gox that Failed--Six Famous Jien Tell Hot
They Changed Their Hind
About Commniam.
8. Alcx Weissbourg-Conspiracy of Silence,
9. Arthur Koestler-Darkness at Yoon: A Nosel.
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19. A. Rose-A Communist Party in Action.
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14, Vanes Sperber---The rd and the Flame: A Novel.
15 hittaker Chambers. The Witness.
1. Fulwari Ifanter-Brain Washing in Rel Ching.
.:. Freda Utles-Last Chance in China
3 Elger Snow Red Star Over China.
# Phillip JatreeSex Frontiers in Asia.
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·( 66 )
1. Hannah Arendt The Burden of our Times: An
Historical Study of The World-wido
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nization of Humanity,
Asoka Vetha Democratic Sacirlsm I Md Twen.
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7. New Fabian Es 23 Edited by R. H Crossman.
8. Bertrand Russell Power,
9. Allons Huxley Time Just Ilave A Stop A Lovel
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w Ends And Mranx
>
11. Horan Mulae-Xru Roads to Sox maliem
1. Frank D Neuburs-The Imerian Econnmıe System
% Handbook for
1951 listu ani Figurra for 1031
publishet hy labour Parts, Inselon
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